This volume offers an inter-disciplinary and critical analysis of the role of culture in diplomatic practice. If diplomacy is understood as the practice of conducting negotiations between representatives of distinct communities or causes, then questions of culture and the spaces of cultural exchange are at its core. But what of the culture of diplomacy itself? When and how did this culture emerge, and what alternative cultures of diplomacy run parallel to it, both historically and today? How do particular spaces and places inform and shape the articulation of diplomatic culture(s)? This volume addresses these questions by bringing together a collection of theoretically rich and empirically detailed contributions from leading scholars in history, international relations, geography, and literary theory. Chapters attend to cross-cutting issues of the translation of diplomatic cultures, the role of space in diplomatic exchange and the diversity of diplomatic cultures beyond the formal state system. Drawing on a range of methodological approaches the contributors discuss empirical cases ranging from indigenous diplomacies of the Inuit Circumpolar Council, to the European External Action Service, the 1955 Bandung Conference, the spatial imaginaries of mid twentieth-century Balkan writer diplomats, celebrity and missionary diplomacy, and paradiplomatic narratives of The Hague. The volume demonstrates that, when approached from multiple disciplinary perspectives and understood as expansive and plural, diplomatic cultures offer an important lens onto issues as diverse as global governance, sovereignty regimes and geographical imaginations. This book will be of much interest to students of public diplomacy, foreign policy, international organisations, media and communications studies, and IR in general.

When the Soviet Union pulled its forces out of Afghanistan, the American media had a simple explanation: Soviet troops had been hounded out of the mountains by U.S.-armed guerrillas--the skies cleared of Soviet aircraft by Stinger missiles--until the Kremlin was forced to cry uncle. But Diego Cordovez and Selig S. Harrison shatter this image. Out of Afghanistan shows that the Red Army was securely entrenched when the Soviet Union agreed to withdraw: American weaponry and Afghan bravery raised the costs for Moscow, but it was six years of skillful diplomacy that gave the Russians a way out.

Cordovez and Harrison provide the definitive account of the Soviet blunders that led up to the invasion and the bitter struggles over the withdrawal that raged in the Soviet and Afghan Communist parties and the Reagan Administration. The authors are particularly well-suited to their task: Cordovez was the United Nations mediator who negotiated the Soviet pullout, and Harrison is a leading South Asia expert with four decades of experience in covering Afghanistan. Their story of the U.N. negotiations is interwoven with a gripping chronicle of the war years, complete with palace shootouts in Kabul, turf warfare between rival Soviet intelligence agencies, and the CIA role in building up Islamic fundamentalist guerrilla leaders at the expense of Afghan moderates. Cordovez opens up his diaries to take us behind the scenes in his negotiations, and Harrison draws on interviews with Mikhail Gorbachev, former Secretary of State George Shultz, and other key actors. The result is a book full of surprises. For example, the authors demonstrate that the Soviets intervened not out of a desire to drive to the Indian Ocean, but out of a fear of a U.S.-supported Afghan Tito. Rebuffs by hardline "bleeders" in the Reagan Administration undermined efforts by Yuri Andropov to secure a settlement before his death in 1983. Even more startling, Gorbachev resumed the search for a negotiated withdrawal more than a year before the first American-supplied Stinger missiles were deployed in the war.

The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan was one of the pivotal events of recent history. Out of Afghanistan destroys many of the myths surrounding the Afghan war and will have a profound impact on the emerging debate over how and why the Cold War ended.

Contrary to the view held by many who study American foreign policy, public diplomacy has seldom played a decisive role in the achievement of the country's foreign policy objectives. The reasons for this are not that the policies and interventions are ill-conceived or badly executed, although this is sometimes the case. Rather, the factors that limit the effectiveness of public diplomacy lie almost entirely outside the control of American policy-makers. In particular, the resistance of foreign opinion-leaders to ideas and information about American motives and actions that do not square with their pre-conceived notions of the United States and its activities in the world is an enormous and perhaps insurmountable wall that limits the impact of public diplomacy. This book does not conclude that public diplomacy has no place in the repertoire of American foreign policy. Instead, the expectations held for this soft power tool need to be more realistic. Public diplomacy should not be viewed as a substitute for hard power tools that are more likely to be correlated with actual American influence as opposed to the somewhat nebulous concept of American standing.

Until deep into the 20th century, empire remained a source of pride for European states and their politicians. The 21st century, however, has seen the unexpected emergence of certain European states apologising to their former colonies. Analysing apologies from Germany, Belgium, Britain and Italy, this book explores the shifting ways in which these countries represent their colonial pasts and investigates what this reveals about contemporary international politics, particularly relations between (former) coloniser and colonised. It is argued that, far from renouncing colonialism in its entirety, the apologies are replete with discourses that are reminiscent of the core legitimising tenets of empire. Specifically, the book traces how the apologies both illuminate and recycle many of the inequalities, mind-sets and ambivalences that circulated at the height of empire. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of peace and post-conflict resolution studies, memory studies, colonial studies and postcolonial theory. More broadly, it will be of interest to those studying political science, International Relations, sociology and development.

This book analyzes when and how Poland implemented public diplomacy. The author explains it as a form of external political communication of governments conducted in cooperation with non-state actors to position the country internationally. The Polish case illustrates how a mid-size country in Europe attempts to impact the public opinion formation abroad while implementing soft power tools. Since 2004, when Poland joined the EU, the country has used public diplomacy to inform the world about its achievements. Poland's public diplomacy has been strongly oriented on Europe and shaped by geopolitics. It integrated transmission and network models of communication. The Polish model reflects the relevance of public diplomacy domestic dimension and the focus on foreign politics on memory. "The book (...) is the first monograph analyzing contemporary Polish public diplomacy written in English, being at the same time a methodologically sound piece of research, based on extensive primary source research." Professor Andrzej Mania, Chair of American Studies and the History of Diplomacy and International Politics, Jagiellonian University "An excellent case study of public diplomacy. Ociepka systematically analyzed the Polish utilization of key public diplomacy instruments including cultural diplomacy, branding and Twiplomacy, and properly placed them within historical and theoretical contexts." Professor Eytan Gilboa, Director, Center for International Communication, Bar-Ilan University

What explains China's response to intervention at the UN Security Council? China and Intervention at the UN Security Council argues that status is an overlooked determinant in understanding its decisions, even in the apex cases that are shadowed by a public discourse calling for foreign-imposed regime change in Sudan, Libya, and Syria. It posits that China reconciles its status dilemma as it weighs decisions to intervene: seeking recognition from both its intervention peer groups of great powers and developing states. Understanding the impact and scope conditions of status answers why China has taken certain positions regarding intervention and how these positions were justified. Foreign policy behavior that complies with status, and related social factors like self-image and identity, means that China can select policy options bearing material costs. China and Intervention at the UN Security Council offers a rich study of Chinese foreign policy, going beyond works available in breadth and in depth. It draws on an extensive collection of data, including over two hundred interviews with UN officials and Chinese foreign policy elites, participant observation at UN Headquarters, and a dataset of Chinese-language analysis regarding foreign-imposed regime change and intervention. The book concludes with new perspectives on the malleability of China's core interests, insights about the application of status for cooperation and the implications of the status dilemma for rising powers.

George Kennan, Charles Bohlen, W. Averell Harriman, William Bullitt, Joseph E. Davies, Llewlleyn Thompson, Jack Matlock: these are important names in the history of American foreign policy. Together with a number of lesser-known officials, these diplomats played a vital role in shaping U.S. strategy and popular attitudes toward the Soviet Union throughout its 75-year history. In The Ambassadors and America's Soviet Policy, David Mayers presents the most comprehensive critical examination yet of U.S. diplomats in the Soviet Union.
Mayers' vivid portrayal evokes the social and intellectual atmosphere of the American embassy in the midst of crucial episodes: the Bolshevik Revolution, the Great Purges, the Grand Alliance in World War II, the early Cold War, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the rise and decline of detente, and the heady days of perestroika and glasnost. He also offers rare portraits of the professional lives of the diplomats themselves: their adjustment to Soviet life, the quality of their analytical reporting, their contact with other diplomats in Moscow, and their influence on Washington.
Assessing the strengths and weaknesses of American diplomacy in its most challenging area, this compelling book fills an important gap in the history of U.S. foreign policy and U.S.-Soviet relations. Readers interested in U.S. foreign policy, the cold war, and the policies and history of the former Soviet Union will find The Ambassadors and America's Soviet Policy an intriguing and informative work.

The Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978 and the consequent outbreak of the Cambodian conflict brought Southeast Asia into instability and deteriorated relations between Vietnam and the subsequently established Vietnam-backed government in Cambodia on the one hand and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries on the other. As a result of the conflict, the Soviet Union established a foothold in Southeast Asia while China, through its support of the anti-Vietnam Cambodian resistance, improved relations with Southeast Asian countries such as Thailand. Japan's Fukuda Doctrine - it's declared priorities of promoting cooperative and friendly relations between Communist Indochinese nations and non-Communist ASEAN countries - became increasingly at odds with Japan's role as a member of the Free World in the broader Cold War confrontation. Tokyo had to steer a path between Washington's hard-line policy of isolating Vietnam and its own desire to prevent regional destabilization. Against this background, this book addresses the following questions: what was Japan's response to the challenges to its objectives and interests in Southeast Asia and to the Fukuda Doctrine? What role did Japan play for the settlement of the conflict in Cambodia? How did Japan's diplomacy on the Cambodian problem affect the Japanese role in the region? It argues that Japan's contribution was more active than has widely been recognized.

This book traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Sondergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.

In this entertaining and engaging memoir, former ambassador Sherard Cowper-Coles lifts the lid on embassy life throughout the world. In 1977 fresh-faced Oxford graduate Sherard Cowper-Coles entered the hallowed portals of the Foreign Office. Over the next thirty years he was invariably to be found at the frontline of international diplomacy, either striding the corridors of power at Westminster or jetting from one exotic location to the next. His tasks ranged from the challenging to the bizarre - from speech writing for Margaret Thatcher (who scrawled an emphatic 'NO!' over his first effort), to hiding an embarrassing bobble hat from Robin Cook . With recollections from the last three decades in international politics, taking us right up to Cowper-Coles's posting to Afghanistan, 'Ever the Diplomat' is a revealing and witty account of a unique period in our history. Cowper-Coles reveals what went on behind-the-scenes of Whitehall as we encounter a swindler impersonating Liberian President Charles Taylor, the young, idealistic leader of Syria Bashar al-Assad and Tony Blair in his boxer shorts.

In China, John Leighton Stuart (1876-1962) is a controversial figure occupying an important position in the history of modern China and Sino-U.S. relations. As a scholar and educator, Stuart loved Chinese culture and contributed much to the development of Chinese education. While as a missionary, he was inherently prejudiced against Marxism. As the U.S. ambassador to China, Stuart executed U.S. government's policy, and was finally stereotyped as a symbol of "American imperialism". This book gives a detailed account of Stuart's complicated and deep political involvement in modern China. Stuart had close relationships with Chiang Kai-shek and other high-ranking officials of Kuomingtang (KMT), while he was also an honored guest of Mao Tse-tung and Chinese Communist Party (CCP). During his tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to China, Stuart did implement U.S. government's policy of supporting KMT. But when the CCP's gaining power became inevitable, he took a pragmatic attitude and urged the U.S. government to normalize its diplomatic relations with the Communist Government. These seemingly contradictory behaviors reveal Stuart's complex features and the changeable era. By collecting substantial relevant materials both at home and abroad, both published and unpublished, this book reveals Stuart's multidimensional characters, getting rid of the stereotype. Academic and general readers interested in Stuart, modern Chinese history and Sino-U.S. relations will be attracted by this book.

This volume draws together the many discrete studies of tolerance to create a global and comprehensive synthesis. In a concise text, author Peter Stearns makes connections across time periods and key regions, to help clarify the record and the relationship between current tolerance patterns and those of the past. The work is timely in light of the obvious tensions around tolerance in the world today - within the West, and without. A historical backdrop helps to clarify the contours of these tensions, and to promote greater understanding of the advantages and challenges of a tolerant approach.

This volume draws together the many discrete studies of tolerance to create a global and comprehensive synthesis. In a concise text, author Peter Stearns makes connections across time periods and key regions, to help clarify the record and the relationship between current tolerance patterns and those of the past. The work is timely in light of the obvious tensions around tolerance in the world today - within the West, and without. A historical backdrop helps to clarify the contours of these tensions, and to promote greater understanding of the advantages and challenges of a tolerant approach.

This book informs students about the practice of modern diplomacy while simultaneously inviting them to critically reflect on it. The work introduces the world of diplomacy from a practitioner's point of view. Rather than listening to what diplomats say they do, the book looks at what they actually do. Diplomacy is thus approached through the lenses of its manifold practices: from political analysis to policy-shaping, from conflict prevention over conflict-management to conflict-resolution. However, the book not only aims at informing or instructing but also, and primarily, wants its readers to critically reflect on diplomacy. It reviews received ideas by posing questions such as: what does 'preventive diplomacy' really mean?; what is the place of 'transparency' in diplomatic practice?; why is the relationship between 'law and diplomacy' ambiguous?; how come that our leaders have such a difficult time in credibly defending 'human rights'?; and why is conducting an 'ethical foreign policy' a mission impossible? To tackle these and other questions, the book uses the tools of contemporary academic disciplines, such as behavioural economics, game theory, social psychology, argumentation theory, and practical logic, among others. This interdisciplinary approach brings fresh perspective to a field of study that has long remained self-contained. This book will be of great interest to students of diplomacy, foreign policy, and International Relations, as well as those seeking a career in diplomacy and existing diplomatic practitioners and international analysts.

The South China Sea Disputes: Flashpoints, Turning Points and Trajectories focuses on the currently much-debated theme of the South China Sea disputes - one of the hottest international disputes of the 21st century which can easily turn from a brewing flashpoint into a regional conflict with global repercussions. Through a compilation of commentaries published by the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies from 2012 to much of 2016, the book attempts to reflect the evolution of the disputes in recent years through what can be seen as turning points and trajectories in the diplomatic tensions. The book is divided into four sections, taking off from a key diplomatic or related incident/development which can be seen as a turning point for each, with the concluding section looking at what lies ahead for Southeast Asia and the larger Asia-Pacific region, amidst the uncertainties triggered by the South China Sea imbroglio.Among the contributors: Arif Havas Oegroseno, BA Hamzah, Barry Desker, Bill Hayton, David Rosenberg, Donald K. Emmerson, Ellen Frost, Hasjim Djalal, Ian Townsend-Gault, Joseph CY Liow, Kwa Chong Guan, Li Mingjiang, Li Jian Wei, Li Dexia, Marvin Ott, Mushahid Ali, Muthiah Alagappa, Nguyen Hung Son, Nguyen Thi Lan Anh, Phoak Kung, Ralf Emmers, Rene L. Pattiradjawane, Raul (Pete) Pedrozo, Richard Javad Heydarian, Robert C. Beckman, Shashi Jayakumar, Victor Savage, Yang Razali Kassim, Zha Daojiong.

Numerous crosswinds are buffeting the more than 40-year-old People's Republic of China--American relationship, yet only once since Nixon's historic trip to China in 1972 has a major conflagration seemed a real possibility. Anchoring the relationship throughout multiple storms are the two countries' broad areas of collaboration such as deep links in culture, economics, and education. However, for some observers, the conflictual aspects of the relationship seem to be gaining prominence. Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations offers a timely and current look at one of the world's weightiest bilateral relationships. It goes beyond detailing the conflict and cooperation that have been integral facets of China--US interactions since 1972, to gauging the relationship's evolution and future trends, examining its nuances regarding diverse issues such as the Asia-Pacific leadership structure, the South China Sea, and the Korean peninsula. The book further delves into the causes of conflict and cooperation, offers diverse solutions for tempering frictions between Beijing and Washington, and considers the efficacy of some of the mechanisms (e.g., military-to-military exchanges) that China and the US currently employ to manage their relationship.The chapters suggest that extreme anxieties about China--US relations may be misplaced, but that there nonetheless are some worrisome signs even in areas like economics and the environment that are perceived as naturally cooperative. While the book does not offer any silver bullets, various contributors contend that successful management of Sino-American relations may require greater American accommodation of China's interests. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics, American politics, international relations, and Asian studies, as well as to policy-makers working in the field.

The first published work to chart the history of the Marshall Scholarship, this book details the origins of the Scholarship in the British Foreign Office and subsequently traces the award's evolution through the careers and narratives of a range of Scholars. It further explores the complex and dynamic interaction between education and diplomacy through the broader lens of Anglo-American relations by way of extensive primary-source document research, interviews, and statistical analysis.

With the enhancement of national strength, China's diplomacy has leapt onto a new high ground, basically obtaining the status of a world power. Meanwhile, it has also received a large amount of right and wrong mixed criticism and suggestions from different sides, in the face of a sudden increase in opportunities, pressures, and conflicts. The "creative involvement" in this book is exactly proposed for the future of China's diplomacy. In this book, the author first defines the concept "creative involvement". Different from diplomatic theories in the traditional senses, creative involvement is a kind of diplomatic thinking which encourages more active participation in international affairs and advocates creative solutions. Then the author makes case studies on some events and people which have been of typical significance in China's diplomatic practices since the end of the Cold War, expounding their innovations and limitations. In the third part, the author turns to various supportive propositions, ideas, and theories concerning creative involvement and explains how they are applied to China's future diplomatic practice. Lastly, the author tries to set a number of scenarios, discussing the possible entry points for creative involvement. Combining innovative theoretical idea with practical investigation, this book will not only contribute to contemporary China diplomatic studies but also appeal to scholars and students of international relations studies.

This book sheds new light on the foreign policies, roles, and positions of neutral states and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in the global Cold War. The volume places the neutral states and the NAM in the context of the Cold War and demonstrates the links between the East, the West, and the so-called Third World. In doing so, this collection provides readers an alternative way of exploring the evolution and impact of the Cold War on North-South connections that challenges traditional notions of the post-1945 history of international relations. The various contributions are framed against the backdrop of the evolution of the Cold War international system and the decolonization process in the Southern hemisphere. By juxtaposing the policies of European neutrals and countries of the NAM, this book offers new perspectives on the evolution of the Cold War. With the links between these two groups of countries receiving very little attention in Cold War scholarship, the volume thus offers a window into a hitherto neglected perspective on the Cold War. Via a series of case studies, the chapters here present new viewpoints on the evolution of the global Cold War through the exploration of the ensuing internal and (mainly) external policy choices of these nations. This book will be of much interest to students of Cold War Studies, international history, foreign policy, security studies and IR in general.

Practices of Diplomacy in the Early Modern World offers a new contribution to the ongoing reassessment of early modern international relations and diplomatic history. Divided into three parts, it provides an examination of diplomatic culture from the Renaissance into the eighteenth century and presents the development of diplomatic practices as more complex, multifarious and globally interconnected than the traditional state-focussed, national paradigm allows. The volume addresses three central and intertwined themes within early modern diplomacy: who and what could claim diplomatic agency and in what circumstances; the social and cultural contexts in which diplomacy was practised; and the role of material culture in diplomatic exchange. Together the chapters provide a broad geographical and chronological presentation of the development of diplomatic practices and, through a strong focus on the processes and significance of cultural exchanges between polities, demonstrate how it was possible for diplomats to negotiate the cultural codes of the courts to which they were sent. This exciting collection brings together new and established scholars of diplomacy from different academic traditions. It will be essential reading for all students of diplomatic history.

Following the publication of Negotiating and Navigating Global Health: Case Studies in Global Health Diplomacy edited by Ellen Rosskam and Ilona Kickbusch, this second volume of case studies will complement the first volume and extends its scope. The new book focuses on health diplomacy negotiations, in Geneva and elsewhere, that have involved WHO or that have substantial implications for the work of WHO. Each of the chapters provides a detailed account of a particular example of global health negotiation, concerning hard and soft law instruments but also addressing the full range of health issues - reaching from issues of research and development, polio eradication, NCDs and plain packaging, to the post-2015 process, the WHO reform and non-state involvement. The book therefore captures a wide-range of experiences of distinguished diplomats, academics and senior practitioners.The contributions to the book are written by negotiators and academics and thus, will provide a unique angle and a tool of reflection for a broad audience. In particular, it will be of interest not only to the academic community and students, but also to policy-makers and diplomats. The case studies will allow for learning on how negotiations work in a complex policy environment. The focus on WHO will explore how a major international organization engages in global health diplomacy and on the implications that health-related diplomacy taking place in a variety of settings has for its work. As such, the book is an important contribution to the growing field of global health diplomacy and to the debate about the role of WHO in the 21str century.

Following the publication of Negotiating and Navigating Global Health: Case Studies in Global Health Diplomacy edited by Ellen Rosskam and Ilona Kickbusch, this second volume of case studies will complement the first volume and extends its scope. The new book focuses on health diplomacy negotiations, in Geneva and elsewhere, that have involved WHO or that have substantial implications for the work of WHO. Each of the chapters provides a detailed account of a particular example of global health negotiation, concerning hard and soft law instruments but also addressing the full range of health issues - reaching from issues of research and development, polio eradication, NCDs and plain packaging, to the post-2015 process, the WHO reform and non-state involvement. The book therefore captures a wide-range of experiences of distinguished diplomats, academics and senior practitioners.The contributions to the book are written by negotiators and academics and thus, will provide a unique angle and a tool of reflection for a broad audience. In particular, it will be of interest not only to the academic community and students, but also to policy-makers and diplomats. The case studies will allow for learning on how negotiations work in a complex policy environment. The focus on WHO will explore how a major international organization engages in global health diplomacy and on the implications that health-related diplomacy taking place in a variety of settings has for its work. As such, the book is an important contribution to the growing field of global health diplomacy and to the debate about the role of WHO in the 21str century.

This book examines the experiences of Americans in Europe during the First World War prior to the U.S. declaration of war. Key groups include volunteer soldiers, doctors, nurses, ambulance drivers, reporters, diplomats, peace activists, charitable workers, and long-term American expatriate civilians. What these Americans wrote about the Great War, as published in contemporary books and periodicals, provides the core source material for this volume. Author Kenneth D. Rose argues that these writings served the critical function of preparing the American public for the declaration of war, one of the most important decisions of the twentieth century, and defined the threat and consequences of the European conflict for Americans and American interests at home and abroad.

This book examines the experiences of Americans in Europe during the First World War prior to the U.S. declaration of war. Key groups include volunteer soldiers, doctors, nurses, ambulance drivers, reporters, diplomats, peace activists, charitable workers, and long-term American expatriate civilians. What these Americans wrote about the Great War, as published in contemporary books and periodicals, provides the core source material for this volume. Author Kenneth D. Rose argues that these writings served the critical function of preparing the American public for the declaration of war, one of the most important decisions of the twentieth century, and defined the threat and consequences of the European conflict for Americans and American interests at home and abroad.

This book mainly explored the driving forces and evolvement of Myanmar's China policy since 1988 by adopting a neo-classical realist apporach, an emerging theoretical paradigm aiming at analyzing state's foreign behaviour by connecting systemic and unit variables which refers to external environments and domestic restraints respectively. It is the first book that seeks to give a theoretical explanation of Myanmar's diplomacy, thereby bridging the gap from basic research to the deep one with theories. It also introduced the concept of strategic preference and argued that the competing strategic preference that the Burmese leaders have, namely "integration" and "isolation", determines Myanmar's responses to China in the Post-Cold War era, which not only demonstrates the neo-classical realism as an useful instrument of looking into state's foreign policy and deepens the understanding on Myanmar-China relations.The main content of this book is divided into seven parts, in which the first chapter introduces the background, the present study on Myanmar's China policy and China's Myanmar policy, the analytical framework, and the arrangement of the content. Chapter 2 focuses on the roots and changes of Myanmar's competing strategic preference as well as its influences on Myanmar's foreign policy. The following four chapters examine the international pressures and benefits imposed by systemic imperatives, and Burmese leaders' specific strategic preference since 1988, and investigate Myanmar's policy towards China in different periods. Finally, it provides a comprehensive conclusion that outlines and reviews the origins and evolution of Myanmar's China policy, and predicts its future directions.This book is suitable for the graduates and experts who are interested in international relations, the Asian studies and neo-classical realism in particular, and Myanmar politics and foreign relations, as well as China's relation with neighboring countries.