In NATO's Gamble, Henriksen discloses the origins and content of NATO's strategic and conceptual thinking on how the use of force was to succeed politically in altering the behavior of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). The air campaign, known as Operation Allied Force, was the first war against any sovereign nation in the history of NATO and the first major combat operation conducted for humanitarian purposes against a state committing atrocities within its own borders. This book examines the key political, diplomatic, and military processes that shaped NATO and U.S. management of the Kosovo crisis and shows how air power became the main instrument in their strategy to coerce FRY to accede to NATO's demands. Dag Henriksen is a lecturer in air power at the Royal Norwegian Air Force Academy.

Coverage of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) all too often focuses solely on nuclear proliferation, military parades, and the personality cult around its leaders. As the British ambassador to North Korea, John Everard had the rare experience of living there from 2006, when the DPRK conducted its first nuclear test, to 2008, just before Kim Jong Il's stroke. While stationed in Pyongyang, Everard's travels around the DPRK provided him with numerous opportunities to meet and converse with North Koreans.

"Only Beautiful, Please" goes beyond official North Korea to unveil the human dimension of life in that hermetic nation. Everard recounts his impressions of the country and its people, his interactions with them, and his observations on their way of life. He provides a picture as well of the life of foreigners in this closed society, considers how the DPRK evolved to its current state, and discusses the failure of current approaches to tackle the challenges that it throws up. The book is illustrated with striking and never-before-seen photographs taken by Everard during his stay in North Korea.

Law, Force and Diplomacy at Sea, first published in 1985, is one of the few comprehensive treatments on the subject from a strategic perspective. It offers a detailed strategic analysis of the background and outcome of the Third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea, and its naval implications. The interplay between the interest of the naval powers in freedom of navigation and the interest of coastal states in control provides the setting for the strategic problems. The sea is taking on more properties of the land: it is becoming 'territorialised', and this is presenting fresh challenges and opportunities to which navies and their national governments have to respond. This study is designed for students of naval strategy, for international lawyers and for students of international affairs who wish to think about the important security questions in the maritime environment.

Divided Dynamism presents a cogent and comprehensive review of the political and unification policies of separated nations. This book relates a brief historical capsule about each divided nation, illustrates the socio/economic dynamic of the divide, and offers a searing and poignant political synthesis for future unification options. Exploring the unique roads to national unity, John J. Metzler studies each individual state and looks at diplomatic relations in their historical context and economic aid as a foreign policy program. He presents each country's official view of reunification and offers different scenarios for both Korean and Chinese reunification. Divided Dynamism provides an invaluable record of the dynamics of modern politics in the post-Cold War era. The book also explores the lessons learned from Germany's reunification and what this means for both Korea and China.

The objectives of this book are twofold. First, it provides an accessible introduction to the vast literature dedicated to the study of public opinion. Examining how its influence on diplomacy has been increasingly acknowledged, the book will show how public opinion has been embraced as a legitimate subject for scrutiny by international historians. Second, the book explores five case studies, looking at the role of public opinion in shaping British policy at the Paris Peace Conference, French policy in the era of 1930s appeasement, the policy choices of the United States during the Vietnam War, global responses to apartheid-era South Africa, and public attitudes across the EU regarding European integration. This closer examination incorporates different methodological approaches - old and new - to the complex task of ascertaining the impact of public opinion on the 'high' politics of diplomacy. The book thus provides students and scholars alike with a 'state of the field' overview, demonstrating both the vibrancy of public opinion research to date and the possibilities for exciting new directions in the future.

During the Second World War and the subsequent Cold War, foreign agents conducted intelligence-gathering, sabotage, and subversive operations inside neutral countries aimed at damaging their opponents' interests. The essays contained in this collection analyze the risks of espionage operations on neutral soil as well as the dangers such covert activities posed for the governments of neutral states. In striving to avoid involvement in the firing line of the Second World War or the front line of the Cold War, the contributors argue that neutral states developed security policies that focused on protecting their own sovereignty without provoking overt hostility from any of the great powers. This collection describes how the warring parties engaged in competition on neutral territory and analyzes how neutral governments rose to the existential challenge posed by international spies, their own venal officials, and even foreign assassins.

This interdisciplinary book explores how terrorism is meant to target a government's legitimacy, and advocates for sounder defensive measures when countering international attacks. The dramatic increase in global cooperation throughout the twentieth century-between international organisations and their state missions of diplomats, foreign officers, international civil servants, intelligence officers, military personnel, police investigators, judges, legislators, and financial regulators-has had a bearing on the shape and content of the domestic political order. The rules that govern all of these interactions, and the diplomats engaged to monitor and advocate for compliance, have undergone a mushrooming development following the conclusion of each world war. This dramatic growth is arguably the most significant change the international structure has experienced since the inception of the state-based system ushered in with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. International Law, New Diplomacy and Counterterrorism explores the impact of this growth on domestic legitimacy through the integration of two disciplines: international law and political philosophy. Focusing particularly on the cross-border counterterrorism actions launched by the United States, the author investigates how civil societies have often turned to the standards of international law to understand and judge the legitimacy of their government's counterterrorism policies reaching across international borders. The book concludes that those who craft counterterrorism policies must be attentive to defending the target of legitimacy by being wholly mindful of the realms of legality, morality and efficacy when exercising force. This book will be of much interest to students of international law, diplomacy, counterterrorism, political philosophy, security studies and IR.

This volume explores the bilateral treaties concluded after 1990 between the Republic of Poland and its neighbouring states (Germany, then-Czechoslovakia, Ukraine, the Russian Federation, Belarus and Lithuania), known as treaties on neighbourly relations or good neighbourhood treaties. These treaties, through which Poland and its neighbours were able to establish their political, security and social relations, were extremely significant in that they provided a unique way for them to organise their interstate post-Cold War relations. This book analyses the consequences of these treaties and addresses a variety of issues, including security policy and cooperation, migration, national minority rights, economic cooperation, education, and cross-border cooperation.

Slovenia is regarded today as a free country and consolidated democracy, with some problems with corruption, independent media, and independent judiciary. Since its independence in 1991, Slovenia has put in place democratic institutions of state organization, undergone major capital rearrangements, and achieved both of the starting objectives of new international involvement by entering the EU and NATO. On January 1st, 2007, Slovenia was the first among former socialist countries to take on the common European currency. Slovenia has been subject to highly varying assessments during the construction of its democratic political system; it has been acknowledged as "a ripe democracy," complete democracy," or, alternatively, "apparent" or "virtual democracy." The move negative assessments of the Slovenian political system are related to the persistence of authoritarian behavior patterns and manipulation of democratic institutions that have found its way into the structures of political parties. This book follows the Slovenian evolution from the second-smallest Yugoslav republic to one of the most successful post-communist countries in Central Europe.

University of Southern Denmark, Denmark Ultimata feature as a core concept in the coercive diplomacy scholarship. Conventional wisdom holds that pursuing an ultimatum strategy is risky. This book shows that the conventional wisdom is wrong on the basis of a new dataset of 87 ultimata issued from 1920–2020. It provides a historical examination of ultimata in Western strategic, political, and legal thought since antiquity until the present, and offers a four-pronged typology that explains their various purposes and effects: 1) the dictate, 2) the conditional war declaration, 3) the bluff, and 4) the brinkmanship ultimatum. The book yields a better understanding of interstate threat behaviour at a time of surging competition. Background materials can be consulted at www.coercivediplomacy.com.

China's diplomatic strategy has changed dramatically since the mid-1990s, creating both challenges and opportunities for other world powers. Through a combination of pragmatic security policies, growing economic clout, and increasingly deft diplomacy, China has established productive and increasingly solid relationships throughout Asia and around the globe. Yet U.S. policymakers are still trying to comprehend these critical changes. "Rising Star" provides a coherent framework for understanding China's new security diplomacy and guiding America's China policy.

Bates Gill has completely updated his original analysis, focusing on Chinese policy in three areas: regional security mechanisms, nonproliferation and arms control, and questions of sovereignty and intervention. Looking to the future, he offers specific recommendations for a balanced and realistic approach that emphasizes what China and the United States have in common, rather than what divides them. The main arguments and recommendations of the original book continue to hold true and, in many respects, are more compelling now than ever before given China's continued ascendancy.

Remembering the Cold War examines how, more than two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Cold War legacies continue to play crucial roles in defining national identities and shaping international relations around the globe. Given the Cold War's blurred definition - it has neither a widely accepted commencement date nor unanimous conclusion - what is to be remembered? This book illustrates that there is, in fact, a huge body of 'remembrance,' and that it is more pertinent to ask: what should be included and what can be overlooked? Over five sections, this richly illustrated volume considers case studies of Cold War remembering from different parts of the world, and engages with growing theorisation in the field of memory studies, specifically in relation to war. David Lowe and Tony Joel afford careful consideration to agencies that identify with being 'victims' of the Cold War. In addition, the concept of arenas of articulation, which envelops the myriad spaces in which the remembering, commemorating, memorialising, and even revising of Cold War history takes place, is given prominence.

The Chinese Hsinhai Revolution explores and explains for the first time the important role of G. E. Morrison in great power diplomacy in China from the end of the Russo-Japanese War to the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty. The work is based on a wide range of multinational scholarly sources and in order to develop the context in which Morrison carried out his personal diplomacy and to delineate the many-sided story into which Morrison has to be placed, Woodhouse has in addition to mining the very rich Morrison collection, drawn upon British, Japanese and American personal and official materials.

This book examines how recent fundamental changes influence Sino-Russian relations and the wider long-term implications of the revolving Sino-Russian dynamic on international affairs. It brings together leading scholars to examine recent developments across the whole relationship - from grand strategy and global governance, to bilateral energy and military ties, and regional interaction in Central Asia, Northeast Asia, and the Middle East. The Sino-Russian relationship boasts major achievements, but also reveals important differences and latent tensions. The project is intended for policy-makers, academics and students of strategic studies, diplomacy studies, Chinese politics, Russian politics and foreign policy.

Dealing with a Juggernaut: Analyzing Poland's Policy towards Russia, 1989 2009, by Joanna A. Gorska, is the first substantial study of Poland's foreign policy interaction with its more powerful eastern neighbor, Russia. This study is essential to understanding the prospects for order and peace in Central and Eastern Europe towards Russia during the past twenty years. Gorska challenges widely established interpretations of Poland's post-1989 foreign policy by arguing that consecutive Polish governments pursued a largely cooperative policy towards Russia and did so because of material power considerations, namely Poland's strengthened power position after the Cold War and moderate security pressures from Russia. In analyzing Polish foreign policy, Dealing with a Juggernaut draws on leading theories in the field of International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis and develops a comprehensive theoretical framework to guide empirical research. Representing a cross-section of politically important areas in Poland's most recent Russia policy, the analysis is delineated along four case studies: the Soviet military withdrawal from Poland in the early 1990s, the NATO issue in Polish policy towards Russia, Polish energy policy towards Moscow, and the Katyn question in Polish foreign policy. This book uses previously unpublished archival material, interviews with leading Polish officials, and a wealth of Polish publications to provide an insight into Warsaw's foreign policy behavior. Gorska points to a departure from hostility and imposition a significant change in Poland's policy towards Russia after 1989. As such, Dealing with a Juggernaut, by Joanna A. Gorska, uncovers important mechanisms of regional cooperation between states with a checkered past."

Although cultural diplomacy has become an increasingly fashionable term embraced by academics, foreign-service personnel, and private sector commercial and cultural interests, the very practice of this idea remains conspicuously challenging to define. This book takes on this problem, advancing a new understanding of cultural diplomacy that results from a historical investigation of a single area of government and private sector partnership, and what became in the mid-twentieth century the most prominent manifestation of this alliance-the cultural exhibitions sent abroad to "tell America's story" with the goal of "winning hearts and minds." To illustrate this point, selected exhibitions and the intentions of the policymakers who proposed them are interrogated for the first time beside archival documentation, writings from the history of design, advertising, science, as well as art historical and museum studies theories that address various aspects of the history of collecting and display, all of which explore the reality of how these exhibitions were conceived and prepared for foreign audiences. Most importantly, personal interviews with the designers and government representatives responsible for the ultimate appearance of these events upturn preconceived notions of how these events came to be. Seventy-five photographs from the exhibits make this history come alive. Through this discussion these questions are answered: What was America showing of itself through these exhibitions? And, more urgently, what do these exhibitions tell us about U.S. interest in verisimilitude? This investigation spans the crucial years of American exhibitions abroad (1955-1975), beginning with the formation of an official system of exhibiting American commercial wares and political ideas at trade fairs, through official exchanges with the U.S.S.R., to pavilions at world's fairs, and finally to museum exhibitions that signaled a return to the display of founding American values. They are thus complex ideological symbols in which concepts of national identity, globalization, technology, consumerism, design, and image management both coincided and clashed. The investigation of these exhibitions enhances the understanding of a significant chapter of U.S. cultural diplomacy at the height of the Cold War and how America constantly reimagined itself.

In the first edition (2010), Zhiqun Zhu examined the rationale and strategies of China's new multi-directional diplomacy since the early 1990s and assessed its impact on international political economy as well as responses from the international community. This fully revised second edition is still based on extensive research addressing these and other important policy issues whilst incorporating the latest major Chinese diplomatic activities since the last edition was published. This book continues to cover Chinese initiatives in the Middle East, Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, Central Asia, Southeast Asia and the South Pacific and studies China's current efforts to secure energy and other resources, to expand trade and investment, and to enhance 'soft power' around the world. The author further evaluates how China's activities affect these regions' political economy and how the international community, especially the United States, has reacted to China's new diplomacy. Whilst continuing to answer some lingering questions about Chinese foreign policy and its implications for both China and the international community as they become increasingly interdependent, this paperback edition is adapted for classroom use and provides questions for discussion to help readers review the key empirical and theoretical points of each chapter.

Richard Williamson's First Steps toward Detente provides a history of negotiations conducted from 1958-1963 between the United States, its Western allies in Europe, and the Soviet Union, in order to resolve the Berlin crisis. These negotiations established ongoing patterns of backchannel, ambassadorial, foreign minister and heads of state discussions. From Khrushchev's visit to the United States in 1959 and the difficult Paris 1960 and Vienna 1961 summits to the construction of the Berlin Wall, disarmament remained a parallel concern dependent on Berlin's resolution. Throughout most of 1962, the United States and Soviets made rigorous attempts to break a stalemate at Checkpoint Charlie, though neither side was truly ready to forfeit. Ultimately, the renewal of Berlin harassments and the Cuban missile crisis put an end to these efforts, but the closer relations that had developed through Berlin talks helped to enable the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963. The Berlin Crisis signaled a transition away from multilateral East-West relations to a bilateral U.S.-Soviet relationship, remaining oriented to military positions in Germany. In this book, Williamson explores the significance of these events and shows how the negotiations held between 1958 and 1963 provided the templates for detente.

Over the past decade, scholars, practitioners, and leading diplomats have forcefully argued for the need to move beyond one-way, mass-media-driven campaigns and develop more relational strategies. In the coming years, as the range of public diplomacy actors grows, the issues become more complexly intertwined, and the use of social media proliferates, the focus on relations will intensify along with the demands for more sophisticated strategies. These changes in the international arena call for a connective mindshift: a shift from information control and dominance to skilled relationship management. Leading international scholars and practitioners embark on a forward-looking exploration of creative conceptual frameworks, training methods, and case studies that advance relational, networking, and collaborative strategies in public diplomacy. Light on academic jargon and rich in analysis, this volume argues that while relationships have always been pivotal to the practice of public diplomacy, the relational dynamics are changing. Rather than focus on specific definitions, the contributors focus on the dynamic interplay of influence in the public diplomacy environment. That environment includes state and non-state actors, public and private partners, competitors and collaborators, new and old media, and is conditioned by power, ethics, and cultures. This book is an essential resource to students and practitioners interested on how to build relationships and transform them into more elaborate network structures through public communication. It will challenge you to push the boundaries of what you think are the mechanisms, benefits, and potential issues raised by a relational approach to public diplomacy

In Independence on Trial, Frederick W. Marks III focuses on the impact of foreign affairs and trade, arguing that they had an overwhelming influence in shaping constitutional reform for the founding fathers. He argues that problems relating to the conducting of foreign affairs far outweighed any other issues facing the Confederation and that the Federalist's desire for a more advantageous position in the world was their overriding concern which gave rise to the Constitution.

This book provides a unique view on the Beagle Channel crisis (1977-1984) between Argentina and Chile by examining it in a global political context. The author explores the factors which led from imminent conflict to signing the Treaty of Peace and Friendship in just six years. Regional and international dimensions of the Beagle crisis are given particular attention, including international arbitration, the participation of the Vatican as a third actor, the role of the US, the complicating effects of the Falkland war, and the relations between each party and the UK. The author highlights unequal effects on Argentine and Chilean foreign policies of domestic structures and international conditions. The book seeks to determine the extent to which foreign policy provides opportunities for states to exercise political autonomy, given the powerful constraints imposed by the multiple structures of the international system, and how negotiation behaviour generated the path from conflict to cooperation between Argentina and Chile. The author's focus on foreign policy aids the understanding of processes and decisions within Argentina and Chile during the Beagle crisis while utilising new theoretical approaches in the field of negotiation behaviour in Latin America.

In the first edition (2010), Zhiqun Zhu examined the rationale and strategies of China's new multi-directional diplomacy since the early 1990s and assessed its impact on international political economy as well as responses from the international community. This fully revised second edition is still based on extensive research addressing these and other important policy issues whilst incorporating the latest major Chinese diplomatic activities since the last edition was published. This book continues to cover Chinese initiatives in the Middle East, Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, Central Asia, Southeast Asia and the South Pacific and studies China's current efforts to secure energy and other resources, to expand trade and investment, and to enhance 'soft power' around the world. The author further evaluates how China's activities affect these regions' political economy and how the international community, especially the United States, has reacted to China's new diplomacy. Whilst continuing to answer some lingering questions about Chinese foreign policy and its implications for both China and the international community as they become increasingly interdependent, this paperback edition is adapted for classroom use and provides questions for discussion to help readers review the key empirical and theoretical points of each chapter.

This edited collection draws upon interdisciplinary research to explore new dimensions in the politics of image and aid. While development communication and public diplomacy are established research fields, there is little scholarship that seeks to understand how the two areas relate to one another. However, international development doctrine in the US, UK and elsewhere increasingly suggests that they are integrated-or at the very least should be-at the level of national strategy. This timely volume considers a variety of cases in diverse regions, drawing upon a combination of theoretical and conceptual lenses that combine a focus on both aid and image. The result is a text that seeks to establish a new body of knowledge on how contemporary debates into public diplomacy, soft power and the national image are fundamentally changing not just the communication of aid, but its wider strategies, modalities and practices.

The image of Africa among Americans at the beginning of the 21st century is tragic; America's image among Africans is of a place that is splendid but arrogant and unfeeling. Both have large elements of truth. Poverty, coups, corruption, pandemic disease, and tribal, racial, and religious violence are all too common in Africa. So too is Americans' lack of concern about the people of a continent that suffers from these tragedies, as well as their government's support for African governments that treat their people as prey instead of citizens. The A to Z of United States-Africa Relations encompasses the relationship between the two from the trans-Atlantic slave trade to the George W. Bush administration, with particular emphasis on the Cold War. It focuses on political and economic aspects of the relationship and includes cultural relations. This is done through a chronology, an introductory essay, a bibliography, and hundreds of cross-referenced dictionary entries on key persons, places, events, institutions, and organizations.

This book addresses the relationship between Moscow and Havana in the period between the Russian and Cuban Revolutions, i.e. from November 1917 to January 1959. It analyzes the reasons why in this era before the Cuban Revolution, which is traditionally thought to have ignited Moscow's interest in the Caribbean island, a relationship existed between the two countries at a variety of different levels. In order to do this, both the attention that the Third International, or Comintern, gave to Cuba, as well as Moscow's formal state-to-state relations with Havana, are examined. In addition, United States policy towards both socialism and the Soviet Union are analyzed, due to the role that Washington played in Cuba prior to the Cuban Revolution. Following this, an examination of the events, process and dynamics that characterized the nature of the relationship between Moscow and Havana from 1917 to 1959 will be conducted. A number of conclusions will be given, but the primary one is that prior to January 1959, the Kremlin took considerable interest in Cuba and did not suffer from "geographical fatalism," as has traditionally been thought. This is significant in itself, but also in light of the relationship that rapidly developed between Moscow and Havana in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution, as a number of factors that were important in the pre-1959 relationship would also be significant after 1959. Furthermore, this analysis is also important for the contemporary bilateral relationship between Russia and Cuba, as both governments have made increasing reference to the multifaceted relationship that existed prior to 1959.