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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > Diplomacy
For historians centennial commemorations furnish an excellent heuristic tool for gauging late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century attitudes towards the past and the present. Centenary celebrations helped to revive, perpetuate and reinforce public perceptions of historical events and people in collective memory. They were fairly infrequent before 1850 but increased in size and numbers by the end of the long nineteenth century, so much so that a 'cult of the centenary' had become established throughout the wider Western world around 1900. At one level, such events were ephemeral affairs. And yet many left a lasting legacy. Above all, as part of the contemporary processes of the 'invention of traditions' and the conscious national 'self-historicization' of the established nation-states, they offer crucial insights into the social, cultural and political dynamics of the period.
The problems investigated in this collection had lasting consequences not only in the field of colonialism but in international politics as well. Decolonization and the Cold War, which brought about the most significant changes to global policits after 1945, are treated together.
Britain's financial and economic relations with Nazi Germany are assessed in this book. The structure and formulation of British policy, the interaction of government and business and the relationship between British business interests and Nazi germany are looked at. A particular focus of the book is on the crisis of uncertainty felt in Britain over the rejection of economic internationalism. Sterlings devaluation and the imposition of tariffs opened up a breach with Europe which exerted a severely destabilising influence. In the face of economic nationalism at home and agroad, leading figures in British commercial and political life struggled to prevent a complete breakdown of relations with Germany - the most important trading partner in Europe.
The military has long been associated with hard power, yet it is engaged in public diplomacy as it represents the U.S. abroad and facilitates the diffusion of ideas. Military Soft Power examines one such aspect of U.S. public diplomacy: how the United States extends its influence or "soft power" worldwide through military educational exchange programs hosted by the United States' elite military schools, its war and staff colleges. The presence of international officers at U.S. military schools is substantial, yet very little is known about the long-term impacts of these exchanges. This study shows how the exchanges build personal and professional networks that then serve as important conduits of ideas between the United States and other countries. These networks help to improve interoperability between the U.S. military and its partner nations and to extend U.S. influence through military soft power rather than through hard power. This is an alternative bottom-up view of how military organizations can influence political processes and decisions through the development of cross-border communities of military professionals. This involves a two-step model of socialization. First, individuals (military officers) are socialized by a large political institution (the U.S. through its war and staff colleges). Second, these individuals function as idea entrepreneurs, bringing new ideas, beliefs, and practices home with them. There is a need for policies and programs that help countries successfully transition from authoritarian governance to democratic rule as well as countries undergoing democratic revolutions and those seeking more gradual change. Exchange programs are one pathway, in which an important group of citizens (military officers and their families) can experience the everyday functioning of democratic practices and institutions. This unique survey provides timely insights into the important political impacts of military exchange programs and how military institutions and their personnel influence international politics beyond simply being used as an instrument of coercion.
Despite the loss of the French Empire, France and its former colonies are still bound by a common historical past. With the new global promotion of la Francophonie, the relation between the various constituencies of the French-speaking regions of the world is reexamined and debated in this book, through the conversation between scholars dealing with diverse texts and contexts that present the colonial contact and its imprint. The book illustrates how, in France and in its other worlds, that contact, its repercussions, and its memory are lived and expressed today in a variety of textual representations. The historical contact between France and its other worlds has given birth to new kinds of cross-cultural expressions in the arts, in literature, and in aesthetics, establishing interrelations and generating appropriations from both sides of the Hexagon frontier, highlighting the fluidity and the permeability of its cultural borders. The book subtext tells that the frontier between France and its other worlds is no more an unshakable geographical, political, and cultural limit, but rather a line that has become mobile, fluctuating, and permeable, and across which currents, ideas, sensitivities, and creativity are expressed, bearing testimony to vitality and diversity but also to a cross-fertilization of cultures and societies (re) crossing or meeting at that line. Seen from this latter perspective, the book comes also as an interrogation of the inclusiveness or exclusiveness of the words francophone and Francophonie, and, at an academic level, a mutual exclusion of French and Francophone Studies.
When does a reigning great power of the international system supplement military containment of a challenging power by restricting its economic exchanges with that state? Scholars of great power politics have traditionally focused on examining a reigning power's military containment of a challenging power. In direct contrast, Compound Containment demonstrates that these conventional studies are flawed without a sound understanding of the multilayered aspects of containment strategy in great power politics. Since economic capacity and military power are intimately linked to one another, countering a challenging power requires addressing both economic and military dimensions. Nonetheless, this nexus of security and economy in a reigning power's response to a challenging power cannot be explained by traditional theories that dominate research in international security. Author Dong Jung Kim fills a gap in the scholarship on great power competition by investigating when a reigning power will make its military containment of a challenging power "compound" by simultaneously employing restrictive economic measures. Its main theoretical claims are corroborated by an analysis of key historical cases of reigning power-challenging power competition. This book also offers policy prescriptions for the United States by examining whether the United States is in a position to complement military containment of China with restrictive economic measures.
In August 1941 Churchill and Roosevelt met in a secluded bay off
the coast of Newfoundland. It was the first of their wartime
meetings and in many respects the most significant. The Atlantic
Charter, its result, proclaimed the two leaders' vision of a new
world order, a set of principles that would govern international
relations with the coming of peace. This remarkable collection of
essays is the result of an international conference of American,
British, and Canadian scholars held at Memorial University of
Newfoundland that marked the 50th anniversary of the historic
meeting. The essays discuss both the Charter's formulation and its
long-term significance, and provide fascinating perspectives on the
Second World War and its aftermath.
The suppression of war has been the primary objective of the United Nations for almost fifty years, and stopping a war before it starts is easier than ending a war already underway. History, however, has shown that military interventions and economic sanctions often do more harm than good. In "Preventive Diplomacy," Nobel prize winners, top officials, and revered thinkers tackle these issues and explore the process of conflict prevention from humanitarian, economic, and political perspectives. This cross-disciplinary reader on global politics demonstrates that when new insights and methodologies on public health are applied to the handling of international disasters, the change in policy perspective is intriguing--even hopeful.
This interdisciplinary study offers an introduction to the relatively unexplored area of the form of cinematic space referred to as "the landscape of the mind." Exploring the psychological use of natural setting in both avant-garde and mainstream cinema, this study seeks to understand how these settings serve as outward manifestations of characters' inner subjective states. David Melbye traces cultural trajectories of landscape depiction as far back as the Middle Ages in painting and literature to nurture a greater awareness of visual allegory in the films of the silent era up through the present, focusing specifically on the prolific appearance of landscape allegory in films of the 1960s and '70s.
Why and how America’s defense strategy must change in light of China’s power and ambition—A Wall Street Journal best book of 2021  “This is a realist’s book, laser-focused on China’s bid for mastery in Asia as the 21st century’s most important threat.â€â€”Ross Douthat, New York Times  “Colby’s well-crafted and insightful Strategy of Denial provides a superb and, one suspects, essential departure point for an urgent and much-needed debate over U.S. defense strategy.â€â€”Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr., Foreign Affairs  Elbridge A. Colby was the lead architect of the 2018 National Defense Strategy, the most significant revision of U.S. defense strategy in a generation. Here he lays out how America’s defense must change to address China’s growing power and ambition. Based firmly on the realist tradition but deeply engaged in current policy, this book offers a clear framework for what America’s goals in confronting China must be, how its military strategy must change, and how it must prioritize these goals over its lesser interests.  The most informed and in-depth reappraisal of America’s defense strategy in decades, this book outlines a rigorous but practical approach, showing how the United States can prepare to win a war with China that we cannot afford to lose—precisely in order to deter that war from happening.
This book analyses the global visions of Olof Palme, Bruno Kreisky and Willy Brandt, European social democratic statesmen who earned international esteem for their contributions to global developments during the second half of the twentieth century. Their visions encompassed, inter alia, international peace and security, East-West and North- South Cooperation, and other important domains pertinent to developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. In this volume, the author closely examines the advancements Palme, Kreisky and Brandt made and demonstrates how their visions remain valid for shaping the future of mankind.
This Palgrave Pivot presents a comprehensive introduction along with four essays on the institution of the American presidency, reflecting on broad implications for American political culture and practice. Each by an eminent scholar of the presidency, these pieces provide a thorough understanding of the uniqueness of the executive office of government and its evolution, with special emphasis on twentieth and twenty-first century practices and challenges. Together, they help to shed light on the current political crisis, and explain the circumstances in which Donald Trump has come to occupy this central office of American democracy.
The 1950s were a vital time in the history of science. In accordance with the intensification of the Cold War, many scientific talents were mobilized to several military-related research and development projects not only in the United States, but also in the Soviet Union. Contrary to the expectation of General Leslie Groves, a leader of the Manhattan Project, the Soviet Union succeeded in their nuclear weapon development in a very short time. And then, by the end of the decade, mankind reached the dawn of the Atomic Age proper with the beginning of the operation of the world's first civil nuclear power plant in Obninsk in 1954. The risky and costly developments of new weapons such as rockets, jet warplanes, and computers were achieved by the Soviet Union in a very short time after World War in spite of the heavy economic damage caused by the battles with German troops in Soviet territory. Why were such a great number of scientific talents mobilized to various Soviet Cold War research and development projects? What were the true natures, and real consequences of the rushed Cold War projects? How did Soviet scientists approach the nuclear age? Thanks to the study of formerly classified Soviet archives, a more nuanced view of Soviet society has become possible. To resolve the above-mentioned questions, Ichikawa analyses the complicated interactions among various factors, including the indigenous contradictions in the historical development of science in the Soviet Union; conflicts among the related interest groups; relationships with the political leadership and the military, the role of ideology and others.
This volume discusses the entry of Greece and Turkey to NATO in 1952 from the perspective of history and international relations. The chapters were originally collected in 2012 to mark the occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the accession of the two states to NATO. The focus is not on the diplomatic/political events that led to the accession (a subject which has already been extensively discussed in the available bibliography), but expands on a reassessment of this event for the two states as well as for the Balkans, covering aspects of the wider post-war period and providing perspectives for the policies of Turkey, Greece and NATO until the present day. This book was originally published as a special issue of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies.
This volume analyzes French and German diplomacy during the intergovernmental conferences (IGCs) on economic and monetary union (EMU) and political union, and the subsequent national treaty ratification process in each country. It uses various approaches to explore the domestic-international interactions predominant during internal bargaining in Paris and Bonn, and external negotiations at different levels among working groups, personal representatives, ministers and political leaders in Brussels.
Indonesia broke off relations with China in 1967 and resumed them only in 1990. The author asks why. His answers shed light on Indonesia's foreign policy, the nature of the new order's domestic politics, the mixed functions of diplomatic ties, the legitimacy of the new regime, and the role of President Suharto. The book argues that the matter of Indonesia restoring diplomatic ties with China is best understood in terms of the efforts made by the military-based new order government to sustain its political legitimacy. To counter domestic challenges, it posed as the guardian of the state against communist threats. Normalisation of relations would have reduced its credibility. The military's resistance to pleas for this, especially from the "Ministry of Foreign Affairs", served to justify its position as the only force capable of protecting the republic from China. In 1989, the restoration of diplomatic relations came about because of major changes in the political power of the military and President Suharto's new goals. The analysis in this book proves that an absence as well as a presence of diplomatic relations may advance not only the external but the domestic interests of an incu
This text traces the history of three Far Eastern embassies through
the vicissitudes of war and revolution against the background of an
apparent steady decline of Western influence in Asia. Dr Hoare
tracks the key events and people shaping the British view of
Asia.
This is the first book to tell the story of the diplomacy that has made the international trading system what it is today. It reveals how three major transformations over the past two centuries have shaped the way goods, services, capital and labour cross borders, as buyers and sellers meet in the global marketplace.
This book is only a preliminary study of the question of democratic control, which is now being eagerly discussed in all parts of the country. The aim of the publication of this volume is to lead those in authority, who can exercise far more influence than the author of this book, to give this problem the serious consideration to which it is entitled.
From the prelude of the October 1973 Middle East war through the signing of the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty in March 1979, Kenneth W. Stein grippingly traces American involvement in the Arab-Israeli negotiations. He provides an extraordinary range of first-hand accounts, recollections and anecdotes from over eighty bureaucrats, diplomats and military leaders who participated in Arab-Israeli peace talks in the 1970's and since.
A fascinating look at a previously ignored piece of our nation's history, Black Diplomacy covers integration of the State Department after 1945 and the subsequent appointments of Black ambassadors to Third World and African nations. In seven illuminating chapters, Krenn covers the efforts to integrate the State Department; the setbacks during the Eisenhower years; and the gains achieved during the administrations of JFK and LBJ. Not content with simply using traditional sources (federal and other governmental agency records), he gained fresh insights from the papers of the NAACP, African American newspapers, and journals of the period. He also conducted original interviews with Edward Dudley (America's first black ambassador), Richard Fox, Horace Dawson, Ronald Palmer, and Terrence Todman (never before interviewed -- ambassador to six nations beginning in 1952, and an assistant secretary of state). This unique look at the period will be of interest to anyone attempting to understand both the history of the civil rights movement in the U.S. and America's Cold War relations with underdeveloped nations during the quarter century after World War II.
This text covers integration of the State Department after 1945 and the subsequent appointments of Black ambassadors to Third World and African nations. Other topics include: the setbacks during the Eisenhower years and the gains achieved during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. |
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