Nearly fifty years since the European Community's Foreign Ministers issued their first declaration on the conflict between Israel and her neighbours in 1971, the EU continues to have close political and economic ties with the region. Based exclusively on primary sources, this book offers an up-to-date overview of the EU's involvement in the Israeli Arab conflict since 1967. It utilises an innovative methodology to analyse keyword frequency in a sample of more than 2,500 declarations and statements published in the Bulletin of the European Communities/European Union (1967 2009), as well as council reports and press interviews (2009 19), to uncover broad patterns for qualitative analysis. The outcomes suggest that the Israeli Arab conflict is more important to the EU than any other conflict, having been central to shaping the EU's foreign policy overall.

Focusing on the 2001-2002 crisis which brought the nuclear rivals to the brink of war, this book explores the dynamics of strategic stability between India and Pakistan. Like the 1999 Kashmir crisis and the 2008 Mumbai crisis, the 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament set in motion events that nearly spun out of control. India's military mobilization raised the specter of full-scale war and the possibility that Pakistan, faced with the defeat of its Army, would resort to nuclear weapons. The contributors focus on five main areas: the political history that led to the crisis; the conventional military environment during the crisis; the nuclear environment during the crisis; coercive diplomacy and de-escalation during the crisis; and arms control and confidence-building measures that can help South Asia to avoid similar crises in the future.

This book focuses on the 2001-2002 crisis that brought India and Pakistan to the brink of war. Authors focus on: the political history that led to the crisis; the conventional military environment, the nuclear environment and coercive diplomacy and de-escalation during the crisis; and how South Asia can avoid similar crises in the future.

The conduct of public diplomacy is carried out as much abroad, by Foreign Service Officers (FSOs) stationed at U.S. embassies, as it is in Washington. This book focuses on what FSOs do in actual practice in field operations. In a series of analytical case studies of public diplomacy operations in different regions of the world, the authors explain how the foreign publics in different countries view America and how FSOs deal every day with misconceptions and distortions of America's image and policies. Every country is unique, so public diplomacy must be tailored to fit local conditions. The authors also discuss how their work is being impacted today by various developments such as the rise of terrorism, the spread of the Internet and the cell phone, or the election of Barack Obama. This book focuses on field operations and goes beyond broad generalizations and theory, presenting information about actual operational challenges and the best practices used today in working abroad.

Why do Britain, France, and Italy provide or refuse military support for U.S.-led uses of force? This book provides a unique, multiple-case study analysis of transatlantic burden-sharing. Sixty original interviews with top policymakers and analysts provide insight into allies' decisions regarding the Kosovo War, Afghanistan, and the Iraq War.

The importance of soft power is one of the most striking features of contemporary international relations. The concept of soft power has a strong appeal outside the Western world, most countries now make serious business of developing their public diplomacy, and the challenge of engaging with overseas audiences is under close scrutiny in foreign ministries everywhere. Soft power possesses an almost magical attractive quality in East Asia, to a degree that it never attained in the United States or Europe. This study shows the continuing importance of empirical measurement and critical examination of this analytical concept. The awareness of public diplomacy's centrality in international relations is also shared in East Asia and recent experience has something to offer to current thinking. "Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East Asia" helps to fill in empirical gaps and informs broader conceptual and theoretical debates.

This book discusses the question of soft power and public diplomacy challenges in East Asian context. Both concepts originate in the West, and in a sense this book can therefore be seen as an exercise in critically assessing soft power and public diplomacy in a different geographical and cultural setting.

This book brings together for the first time a large collection of essays (including three new ones) of a leading writer on diplomacy. They challenge the fashionable view that the novel features of contemporary diplomacy are its most important, and use new historical research to explore questions not previously treated in the same systematic manner.

This book is about how China strives to rebuild its soft power through communication. It recounts China's efforts by examining a set of public diplomacy tactics and programs in its pursuit of a 'new' and 'improved' global image. These case studies invites the reader to a more expansive discussion on the instruments of soft power.

The idea of soft power figures crucially in the story of China's re-emergence as a global power. While the debate on the intentions and merits of its global outreach continues, China has embarked on its quest for an image makeover. "Soft Power in China" describes and explains the scope of the country's pursuit of soft power through public diplomacy and international communication. What kinds of images does China want to refashion and project? What is the role of the government "vis-a-vis "that of other institutional and social actors in these efforts? What kinds of tensions and pressures has China experienced? Where do the programs stand in terms of their impact on the country's image? What do all these efforts mean to the broader discussion on the study and practice of public diplomacy and national image management? This book represents a collaborative effort to address these questions.

Cosmopolitan Dystopia shows that rather than populists or authoritarian great powers it is cosmopolitan liberals who have done the most to subvert the liberal international order. Cosmopolitan Dystopia explains how liberal cosmopolitanism has led us to treat new humanitarian crises as unprecedented demands for military action, thereby trapping us in a loop of endless war. Attempts to normalize humanitarian emergency through the doctrine of the 'responsibility to protect' has made for a paternalist understanding of state power that undercuts the representative functions of state sovereignty. The legacy of liberal intervention is a cosmopolitan dystopia of permanent war, insurrection by cosmopolitan jihadis and a new authoritarian vision of sovereignty in which states are responsible for their peoples rather than responsible to them. This book will be of vital interest to scholars and students of international relations, IR theory and human rights. -- .

Decolonisation and Regional Geopolitics argues that as much as the 'Congo crisis' (1960-1965) was a Cold War battleground, so too was it a battleground for Southern Africa's decolonisation. This book provides a transnational history of African decolonisation, apartheid diplomacy, and Southern African nationalist movements. It answers three central questions. First, what was the nature of South African involvement in the Congo crisis? Second, what was the rationale for this involvement? Third, how did South Africans perceive the crisis? Innovatively, the book shifts the focus on the Congo crisis away from Cold War intervention and centres it around African decolonisation and regional geopolitics.

"The Legacy of Punishment in International Law illustrates how 17th and 18th century rationales for the use of force in support of piracy and colonialism have been transformed into progressive features of contemporary International Law. The classic practice of international punishment was a part of the jus ad bellum, and was the fig leaf for intra-European violence, and for the European conquest of the Americas. It has been transformed, however, into the basis for the assertion of a set of unconditionally, universally binding rules of international law, and for universal jurisdiction over perpetrators of crimes against humanity and war crimes"--

An analysis of the German Question's influence on the origins of the Cold War, arguing that the legal and diplomatic intercourse between the Allies regarding the treatment of the German Question brought forward the elements of intervention and coexistence which formed the basis for a relatively peaceful postwar international order.

Esme Howard (1863-1939), 1st Baron Howard of Penrith, was one of Britain's most important diplomats of the early part of this century. Linguistically and diplomatically gifted, he was an integral member of the small group of men who made and implemented British foreign policy between 1900 and 1930, a critical transitional period in Britain's history as a world power. The years between 1890 and 1903, which preceded Howard's major diplomatic achievements, are seen as crucial to his development, years when his marriage, his conversion to Catholicism, his foreign travel, and his work with London's working classes moulded the confidence and strengths of his later character. Thereafter, the book covers Howard's personal and historical importance as consul general in Crete, Budapest and Berne and at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, and as ambassador at Madrid (1919-24) and Washington (1924-30). Made possible by the recent discovery of Howard's private papers, this well-informed and readable biography of a hitherto neglected figure will eliminate a major gap in the history of twentieth-century British foreign relations by giving Howard's career its first full treatment.

Two years before T E Lawrence received orders to travel to the Hejaz to liaise with the leader of the Arab Revolt, other British officers had already roamed the Arabian Peninsula's unforgiving Nejdi desert, to rally tribal support for the British war effort. The first was Captain William Henry Irvine Shakespear, a political agent from the Government of India's Political Department. Born in October 1878 in India, Shakespear spent much of his childhood away from his Anglo-Indian parents, schooling in Portsmouth and later in the Isle of Man, before entering Sandhurst as a British Indian Army Officer Cadet. On his return to India, Shakespear spent six years in military service before he joined the Political Department in 1904, serving twice in Bandar Abbas and briefly in Muscat. Shakespear's next mission was as a political agent in Kuwait, arriving at the coastal Sheikhdom in the spring of 1909. For the next four years, he travelled extensively into the Nejdi desert, providing both London and Delhi with valuable intelligence about the vastly unknown interior as well as cultivating a personal relationship with Ibn Sa'ud, the Emir of Riyadh. At a time when London and Constantinople were negotiating the Anglo-Ottoman treaty, Shakespear almost became persona non grata for advocating the need to back the emir after his tribal warriors had expelled the Ottoman garrisons in al-Hasa in 1913. When war was declared in July 1914, Shakespear was one of the first to try to join the British Army to fight in France, but when the Ottoman Empire looked set to ally with Germany, the powers that had previously shunned him now needed his unique knowledge of Central Arabia and relationship with Ibn Sa'ud. That October, as many of his peers and countrymen crossed the English Channel to reinforce those already in the trenches, Shakespear set sail for Kuwait on special duty to rendezvous with the emir. It was a mission that T E Lawrence would later commend, acknowledging the crucial role that the political agent played during the early stages the Middle Eastern theatre of war. Shakespear was a pioneer in exploring the Nejd, capturing many firsts with his camera, although there were a few other equally intrepid British officials who preceded him into the desert. From the late-18th century, the East India Company collided numerous times with the House of Sa'ud as both attempted to understand the intentions of the other, before the political agent finally laid the foundations for formal diplomatic relations with Ibn Sa'ud, and later with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Critical Approaches to the Films of M. Night Shyamalan represents the first serious academic engagement with auteur director M. Night Shyamalan and his work. The essays, including contributions from established film scholars David Sterritt, Murray Pomerance, Emmanuel Burdeau, R. Barton Palmer, Matt Hills, and Katherine Fowkes, explore the Hollywood blockbusters from The Sixth Sense to The Happening in terms of their themes, aesthetics, and marketing. Taken together, the collection recognizes and explores Shyamalan's "star status" and offers the concerted analysis that this cultural phenomenon requires.

In 60 years the nuclear tipped South Asian enduring rivals, India and Pakistan have fought four wars and were close to a fifth one in 2001. Indo-Pak dyad has been the focal point of countless studies and while discord and conflict are the focus of most studies there have been periods of cooperation that have not been given enough attention. This book is an attempt to dig out the positive aspects of past Indo-Pak engagements and explore the relevant lessons to help resolve the pending issues. The book argues that both came to terms with each after 50 years and created the composite dialogue process in 1997 and by extracting lessons from the history they can resolve their differences even if their overall relations remain hostile.

Why was NAFTA not extended, even after fulfilling several stated objectives? Investigating a number of roadblocks and utilizing James Rosenau's state-multi-centric models, the book's conclusions shed light not just on why North American integration is not working, but on broader regional experiments.

"Sustainable Diplomacies" looks at how to create conditions for the reconciliation of rival ways of living, the formation of durable relationships and the promotion of global peace and security. The authors draw inspiration from the history of diplomatic thought as well as from environmental, anthropological, religious and postcolonial studies.

In this work the author explores the subjects of sovereignty, diplomacy and the function of diplomats, diplomatic missions, protocol, ethics in diplomacy, the role of Ministries of Foreign Affairs, intergovernmental conferences and the United Nations.

It:

• includes a useful glossary of over sixty essential terms (such as Calvo Doctrine, Extradition, Rapporteur and Uti Possidetis Juris)
• clearly relates the conduct of diplomacy to the principles of international law.

New in paperback, this volume will appeal to graduate and undergraduate students studying diplomacy, public administration and international relations courses as well as practising diplomats, international organization and foreign ministry officials and those who have regular dealings with them.

The Aegean dispute is the main Greek-Turkish conflict and threat to peace and security in the region. The book shows that the dispute is solvable (in win-win terms) and that the crux of the problem is not the incompatibility of interests as such but the mutual fears and suspicions, which are deeply rooted in historical memories, real or imagined.

Following the disintegration of the Soviet bloc, many Central and Eastern European Countries launched a vigorous 'return to Europe' campaign, which primarily focused on accession to NATO and the European Union. By 2007, ten countries became members of the Euro-Atlantic community, personifying the long-awaited reunification of Europe.

This book provides the reader with a broad overview of the current debate on the evaluation of transnational NGOs, combining the academic with the practitioners perspectives. The contributions to this edited volume deal with the key concepts of legitimacy, accountability and representation, covering a variety of issue areas and NGOs.

Critics question the representativeness of NGOs, the democratic quality of their internal procedures, and their accountability to the wider public. This volume, written jointly by academics and practitioners, clarifies the issues at stake and controversially discusses proposals for reform.