"Essence of Diplomacy" explores the essential, timeless features of diplomacy, drawing on the historical record of over three millennia. In their effort at making international relations (IR) theory relevant to diplomacy, and diplomacy relevant to IR theory, the authors identify three essential dimensions of diplomacy: communication, representation and the reproduction of international society.

This book informs students about the practice of modern diplomacy while simultaneously inviting them to critically reflect on it. The work introduces the world of diplomacy from a practitioner's point of view. Rather than listening to what diplomats say they do, the book looks at what they actually do. Diplomacy is thus approached through the lenses of its manifold practices: from political analysis to policy-shaping, from conflict prevention over conflict-management to conflict-resolution. However, the book not only aims at informing or instructing but also, and primarily, wants its readers to critically reflect on diplomacy. It reviews received ideas by posing questions such as: what does 'preventive diplomacy' really mean?; what is the place of 'transparency' in diplomatic practice?; why is the relationship between 'law and diplomacy' ambiguous?; how come that our leaders have such a difficult time in credibly defending 'human rights'?; and why is conducting an 'ethical foreign policy' a mission impossible? To tackle these and other questions, the book uses the tools of contemporary academic disciplines, such as behavioural economics, game theory, social psychology, argumentation theory, and practical logic, among others. This interdisciplinary approach brings fresh perspective to a field of study that has long remained self-contained. This book will be of great interest to students of diplomacy, foreign policy, and International Relations, as well as those seeking a career in diplomacy and existing diplomatic practitioners and international analysts.

Cosmopolitan Dystopia shows that rather than populists or authoritarian great powers it is cosmopolitan liberals who have done the most to subvert the liberal international order. Cosmopolitan Dystopia explains how liberal cosmopolitanism has led us to treat new humanitarian crises as unprecedented demands for military action, thereby trapping us in a loop of endless war. Attempts to normalize humanitarian emergency through the doctrine of the 'responsibility to protect' has made for a paternalist understanding of state power that undercuts the representative functions of state sovereignty. The legacy of liberal intervention is a cosmopolitan dystopia of permanent war, insurrection by cosmopolitan jihadis and a new authoritarian vision of sovereignty in which states are responsible for their peoples rather than responsible to them. This book will be of vital interest to scholars and students of international relations, IR theory and human rights. -- .

This volume provides the first comprehensive assessment of post-Cold War US-Caribbean relations.

Focusing on Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Trinidad-Tobago, the book looks at the political history of the region during the Cold War years, the region's current political economy, international security, and issues of migration and crime. Spanning the Caribbean's linguistic and cultural sub regions (Spanish, French, English, and Dutch) it calls attention to the achievements, setbacks, and concerns that are common to the region.

The United States and the Caribbean will be of interest to students and scholars of economics, geography and politics and international relations in general.

This volume provides the first comprehensive assessment of post-Cold War US-Caribbean relations.

Focusing on Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Trinidad-Tobago, the book looks at the political history of the region during the Cold War years, the region's current political economy, international security, and issues of migration and crime. Spanning the Caribbean's linguistic and cultural sub regions (Spanish, French, English, and Dutch) it calls attention to the achievements, setbacks, and concerns that are common to the region.

The United States and the Caribbean will be of interest to students and scholars of economics, geography and politics and international relations in general.

This is a unique and definitive study to reassess the complex dynamics of US-Korea diplomatic relations during the Reagan presidency. It examines the goals, methods, and legacy of Reagan's policy toward Korea with emphasis on the realities of alliance politics and the tactics of quiet diplomacy. It questions a widely held view that Reagan showed simplistic, inattentive, and rigid approaches toward foreign affairs, arguing that his actual policy, as demonstrated in the Korea case, was more sophisticated, nuanced, and pragmatic than commonly assumed. Based on a vast amount of confidential diplomatic documents, especially in Korean, and interviews the author has conducted with US and Korean leaders, Lee sheds new light on Reagan's role in promoting democratization in South Korea as well as his engagement with North Korea.

First published in 2004. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

This book traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Sondergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.

Within the span of a generation, Nazi Germany's former capital, Berlin, found a new role as a symbol of freedom and resilient democracy in the Cold War. This book unearths how this remarkable transformation resulted from a network of liberal American occupation officials, and returned emigres, or remigres, of the Marxist Social Democratic Party (SPD). This network derived from lengthy physical and political journeys. After fleeing Hitler, German-speaking self-professed "revolutionary socialists" emphasized "anti-totalitarianism" in New Deal America and contributed to its intelligence apparatus. These experiences made these remigres especially adept at cultural translation in postwar Berlin against Stalinism. This book provides a new explanation for the alignment of Germany's principal left-wing party with the Western camp. While the Cold War has traditionally been analyzed from the perspective of decision makers in Moscow or Washington, this study demonstrates the agency of hitherto marginalized on the conflict's first battlefield. Examining local political culture and social networks underscores how both Berliners and emigres understood the East-West competition over the rubble that the Nazis left behind as a chance to reinvent themselves as democrats and cultural mediators, respectively. As this network popularized an anti-Communist, pro-Western Left, this book identifies how often ostracized emigres made a crucial contribution to the Federal Republic of Germany's democratization.

Informal Alliance is the first archive-based history of the secretive Bilderberg Group, the high-level transatlantic elite network founded at the height of the Cold War. Making extensive use of the recently opened Bilderberg Group archives as well as a wide range of private and official collections, it shows the significance of informal diplomacy in a fast-changing world of Cold War, decolonization, and globalization. By analyzing the global mindset of the postwar transatlantic elite and by focusing on private, transnational modes of communication and coordination, this study provides important new insights into the history of transatlantic relations, anti-Americanism, Western anti-communism, and European integration during the 1950s and 1960s. Informal Alliance also debunks the persistent myth that the Bilderberg Group was created by the CIA and repudiates widespread conspiracy theories alleging that Bilderberg was some sort of secret world government.

Relations between the new state of Israel and the European Union in the first twenty years of the Community's existence were a major policy issue given the background of the Holocaust and the way the new nation was established. This book focuses on Israel-European Community relations from 1957 to 1975 - from the signing of the Treaty of Rome (1957), which officially established the Common Market, to the conclusion of Israel's Free Trade Agreement with the Community. It reveals a new and key facet of Israeli diplomacy during the country's infancy, joining the many studies concerning Israel's relations with the United States, France, Germany and Britain.

This book charts ideas European intellectuals (mostly from Great Britain, France, Germany and Italy) put forward to solve the problem of war during the first half of the twentieth century: a period that began with the Anglo-Boer war and that ended with the explosion of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Such ideas do not belong to a homogeneous tradition of thought, but can be understood as a unique discourse that takes different characteristics according to the point of view of each author and of the specific historical situation.

This book tells the dramatic story of the recruitment and training of a group of German communist exiles by the London office of the Office of Strategic Services for key spy missions into Nazi Germany during the final months of World War II. The book chronicles their stand against the rise of Hitler in 1930s that caused them to flee Germany for Czechoslovakia and then England where they resettled and awaited an opportunity to get back into the war against the Nazis. That chance would arrive in late 1944 when the OSS recruited them for these important missions which became part of the historic German Penetration Campaign. Some of the German exiles carried out successful missions that provided key military intelligence to the Allied armies advancing into Germany while others suffered untimely deaths immediately upon the dispatch of their missions that still raise troubling issues. And based on declassified East German government files, this book also reveals that notwithstanding the US military alliance with the Soviet Union, a few of the German communist exiles betrayed the trust that the OSS had placed in them by working with a secret spy network in England that enabled its agents to receive top secret mission related information and OSS sources and methods. That spy network was run by the GRU, the Red Army military intelligence service. This is the same intelligence service that has just been cited by US law enforcement officers as having hacked into computers run by the Democratic National Committee and launched a social media campaign in order to influence the outcome of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. While the dual loyalties of the German exiles later became known to the United States military, such knowledge did not prevent it from posthumously awarding military decorations to the men who led these missions. Until that day, no German national had ever been presented with such medals for their service to the Allied armies in World War II.

The first book focused on diplomacy from a psychological perspective, this work features 12 top diplomats and psychologists examining issues and approaches. Factors considered include the implicit and explicit ground rules for the interaction of diplomats, and their assumptions about their own roles and those of their counterparts. The book explores the vital question: Do diplomats meet to work out agreements and solutions for the common benefit of humanity, or is it the responsibility of a diplomat to seek advantage for his or her own nation at the expense of others? The topics include ethnic rivalry, water resources, and financial issues. In some cases in this text, the views of psychologists and diplomats are consistent. But there is a gap between the two disciplines. Psychologists tend to be more idealistic, egalitarian, and theory-based, while the diplomats most often focus on the practical realities of dealing with their counterparts and issues where opposing nations seek divergent outcomes. The actual implementation of diplomacy, and the psychology of diplomacy, takes place not at the global or macro levels, but instead at the one-on-one, micro level. This volume will appeal to students and scholars in students, scholars, and practitioners in psychology, international relations, peace studies, and political science.

This book deals with the relationship of Britain and Hungary during the crucial years 1938-1941. In addition to archival research in London and Budapest, mostly about the relations of the governments, Ban's work broadens into political, social, intellectual and cultural history. This is one of its exceptional assets, including materials hitherto overlooked or disregarded, as it relates to more than diplomatic history - even though, in dealing with the latter too, Ban's mastery of archival and other evidence is extraordinarily valuable. From 1938 to 1941 both Hungarian ambitions and Hungarian society were divided. The principal ambition was still to revise the frontiers imposed on Hungary by the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. However, at the same time, a minority of Hungarians (including Prime Minister Teiki as well as many officials of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry) recognised that at least equally important as the cause of frontier revision was the protection and revision of as much Hungarian independence as was possible in the shadow of an immensely powerful and dominant Germany. This division of attitudes, ideas and purposes ran through the society and bureaucracy of Hungary at lar"

This book deals with the relationship of Britain and Hungary during the crucial years 1938-1941. In addition to archival research in London and Budapest, mostly about the relations of the governments, Ban's work broadens into political, social, intellectual and cultural history. This is one of its exceptional assets, including materials hitherto overlooked or disregarded, as it relates to more than diplomatic history - even though, in dealing with the latter too, Ban's mastery of archival and other evidence is extraordinarily valuable. From 1938 to 1941 both Hungarian ambitions and Hungarian society were divided. The principal ambition was still to revise the frontiers imposed on Hungary by the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. However, at the same time, a minority of Hungarians (including Prime Minister Teiki as well as many officials of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry) recognised that at least equally important as the cause of frontier revision was the protection and revision of as much Hungarian independence as was possible in the shadow of an immensely powerful and dominant Germany. This division of attitudes, ideas and purposes ran through the society and bureaucracy of Hungary at lar"

The United States, 1865-1920: Reuniting a Nation explores how the U.S. attempted to heal Civil War-era divisions, as well as maintain and strengthen its unity as new rifts developed in the conflict's aftermath. Taking a broadly thematic approach to the period, Adam Burns examines the development of the United States from political, social, and foreign relations perspectives. Concise and accessible, the volume uses a variety of primary source documents to help stimulate discussion and encourage the use of historical evidence as support for different interpretations of the era. By exploring controversies over issues such as citizenship, ethnicity, regionalism, and economic disparity, all of which resonate strongly in the nation's political discourse today, the book will be an important staple for undergraduate students of American History and the period that followed the Civil War, as well as general enthusiasts.

Author Biography:
Eiko Woodhouse was formerly secretary to the consul-general in the Consulate-General of Japan, Sydney and gained a PhD at the University of Sydney.

Contents:
1. The Attaché Corps in the Pre-Cold War Era, 1888-1945 2. The Attachés, their Duties, Responsibilities, Education, Training and Attitudes, 1945-1964 3. US Attachés, Guatemala and the Overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz, 1950-1954 4. US Attachés and the Cuban Revolution, 1952-1958 5. US Attachés and the Bolivian MNR, 1958-1964 6. Conclusions Appendices Bibliography

The military alliance between the United States and Brazil played a critical role in the outcome of World War II, and yet it is largely overlooked in historiography of the war. In this definitive account, Frank McCann investigates Brazilian-American military relations from the 1930s through the years after the alliance ended in 1977. The two countries emerge as imbalanced giants with often divergent objectives and expectations. They nevertheless managed to form the Brazilian Expeditionary Force and a fighter squadron that fought in Italy under American command, making Brazil the only Latin American country to commit troops to the war. With the establishment of the US Air Force base in Natal, Northeast Brazil become a vital staging area for air traffic supplying Allied forces in the Middle East and Asian theaters. McCann deftly analyzes newly opened Brazilian archives and declassified American intelligence files to offer a more nuanced account of how this alliance changed the course of World War II, and how the relationship deteriorated in the aftermath of the war.

This book provides a diplomatic history of a turning point in Antarctic governance: the 1991 adoption of comprehensive environmental protection obligations for an entire continent, which prohibited mining. Solving the mining issue became a symbol of finding diplomatic consensus. The book combines historiographic concepts of contingency, conjuncture and accidental events with theories of structural, entrepreneurial and intellectual leadership. Drawing on archival documents, it shows that Antarctic governance is more adaptive than some imagine, and policy success depends on the interplay of normative practices, serendipitous events, public engagement and influential players able to exploit those circumstances. Ultimately, the events revealed in this book show that the protection of the Antarctic Treaty itself remains as important as protecting the Antarctic environment.

For three decades the analysis of strategic coercion has been dominated by two landmark books: Tom Schelling's Arms and Influence and Alex George's Strategic Diplomacy, both of which addressed the requirements of American foreign policy during the cold war. This book argues for a reappraisal of the role of strategic coercion - defined as the deliberate and purposive use of overt threats to influence another's strategic choices. It emphasizes the importance of drawing on the experiences of countries other than the United States, and of considering the new circumstances of the post cold war world. An international team of scholars, led by Lawrence Freedman, Professor of War Studies at King's College, London, provides critical commentaries on the work of Schelling and George and a series of fascinating case studies. These cover most regions of the world, a variety of different actors - including terrorist groups - and different forms of coercion - including the use of economic sanctions.

Bitterly contested memories of war, colonisation, and empire among Japan, China, and Korea have increasingly threatened regional order and security over the past three decades. In Sino-Japanese relations, identity, territory, and power pull together in a particularly lethal direction, generating dangerous tensions in both geopolitical and memory rivalries. Buzan and Goh explore a new approach to dealing with this history problem. First, they construct a more balanced and global view of China and Japan in modern world history. Second, building on this, they sketch out the possibilities for a 21st century great power bargain between them. Buzan puts Northeast Asia's history since 1840 into both a world historical and a systematic normative context, exposing the parochial nature of the China-Japan history debate in relation to what is a bigger shared story about their encounter with modernity and the West, within which their modern encounter with each other took place. Arguing that regional order will ultimately depend substantially on the relationship between these two East Asian great powers, Goh explores the conditions under which China and Japan have been able to reach strategic bargains in the course of their long historical relationship, and uses this to sketch out the main modes of agreement that might underpin a new contemporary great power bargain between them in a variety of future scenarios for the region. The frameworks adopted here consciously blend historical contextualisation, enduring concerns with wealth, power and interest, and the complex relationship between Northeast Asian states' evolving encounters with each other and with global international society.

Contents:
Stoler, Mark A. A Half Century of Conflict: Interpretations of US World War II Diplomacy. Diplomatic History 18 (Summer 1994).
Louis, William Roger and Ronald Robinson. The Imperialism of Decolonization. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 22 (September 1994).
Sbrega, John J. Determination versus Drift: The Anglo-American Debate over the Trusteeship Issue, 1941-1945. Pacific Historical Review 55 (May 1986).
Sheffield, G.D. The Anglo-American Alliance, 1941-45. The Journal of Mississippi History 57 (Winter 1995).
Phillips, Hugh. Mission to America: Maksim M. Litvinov in the United States, 1941-43. Diplomatic History 12 (Summer 1988).
Maclean, Elizabeth Kimball. Joseph E. Davies and Soviet-American Relations, 1941-1943. Diplomatic History 4 (Winter 1980).
Resis, Albert. Spheres of Influence in Soviet Wartime Diplomacy. The Journal of Modern History 53 (September 1981).
Garrett, Crister S. and Stephen A. Garrett. Death and Politics: The Katyn Forest Massacre and American Foreign Policy. East European Quarterly 20 (Winter 1986).
Ma, Xiaohua. The Sino-American Alliance During World War II and the Lifting of the Chinese Exclusion Acts. American Studies International 38 (June 2000).
Dinnerstein, Leonard. America, Britain, and Palestine: The Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry and the Displaced Persons, 1945-46. Diplomatic History 4 (Summer 1980).
McFarland, Stephen L. A Peripheral View of the Origins of the Cold War: The Crises in Iran, 1941-47. Diplomatic History 4 (Fall 1980): 333-51.
Thorne, Christopher. Indochina and Anglo-American Relations, 1942-1945. Pacific Historical Review 45 (February 1976).
Gallicchio, Marc. The Other China Hands: USArmy Officers and America's Failure in China, 1941-1950. The Journal of American-East Asian Relations 3 (Spring 1995).
Villa, Brian L. The US Army, Unconditional Surrender, and the Potsdam Declaration. The Journal of American History 64 (June 1976).

Shaping U.S. Military Forces for the Asia-Pacific examines how U.S. Joint Forces should be used to face the threat of a rising China at a time when future crises and even wars are likely to be defined by relatively limited political stakes alongside competing nationalist identities. Today s nascent multipolar system shows commonalities with an earlier, Euro-centric international system era. Thus the book begins by looking back at previous ages of major power competition and cooperation to draw lessons for the present global system. It then analyzes the geopolitical context behind issues relating to cooperation, competition, and conflict in the contemporary Asia-Pacific. It also describes the nature of successful deterrents to threats, including warnings and attempts to bargain with the adversary to keep conflict relatively limited in scope. Lastly, it examines the crucial role of diplomatic reassurance during crisis bargaining to prevent worst-case scenario thinking by the adversary, offer compromise settlements, and de-escalate in the context of ongoing operational, or threatened, use of military force. Applying both military theories from thinkers such as von Clausewitz and Jomini and past lessons to current realities help to provide concrete answers to what it means to procure, equip, and employ U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific in the 21st century. This allows for recommendations about USAF and US Navy roles, missions, and performance characteristics i.e., how to best link air and sea power to each other and to strategic political needs during periods of tension with rising powers such as China."