This book charts ideas European intellectuals (mostly from Great Britain, France, Germany and Italy) put forward to solve the problem of war during the first half of the twentieth century: a period that began with the Anglo-Boer war and that ended with the explosion of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Such ideas do not belong to a homogeneous tradition of thought, but can be understood as a unique discourse that takes different characteristics according to the point of view of each author and of the specific historical situation.

This book tells the dramatic story of the recruitment and training of a group of German communist exiles by the London office of the Office of Strategic Services for key spy missions into Nazi Germany during the final months of World War II. The book chronicles their stand against the rise of Hitler in 1930s that caused them to flee Germany for Czechoslovakia and then England where they resettled and awaited an opportunity to get back into the war against the Nazis. That chance would arrive in late 1944 when the OSS recruited them for these important missions which became part of the historic German Penetration Campaign. Some of the German exiles carried out successful missions that provided key military intelligence to the Allied armies advancing into Germany while others suffered untimely deaths immediately upon the dispatch of their missions that still raise troubling issues. And based on declassified East German government files, this book also reveals that notwithstanding the US military alliance with the Soviet Union, a few of the German communist exiles betrayed the trust that the OSS had placed in them by working with a secret spy network in England that enabled its agents to receive top secret mission related information and OSS sources and methods. That spy network was run by the GRU, the Red Army military intelligence service. This is the same intelligence service that has just been cited by US law enforcement officers as having hacked into computers run by the Democratic National Committee and launched a social media campaign in order to influence the outcome of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. While the dual loyalties of the German exiles later became known to the United States military, such knowledge did not prevent it from posthumously awarding military decorations to the men who led these missions. Until that day, no German national had ever been presented with such medals for their service to the Allied armies in World War II.

The first book focused on diplomacy from a psychological perspective, this work features 12 top diplomats and psychologists examining issues and approaches. Factors considered include the implicit and explicit ground rules for the interaction of diplomats, and their assumptions about their own roles and those of their counterparts. The book explores the vital question: Do diplomats meet to work out agreements and solutions for the common benefit of humanity, or is it the responsibility of a diplomat to seek advantage for his or her own nation at the expense of others? The topics include ethnic rivalry, water resources, and financial issues. In some cases in this text, the views of psychologists and diplomats are consistent. But there is a gap between the two disciplines. Psychologists tend to be more idealistic, egalitarian, and theory-based, while the diplomats most often focus on the practical realities of dealing with their counterparts and issues where opposing nations seek divergent outcomes. The actual implementation of diplomacy, and the psychology of diplomacy, takes place not at the global or macro levels, but instead at the one-on-one, micro level. This volume will appeal to students and scholars in students, scholars, and practitioners in psychology, international relations, peace studies, and political science.

This book deals with the relationship of Britain and Hungary during the crucial years 1938-1941. In addition to archival research in London and Budapest, mostly about the relations of the governments, Ban's work broadens into political, social, intellectual and cultural history. This is one of its exceptional assets, including materials hitherto overlooked or disregarded, as it relates to more than diplomatic history - even though, in dealing with the latter too, Ban's mastery of archival and other evidence is extraordinarily valuable. From 1938 to 1941 both Hungarian ambitions and Hungarian society were divided. The principal ambition was still to revise the frontiers imposed on Hungary by the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. However, at the same time, a minority of Hungarians (including Prime Minister Teiki as well as many officials of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry) recognised that at least equally important as the cause of frontier revision was the protection and revision of as much Hungarian independence as was possible in the shadow of an immensely powerful and dominant Germany. This division of attitudes, ideas and purposes ran through the society and bureaucracy of Hungary at lar"

This book deals with the relationship of Britain and Hungary during the crucial years 1938-1941. In addition to archival research in London and Budapest, mostly about the relations of the governments, Ban's work broadens into political, social, intellectual and cultural history. This is one of its exceptional assets, including materials hitherto overlooked or disregarded, as it relates to more than diplomatic history - even though, in dealing with the latter too, Ban's mastery of archival and other evidence is extraordinarily valuable. From 1938 to 1941 both Hungarian ambitions and Hungarian society were divided. The principal ambition was still to revise the frontiers imposed on Hungary by the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. However, at the same time, a minority of Hungarians (including Prime Minister Teiki as well as many officials of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry) recognised that at least equally important as the cause of frontier revision was the protection and revision of as much Hungarian independence as was possible in the shadow of an immensely powerful and dominant Germany. This division of attitudes, ideas and purposes ran through the society and bureaucracy of Hungary at lar"

The United States, 1865-1920: Reuniting a Nation explores how the U.S. attempted to heal Civil War-era divisions, as well as maintain and strengthen its unity as new rifts developed in the conflict's aftermath. Taking a broadly thematic approach to the period, Adam Burns examines the development of the United States from political, social, and foreign relations perspectives. Concise and accessible, the volume uses a variety of primary source documents to help stimulate discussion and encourage the use of historical evidence as support for different interpretations of the era. By exploring controversies over issues such as citizenship, ethnicity, regionalism, and economic disparity, all of which resonate strongly in the nation's political discourse today, the book will be an important staple for undergraduate students of American History and the period that followed the Civil War, as well as general enthusiasts.

Author Biography:
Eiko Woodhouse was formerly secretary to the consul-general in the Consulate-General of Japan, Sydney and gained a PhD at the University of Sydney.

Contents:
1. The Attaché Corps in the Pre-Cold War Era, 1888-1945 2. The Attachés, their Duties, Responsibilities, Education, Training and Attitudes, 1945-1964 3. US Attachés, Guatemala and the Overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz, 1950-1954 4. US Attachés and the Cuban Revolution, 1952-1958 5. US Attachés and the Bolivian MNR, 1958-1964 6. Conclusions Appendices Bibliography

The military alliance between the United States and Brazil played a critical role in the outcome of World War II, and yet it is largely overlooked in historiography of the war. In this definitive account, Frank McCann investigates Brazilian-American military relations from the 1930s through the years after the alliance ended in 1977. The two countries emerge as imbalanced giants with often divergent objectives and expectations. They nevertheless managed to form the Brazilian Expeditionary Force and a fighter squadron that fought in Italy under American command, making Brazil the only Latin American country to commit troops to the war. With the establishment of the US Air Force base in Natal, Northeast Brazil become a vital staging area for air traffic supplying Allied forces in the Middle East and Asian theaters. McCann deftly analyzes newly opened Brazilian archives and declassified American intelligence files to offer a more nuanced account of how this alliance changed the course of World War II, and how the relationship deteriorated in the aftermath of the war.

This book provides a diplomatic history of a turning point in Antarctic governance: the 1991 adoption of comprehensive environmental protection obligations for an entire continent, which prohibited mining. Solving the mining issue became a symbol of finding diplomatic consensus. The book combines historiographic concepts of contingency, conjuncture and accidental events with theories of structural, entrepreneurial and intellectual leadership. Drawing on archival documents, it shows that Antarctic governance is more adaptive than some imagine, and policy success depends on the interplay of normative practices, serendipitous events, public engagement and influential players able to exploit those circumstances. Ultimately, the events revealed in this book show that the protection of the Antarctic Treaty itself remains as important as protecting the Antarctic environment.

For three decades the analysis of strategic coercion has been dominated by two landmark books: Tom Schelling's Arms and Influence and Alex George's Strategic Diplomacy, both of which addressed the requirements of American foreign policy during the cold war. This book argues for a reappraisal of the role of strategic coercion - defined as the deliberate and purposive use of overt threats to influence another's strategic choices. It emphasizes the importance of drawing on the experiences of countries other than the United States, and of considering the new circumstances of the post cold war world. An international team of scholars, led by Lawrence Freedman, Professor of War Studies at King's College, London, provides critical commentaries on the work of Schelling and George and a series of fascinating case studies. These cover most regions of the world, a variety of different actors - including terrorist groups - and different forms of coercion - including the use of economic sanctions.

Bitterly contested memories of war, colonisation, and empire among Japan, China, and Korea have increasingly threatened regional order and security over the past three decades. In Sino-Japanese relations, identity, territory, and power pull together in a particularly lethal direction, generating dangerous tensions in both geopolitical and memory rivalries. Buzan and Goh explore a new approach to dealing with this history problem. First, they construct a more balanced and global view of China and Japan in modern world history. Second, building on this, they sketch out the possibilities for a 21st century great power bargain between them. Buzan puts Northeast Asia's history since 1840 into both a world historical and a systematic normative context, exposing the parochial nature of the China-Japan history debate in relation to what is a bigger shared story about their encounter with modernity and the West, within which their modern encounter with each other took place. Arguing that regional order will ultimately depend substantially on the relationship between these two East Asian great powers, Goh explores the conditions under which China and Japan have been able to reach strategic bargains in the course of their long historical relationship, and uses this to sketch out the main modes of agreement that might underpin a new contemporary great power bargain between them in a variety of future scenarios for the region. The frameworks adopted here consciously blend historical contextualisation, enduring concerns with wealth, power and interest, and the complex relationship between Northeast Asian states' evolving encounters with each other and with global international society.

Contents:
Stoler, Mark A. A Half Century of Conflict: Interpretations of US World War II Diplomacy. Diplomatic History 18 (Summer 1994).
Louis, William Roger and Ronald Robinson. The Imperialism of Decolonization. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 22 (September 1994).
Sbrega, John J. Determination versus Drift: The Anglo-American Debate over the Trusteeship Issue, 1941-1945. Pacific Historical Review 55 (May 1986).
Sheffield, G.D. The Anglo-American Alliance, 1941-45. The Journal of Mississippi History 57 (Winter 1995).
Phillips, Hugh. Mission to America: Maksim M. Litvinov in the United States, 1941-43. Diplomatic History 12 (Summer 1988).
Maclean, Elizabeth Kimball. Joseph E. Davies and Soviet-American Relations, 1941-1943. Diplomatic History 4 (Winter 1980).
Resis, Albert. Spheres of Influence in Soviet Wartime Diplomacy. The Journal of Modern History 53 (September 1981).
Garrett, Crister S. and Stephen A. Garrett. Death and Politics: The Katyn Forest Massacre and American Foreign Policy. East European Quarterly 20 (Winter 1986).
Ma, Xiaohua. The Sino-American Alliance During World War II and the Lifting of the Chinese Exclusion Acts. American Studies International 38 (June 2000).
Dinnerstein, Leonard. America, Britain, and Palestine: The Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry and the Displaced Persons, 1945-46. Diplomatic History 4 (Summer 1980).
McFarland, Stephen L. A Peripheral View of the Origins of the Cold War: The Crises in Iran, 1941-47. Diplomatic History 4 (Fall 1980): 333-51.
Thorne, Christopher. Indochina and Anglo-American Relations, 1942-1945. Pacific Historical Review 45 (February 1976).
Gallicchio, Marc. The Other China Hands: USArmy Officers and America's Failure in China, 1941-1950. The Journal of American-East Asian Relations 3 (Spring 1995).
Villa, Brian L. The US Army, Unconditional Surrender, and the Potsdam Declaration. The Journal of American History 64 (June 1976).

Shaping U.S. Military Forces for the Asia-Pacific examines how U.S. Joint Forces should be used to face the threat of a rising China at a time when future crises and even wars are likely to be defined by relatively limited political stakes alongside competing nationalist identities. Today s nascent multipolar system shows commonalities with an earlier, Euro-centric international system era. Thus the book begins by looking back at previous ages of major power competition and cooperation to draw lessons for the present global system. It then analyzes the geopolitical context behind issues relating to cooperation, competition, and conflict in the contemporary Asia-Pacific. It also describes the nature of successful deterrents to threats, including warnings and attempts to bargain with the adversary to keep conflict relatively limited in scope. Lastly, it examines the crucial role of diplomatic reassurance during crisis bargaining to prevent worst-case scenario thinking by the adversary, offer compromise settlements, and de-escalate in the context of ongoing operational, or threatened, use of military force. Applying both military theories from thinkers such as von Clausewitz and Jomini and past lessons to current realities help to provide concrete answers to what it means to procure, equip, and employ U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific in the 21st century. This allows for recommendations about USAF and US Navy roles, missions, and performance characteristics i.e., how to best link air and sea power to each other and to strategic political needs during periods of tension with rising powers such as China."

This study incorporates elements from the disciplines of international relations and history to address key international and domestic elements that have shaped the interactions between Russia and China over time. It demonstrates how changes in the inter-state relationship were, and are, initiated. Controversial issues are examined through previously unobtainable materials from sources including the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and the Russian Centre for the Preservation and Research of the Documents of Modern History.

Military Resilience in a Low-Intensity Conflict: A Comparative Study of New Directions Worldwide, by Rachel Suissa, offers a prognosis for the dilemma of army resilience in the post-modern era. She clarifies the concept of military resilience among the challenges of the twenty-first century, examining how the military model affects resilience, and how those effects are expressed during the management of a given conflict. She investigates the issue through a comparative study of armies and states which have been involved or are currently involved in low intensity conflicts the countries discussed include France and Algeria, Great Britain and Ireland, Russia and Chechnya, and Israel and the Palestinian authority. Another challenge that Suissa addresses is that of peace coalitions and their organizational resilience. She further discusses the connection between political and military ranks, and under which conditions the former affects the latter. Military Resilience in a Low-Intensity Conflict makes the issues associated with resilience and conflict accessible to both academics and those who might translate its findings into practicable insights.

From 1960s to the early 1970s in East Asia, the Cold War bipolar system, centering on the US and USSR, shifted to a more complicated structure. After the Cuban Missile Crisis, Washington and Moscow accelerated the detente process, leading China to fear a "collusion" of the two superpowers. Publicly attacking its former ally while continuing to fight against America, China rose as a symbol of multipolarization in international politics during this era. Focusing on Japan's policy toward this changing paradigm, Kanda examines Japanese leaders' perceptions of the international order and how they reacted to this changing international environment. This book moves beyond the traditional Eurocentric view of the Cold War, emphasizing the significant role Japan played. The research provides insight into the foreign policy patterns of post-World War II Japanese diplomacy, particularly in relation to China and the USSR. The investigation relies on careful readings of archival records from Japan, China, Taiwan, the US, the UK, Australia and the UN, published diplomatic documents from France and Germany, and personal papers, diaries and memoirs. This volume will appeal to anyone who is interested in postwar Japan's politics and diplomacy, international history of East Asia, and the Cold War history in general.

Tied by history, politics, and faith to all corners of the globe, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict fascinates and infuriates people across the world. Based on new archive research and original interviews, Headlines from the Holy Land explains why this fiercely contested region exerts such a pull over leading correspondents and diplomats.

As memories of the savage conflict inaugurated by the attack on Pearl Harbor recede, the ethical foundations that influenced postwar interpretations of Japan's role during the Cold War era are crumbling on different fronts. Retracing Japanese history during the Sixties, this book locates the country's role in Cold War history against the backdrop of the twentieth century, contextualizing older trends that shaped postwar changes. It also places Cold War Japan in the global context of America's shifting hegemony and the corresponding structure of the international system. Given its nuanced approach, this book will prove instrumental for students and researchers working in studies of Cold War history, Japanese history, American history and international history.

This study draws on previously unpublished records of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and other Whitehall Departments. It focuses on Britain's role in the Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions in Vienna, and British policy towards the Soviet Union and its East European satellites. British reactions to detente between the superpowers are charted, and the work reveals official unease over what this might mean for the future of Europe.

Despite the loss of the French Empire, France and its former colonies are still bound by a common historical past. With the new global promotion of la Francophonie, the relation between the various constituencies of the French-speaking regions of the world is reexamined and debated in this book, through the conversation between scholars dealing with diverse texts and contexts that present the colonial contact and its imprint. The book illustrates how, in France and in its other worlds, that contact, its repercussions, and its memory are lived and expressed today in a variety of textual representations. The historical contact between France and its other worlds has given birth to new kinds of cross-cultural expressions in the arts, in literature, and in aesthetics, establishing interrelations and generating appropriations from both sides of the Hexagon frontier, highlighting the fluidity and the permeability of its cultural borders. The book subtext tells that the frontier between France and its other worlds is no more an unshakable geographical, political, and cultural limit, but rather a line that has become mobile, fluctuating, and permeable, and across which currents, ideas, sensitivities, and creativity are expressed, bearing testimony to vitality and diversity but also to a cross-fertilization of cultures and societies (re) crossing or meeting at that line. Seen from this latter perspective, the book comes also as an interrogation of the inclusiveness or exclusiveness of the words francophone and Francophonie, and, at an academic level, a mutual exclusion of French and Francophone Studies.

Britain's financial and economic relations with Nazi Germany are assessed in this book. The structure and formulation of British policy, the interaction of government and business and the relationship between British business interests and Nazi germany are looked at. A particular focus of the book is on the crisis of uncertainty felt in Britain over the rejection of economic internationalism. Sterlings devaluation and the imposition of tariffs opened up a breach with Europe which exerted a severely destabilising influence. In the face of economic nationalism at home and agroad, leading figures in British commercial and political life struggled to prevent a complete breakdown of relations with Germany - the most important trading partner in Europe.

The problems investigated in this collection had lasting consequences not only in the field of colonialism but in international politics as well. Decolonization and the Cold War, which brought about the most significant changes to global policits after 1945, are treated together.

An eyewitness account by a U.S. diplomat of Russia's brazen attempt to undo the democratic revolution in UkraineTold from the perspective of a U.S. diplomat in Kiev, this book is the true story of Ukraine's anti-corruption revolution in 2013 14, Russia's intervention and invasion of that nation, and the limited role played by the United States. It puts into a readable narrative the previously unpublished reporting by seasoned U.S. diplomatic and military professionals, a wealth of information on Ukrainian high-level and street-level politics, a broad analysis of the international context, and vivid descriptions of people and places in Ukraine during the EuroMaidan Revolution. The book also counters Russia's disinformation narratives about the revolution and America's role in it. While focusing on a single country during a dramatic three-year period, the book's universal themes among them, truth versus lies, democracy versus autocracy possess a broader urgency for our times. That urgency burns particularly hot for the United States and all other countries that are the targets of Russia's cyber warfare and other forms of political skullduggery. From his posting in U.S. Embassy Kiev (2012-14), the author observed and reported first-hand on the EuroMaidan Revolution that wrested power from a murderous and corrupt pro-Kremlin Ukrainian autocrat Viktor Yanukovych. The book also details Russia's attempt to abort the Ukrainian revolution through threats, economic pressure, lies, and intimidation. When all of that failed, the Kremlin exacted revenge by annexing Ukraine's territory of Crimea and fomenting and sustaining a hybrid war in eastern Ukraine that has killed more than 13,000 people and continues to this day. Ukraine's Revolt, Russia's Revenge is based on the author's own observations and the multitude of reports of his Embassy colleagues who were eyewitnesses to a crucial event in contemporary history.

The suppression of war has been the primary objective of the United Nations for almost fifty years, and stopping a war before it starts is easier then ending a war already underway. History however has shown that military interventions and economic sanctions often do more harm than good. In Preventive Diplomacy Nobel Prize winners, top officials, and revered thinkers tackle these issues and explore the process of conflict prevention from humanitarian, economic, and political perspectives.