Indonesia broke off relations with China in 1967 and resumed them only in 1990. The author asks why. His answers shed light on Indonesia's foreign policy, the nature of the new order's domestic politics, the mixed functions of diplomatic ties, the legitimacy of the new regime, and the role of President Suharto. The book argues that the matter of Indonesia restoring diplomatic ties with China is best understood in terms of the efforts made by the military-based new order government to sustain its political legitimacy. To counter domestic challenges, it posed as the guardian of the state against communist threats. Normalisation of relations would have reduced its credibility. The military's resistance to pleas for this, especially from the "Ministry of Foreign Affairs", served to justify its position as the only force capable of protecting the republic from China. In 1989, the restoration of diplomatic relations came about because of major changes in the political power of the military and President Suharto's new goals. The analysis in this book proves that an absence as well as a presence of diplomatic relations may advance not only the external but the domestic interests of an incu

From the UN Security Council and the European Union's Council of Ministers to obscure committees on food labelling or the scheduling of World Fairs, several thousand multilateral conferences are held each year. Why do governments deploy so much effort in these activities? What goes on behind the scenes at these meetings? How are their outcomes determined and what are the real-world consequences? Ronald A. Walker reveals the inner workings of such conferences, the result-oriented strategies that are pursued behind a facade of formal ritual and their impact on the behavior of sovereign states.

This comprehensive collection offers a concise introduction to the institutional framework of the Holy See, conceptualizing papal agency and positions from a range of international theory perspectives. The authors - international scholars from political science, history, and religious studies - explore multiple fields of papal and Vatican influence, ranging from spy networks and inter-religious dialogue to social doctrine and religious freedom. This book demonstrates that, contrary to secularization theory, the papacy is not in decline in world politics. Since World War II, the Holy See has played a steadily increasing role in international relations. Globalization supports the role of the Catholic Church as a transnational actor not only in the advanced industrial societies of the West but also increasingly across the Global South. In this volume, the authors document the legacies of John Paul II and Benedict XVI as well as the current pontificate of Pope Francis from a range of contemporary perspectives. This book comprises research articles and commentary essays on the papacy in world politics originally published in The Review of Faith & International Affairs.

This book explores the viability of future UK-EU internal security arrangements in light of Brexit, including their impact on the UK's and the EU's security and international standings. The authors discuss on-going negotiations and address the main political and legal concerns of possible future arrangements. As the UK prepares to leave the EU, the country is faced with having to develop new cooperation models with its neighbours to fight growing transnational security threats, as well as new strategies to maintain its leading role as an international security actor. In exploring these issues, the book aims to contribute to the general knowledge on the risks and opportunities associated with the disentanglement of the UK from European internal security cooperation; to shed more light on the debates surrounding the negotiations; and to inform the policy discussions that form the basis of proposed cooperation models and that are likely to significantly shape the future UK-EU security relationship.

This text covers integration of the State Department after 1945 and the subsequent appointments of Black ambassadors to Third World and African nations. Other topics include: the setbacks during the Eisenhower years and the gains achieved during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.

This interdisciplinary volume explores core emerging themes in the study of early modern literary-diplomatic relations, developing essential methods of analysis and theoretical approaches that will shape future research in the field. Contributions focus on three intimately related areas: the impact of diplomatic protocol on literary production; the role of texts in diplomatic practice, particularly those that operated as 'textual ambassadors'; and the impact of changes in the literary sphere on diplomatic culture. The literary sphere held such a central place because it gave diplomats the tools to negotiate the pervasive ambiguities of diplomacy; simultaneously literary depictions of diplomacy and international law provided genre-shaped places for cultural reflection on the rapidly changing and expanding diplomatic sphere. Translations exemplify the potential of literary texts both to provoke competition and to promote cultural convergence between political communities, revealing the existence of diplomatic third spaces in which ritual, symbolic, or written conventions and semantics converged despite particular oppositions and differences. The increasing public consumption of diplomatic material in Europe illuminates diplomatic and literary communities, and exposes the translocal, as well as the transnational, geographies of literary-diplomatic exchanges. Diplomatic texts possessed symbolic capital. They were produced, archived, and even redeployed in creative tension with the social and ceremonial worlds that produced them. Appreciating the generic conventions of specific types of diplomatic texts can radically reshape our interpretation of diplomatic encounters, just as exploring the afterlives of diplomatic records can transform our appreciation of the histories and literatures they inspired.

A fascinating look at a previously ignored piece of our nation's history, Black Diplomacy covers integration of the State Department after 1945 and the subsequent appointments of Black ambassadors to Third World and African nations. In seven illuminating chapters, Krenn covers the efforts to integrate the State Department; the setbacks during the Eisenhower years; and the gains achieved during the administrations of JFK and LBJ. Not content with simply using traditional sources (federal and other governmental agency records), he gained fresh insights from the papers of the NAACP, African American newspapers, and journals of the period. He also conducted original interviews with Edward Dudley (America's first black ambassador), Richard Fox, Horace Dawson, Ronald Palmer, and Terrence Todman (never before interviewed -- ambassador to six nations beginning in 1952, and an assistant secretary of state). This unique look at the period will be of interest to anyone attempting to understand both the history of the civil rights movement in the U.S. and America's Cold War relations with underdeveloped nations during the quarter century after World War II.

Yosef Govrin has based his research on foreign policy documents, diplomatic reports, official statements and commentaries, interviews, press reports, memoirs and parliamentary debates. He presents an account of the relationship between Israel and the Soviet Union during the turbulent years between 1953-1967. The work analyzes the era - one of severance, resumption and then severance again - from the months preceding Stalin's death to the weeks following the Six Day War along two parallel processes. On the one hand, commercial, cultural and tourist links were formed but there was a gradual increase in the number of areas of confrontation, most notably the Soviet policy in the Middle East aimed at forming a united Arab anti-western front in the face of Israel's fight for the cause of Soviet Jews fostered by the Jewish national awakening in the Soviet Union itself - which was seen by the Soviet Union as a campaign to blacken its image internationally.

Yosef Govrin was formerly Israeli ambassador to Romania (1985-89) and ambassador to Austria, Slovakia, Slovenia and to the UN in Vienna (1993-95). Since retirement in 1996 he has been a research fellow at the L. Davies Institute of International Relations at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Govrin has based his research on a comprehensive selection of foreign policy documents, diplomatic reports, official statements and commentaries, interviews, press reports, memoirs and parliamentary debates. He presents a detailed account of the fascinating relationship between Israel and the Soviet Union. His work analyses the era from the month preceding Stalin's death to the weeks following the Six Day War - one of severance, resumption and then severance again- along two parallel processes. On the one hand, commercial, cultural and tourist links were formed and there was a gradual increase in the number of exit permits granted to Jews to emigrate to Israel. On the other hand, there emerged a number of areas of confrontation, most notably the Soviet policy in the Middle East aimed at forming a united Arab anti-western front in the face of Israel's wish to entrench its security and independence with western assistance, and Israel's fight for the cause of Soviet Jews. This book won the Israel's Prime Minister's Prize in 1991 when first published in Hebrew.

This volume brings together different approaches to diplomacy both as an institution and a practice. The authors examine diplomacy from their own backgrounds and through sociological traditions, which shape the study of international relations (IR) in Francophone countries. The volume's global character articulates the Francophone intellectual concerns with a variety of scholarships on diplomacy, providing a first contact with this subfield of IR for students and practitioners.

The relationship between the world's largest power and the small nations of the Caribbean has been and remains rich and varied. The history of political and security collaboration is long, if not untroubled: the United States is the Caribbean's predominant trade and investment partner, and U.S. culture is as pervasive in the region as are U.S. goods. At the same time, the proximity, smallness, and economic dependence of these countries have all contributed to a tendency for the United States to seek to dominate the region, often enough by resort to hard power. From the nineteenth century through the Cold War, the United States has resorted to military interventions and coercive diplomacy to ensure that this region, so close to its shores, remains stable and friendly. The Historical Dictionary of United States-Caribbean Relations contains a chronology, an introduction, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 700 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture.

This book examines the culture of the French diplomatic corps from 1789 to 1799. It analyzes how the French revolutionaries attempted, albeit unsuccessfully, to transform the diplomatic culture of the old regime, notably in etiquette, language and dress and how the ideology and dynamic of the Revolution affected certain aspects of international affairs.

This book provides a developing country perspective on the internationalization of science and the role of Science, Technology and Innovation Diplomacy (STID) in leveraging scientific cooperation for sustainable development. In articles by individuals from government departments and academic & research institutions in nine developing countries, it provides a conceptual understanding of the subject and reveals the prevailing perceptions on its praxis/practices. The articles highlight the significance of international cooperation at bilateral, regional and multilateral levels and the need for strengthening the role of STID in foreign policy and strategies of governments. The book is a useful reference material to government officials, diplomats,academicians, researchers, science counsellors, international relations experts, science and technology professionals and other stakeholders from the developing countries and transition economies, dealing with economic and developmental policy issues and/or science, technology and innovation (STI) issues in understanding the praxis and prospects of STID. The book is also useful for scholars and international relations experts from developed countries in understanding STI and related issues that affect the relationship of developing countries and transition economies with their partners from the developed world.

History is an old, yet constantly changing discipline. Traditionally, the interpretation of the past oscillated between two opposed poles; on the one hand, there were those who believed that events were determined not by individuals but by an impersonal process (though, of course, there were contending views of what that process is, or how it unravels), and on the other hand, there were those who stressed the contingent aspects of politics and history, and hence the impact of personalities. Neither of these two concepts of history is new.

This book is only a preliminary study of the question of democratic control, which is now being eagerly discussed in all parts of the country. The aim of the publication of this volume is to lead those in authority, who can exercise far more influence than the author of this book, to give this problem the serious consideration to which it is entitled.

From his vantage point as the key Israeli in the proceedings, E. Zev Sufott offers a depiction of the clandestine contacts and exchanges between China and Israel which led to the establishment of diplomatic relations. He gives readers a peep behind the bamboo curtain, at the internal processes of China's decision-making and its implementations in the foreign policy arena. Responsible for initiating and implementing his country's move on the spot, the author reveals the intricacies of the Chinese diplomatic process, and at the same time offers a depiction of contemporary China and the cultural background to these processes. There are also revelations of Israel's own modus operandi and interactions within government and administration.

This book explores the bilateral relations between the United States and the Vatican from 1975 to 1980, a turbulent period that had two presidents, three presidential envoys, and three popes. This previously untold story shows how the United States and the Vatican worked quietly together behind the scenes to influence the international response to major issues of the day. Peter Sarros examines the Iran hostage crisis, the tensions of the Cold War, the Helsinki process, and the Beagle Channel dispute, among other issues. These interactions produced a tacit alliance in the foreign policies of the United States and the Vatican even before the establishment of full diplomatic relations. This unique book is based largely on official documents from the archives of the Office of the U.S. Special Envoy of the United States to the Vatican, supplemented by Sarros's contemporaneous diaries, notes, and other unpublished sources. The confidential consultations at the Vatican by three special envoys and by Sarros in his role as charge and ambassador at the Vatican were critical in obtaining Vatican support on major international issues. The Vatican also derived substantial benefits from the partnership through U.S. support of Vatican initiatives in Lebanon and elsewhere, and by U.S. policies that gave Vatican diplomacy the flexibility to play a larger role in the international sphere. Sarros concludes that American diplomacy was successful at the Holy See during this period because it took advantage of the Vatican's overarching international strategy, which was to increase its influence through support for the global balance of power while blocking the expansion of Soviet power and communism in Europe. U.S.-Vatican Relations, 1975-1980 will be of interest to students and scholars of history and political science, especially in the fields of diplomatic relations and church history.

International sporting events, including the Olympic Games and the FIFA World Cup, have experienced profound growth in popularity and significance since the mid-twentieth century. Sports often facilitate diplomacy, revealing common interests across borders and uniting groups of people who are otherwise divided by history, ethnicity, or politics. In many countries, popular athletes have become diplomatic envoys. Sport is an arena in which international conflict and compromise find expression, yet the impact of sports on foreign relations has not been widely studied by scholars. In Diplomatic Games, a team of international scholars examines how the nexus of sport and foreign relations has driven political and cultural change since 1945, demonstrating how governments have used athletic competition to maintain and strengthen alliances, promote policies, and increase national prestige. The contributors investigate topics such as China's use of sports to oppose Western imperialism, the ways in which sports helped bring an end to apartheid in South Africa, and the impact of the United States' 1980 Olympic boycott on U.S.-Soviet relations. Bringing together innovative scholarship from around the globe, this groundbreaking collection makes a compelling case for the use of sport as a lens through which to view international relations.

Arriving in Japan amid the turmoil preceding the Meiji Restoration, Parkes attempted to defend British interest and influence development of Japan's rapidly changing society. He ruled the British legation with a commitment to work and the construction of a civilian Japan which aroused profound admiration and irritation among both Westerners and Japanese. But as the Meiji Government gained in self-confidence, it was increasingly alienated by Parkes' defence of the unequal treaties. In contrast, British merchants admired his often tactless resistance to Japanese aspirations.

Leifer's assessment posts a warning sign for those who see no reason to worry about the stability of East Asia. He warns that "the ARF is embryonic, one-dimensional approach" to the major changes taking place in the security environment of the vital East Asian region.

The 1950s were a vital time in the history of science. In accordance with the intensification of the Cold War, many scientific talents were mobilized to several military-related research and development projects not only in the United States, but also in the Soviet Union. Contrary to the expectation of General Leslie Groves, a leader of the Manhattan Project, the Soviet Union succeeded in their nuclear weapon development in a very short time. And then, by the end of the decade, mankind reached the dawn of the Atomic Age proper with the beginning of the operation of the world's first civil nuclear power plant in Obninsk in 1954. The risky and costly developments of new weapons such as rockets, jet warplanes, and computers were achieved by the Soviet Union in a very short time after World War in spite of the heavy economic damage caused by the battles with German troops in Soviet territory. Why were such a great number of scientific talents mobilized to various Soviet Cold War research and development projects? What were the true natures, and real consequences of the rushed Cold War projects? How did Soviet scientists approach the nuclear age? Thanks to the study of formerly classified Soviet archives, a more nuanced view of Soviet society has become possible. To resolve the above-mentioned questions, Ichikawa analyses the complicated interactions among various factors, including the indigenous contradictions in the historical development of science in the Soviet Union; conflicts among the related interest groups; relationships with the political leadership and the military, the role of ideology and others.

This book is only a preliminary study of the question of democratic control, which is now being eagerly discussed in all parts of the country. The aim of the publication of this volume is to lead those in authority, who can exercise far more influence than the author of this book, to give this problem the serious consideration to which it is entitled.

This volume discusses the entry of Greece and Turkey to NATO in 1952 from the perspective of history and international relations. The chapters were originally collected in 2012 to mark the occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the accession of the two states to NATO. The focus is not on the diplomatic/political events that led to the accession (a subject which has already been extensively discussed in the available bibliography), but expands on a reassessment of this event for the two states as well as for the Balkans, covering aspects of the wider post-war period and providing perspectives for the policies of Turkey, Greece and NATO until the present day. This book was originally published as a special issue of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies.

Using inside sources and extensive field reporting about the secretive, high-stakes world of international diplomacy, Vatican reporter Victor Gaetan takes readers to the Holy See to explicate Pope Francis's diplomacy, show why it works, and to offer readers a startling contrast to the dangerous inadequacies of recent U.S. international decisions.

This book is about the European health spas of the nineteenth century: what they were, how they operated, what life was like there and how their functions evolved to the point where their original medicinal purpose was relegated to a secondary place by the unintended uses of spas as stages of social and political interactions. These popular resorts were nicknamed 'the summer capitals of Europe' because of the tendency of nations' governing classes to gather there. Every summer between 1814 and 1914 (and in a few cases during World War I) continental watering places became a microcosm of cosmopolitan aristocratic Europe, incorporating its conventions, tastes, concerns and interests. As the nineteenth century advanced, fashionable watering stations increasingly became associated with social bonding, matchmaking, pleasure, career building, conspicuous consumption and diplomatic activity that took place during the high season.