This book informs students about the practice of modern diplomacy while simultaneously inviting them to critically reflect on it. The work introduces the world of diplomacy from a practitioner's point of view. Rather than listening to what diplomats say they do, the book looks at what they actually do. Diplomacy is thus approached through the lenses of its manifold practices: from political analysis to policy-shaping, from conflict prevention over conflict-management to conflict-resolution. However, the book not only aims at informing or instructing but also, and primarily, wants its readers to critically reflect on diplomacy. It reviews received ideas by posing questions such as: what does 'preventive diplomacy' really mean?; what is the place of 'transparency' in diplomatic practice?; why is the relationship between 'law and diplomacy' ambiguous?; how come that our leaders have such a difficult time in credibly defending 'human rights'?; and why is conducting an 'ethical foreign policy' a mission impossible? To tackle these and other questions, the book uses the tools of contemporary academic disciplines, such as behavioural economics, game theory, social psychology, argumentation theory, and practical logic, among others. This interdisciplinary approach brings fresh perspective to a field of study that has long remained self-contained. This book will be of great interest to students of diplomacy, foreign policy, and International Relations, as well as those seeking a career in diplomacy and existing diplomatic practitioners and international analysts.

Set against the backdrop of tensions in East Asia, this book analyzes how East Asia's "new middle powers" and emerging powers employ public diplomacy as a key element of their foreign policy strategy and in so doing influence regional power dynamics. The volume brings together contributions from an international and influential group of scholars, who are leading debates on public diplomacy within East Asia. Where the study of public diplomacy has so far focused primarily on the West, the essays in this book highlight the distinct strategies of East Asian powers and demonstrate that understanding public diplomacy requires studying its strategies and practices outside as much as within the Western world. A focus on public diplomacy likewise gives us a more varied picture of state-to-state relations in East Asia.

The memoirs of senior UK diplomat Sir Peter Westmacott, former ambassador in Turkey, France and the United States during Barack Obama's presidency.'A highly readable account of a glittering diplomatic career' Tony Blair 'One of the most brilliant and consequential diplomats of his generation' Andrew Roberts 'A must-read guide to the crucial role for diplomacy in restoring British influence' Philip Stephens Urbane, globe-trotting mandarins; polished hosts of ambassadorial gatherings attended by the well-groomed ranks of the international great and good: such is the well-worn image of the career diplomat. But beyond the canapes of familiar caricature, what does a professional diplomat actually do? What are the activities that fill the working day of Her Majesty's Ambassadors around the world? Peter Westmacott's forty-year career in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office straddled the last decade of the Cold War and the age of globalization, included spells in pre-revolutionary Iran and the European Commission in Brussels, and culminated in prestigious ambassadorial postings in Ankara, Paris and Washington in the post-9/11 era. As well as offering an engaging account of life in the upper echelons of the diplomatic and political worlds, and often revealing portraits of global leaders such as Blair, Erdogan, Obama and Biden, They Call It Diplomacy mounts a vigorous defence of the continuing relevance of the diplomat in an age of instant communication, social media and special envoys; and details what its author sees as some of the successes of recent British diplomacy.

Reflecting the profound changes in international society in the past decade and the challenges that all Powers' diplomacy and statecraft face, whether opposing or encouraging these changes, this fully revised and updated edition provides a unique multi-faceted assessment by experts of the new international order. Built around the thesis that Great Power rivalry dominated after the end of the Cold War, it examines how this multi-polarity has become more extreme. The Handbook assesses the diplomacy and statecraft of individual powers in seven key sections: - The Context of Diplomacy - The Great Powers - Middle Powers - Developing Powers - International Organisations and Military Alliances - The International Economy - Issues of Conflict and Co-operation It shows how diplomacy and statecraft have transformed on issues such as the evolving 'America First' strategy; the strengthening of the People's Republic of China; the growth of non-state actors in foreign policy; the unravelling of international arms control agreements; the aggressive nature of Russian foreign policy; and the emergence of major armed conflicts and the rise of terrorism and armed insurgencies around the world. It will be of interest to government and non-governmental actors, established scholars and students in the fields of international relations, history and military studies.

India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, left behind a legacy of both great achievements and surprising defeats. Most notably, he failed to resolve the Kashmir dispute with Pakistan and the territorial conflict with China. In the fifty years since Nehru's death, much ink has been spilled trying to understand the decisions behind these puzzling foreign policy missteps. Mahesh Shankar cuts through the surrounding debates about nationalism, idealism, power, and security with a compelling and novel answer: reputation. India's investment in its international image powerfully shaped the state's negotiation and bargaining tactics during this period. The Reputational Imperative proves that reputation is not only a significant driver in these conflicts but also that it's about more than simply looking good on the global stage. Considerations such as India's relative position of strength or weakness and the value of demonstrating resolve or generosity also influenced strategy and foreign policy. Shankar answers longstanding questions about Nehru's territorial negotiations while also providing a deeper understanding of how a state's global image works. The Reputational Imperative highlights the pivotal-yet often overlooked-role reputation can play in a broad global security context.

Diplomacy is an established discipline, but it is still wearing its old garments,failing to display its capacity to deal with new unique bi-lateral and international disputes. In conformity with the provisions of Article 33 of the UN Charter, thisbook emphasises the need for current-day diplomats to have appropriate training in negotiation and conciliation techniques rather than leaving inter-state or international dispute hearings unsettled with their inevitable consequences. The book also identifies the role and effectiveness of negotiating techniques in conducting business contracts, women's role in negotiating diplomatic and business deals, negotiating techniques in import-export trade, project finance, and syndicated loan agreements. It further discusses the UN system and diplomacy. The opinions expressed in this book are those of the author, and in no way may be attributed to the institution to which he belongs.

This incisive book provides an unparalleled insight into the ways in which international human rights law functions in a real world context across cultural, religious and geopolitical divides. Written by a professor, former ambassador and international judge, the book demonstrates how power, diplomacy, tactics and processes operate within the human rights system from the perspective of a non-Western insider with more than three decades' experience in the field. Taking a comprehensive approach, chapters cover the treatment of human rights in all major cultures, religions, ideologies and global regions and assess the competence of all relevant international institutions. The book investigates the idea of human rights relativism and allegations of hypocrisy and double standards, as well as illuminating the diplomatic methods employed by nations wishing to evade human rights obligations. It also analyses the place of the law within the United Nations and regional human rights systems, along with compliance and enforcement mechanisms, and examines two emerging dimensions of human rights: in cyberspace and at sea. Students and scholars of human rights across the fields of law, politics and international relations will find this unique book invaluable. Its concise, accessible style will also make it useful reading for government officials, those working for NGOs and members of the public with an interest in human rights.

Donald Trump and the Trump administration radically altered a number of international policies and behaviors of the United States, and changed the position of the United States on many international agreements, including environmental agreements, trade agreements, military agreements, and human rights agreements. This book studies of the effect of those actions, and Trump's style of behavior, on the standing of the United States in the global community. In eighteen individual case studies the authors examine traditional relationships between their countries and the United States prior to the Trump election, including areas of tension and traditional areas of agreement and cooperation. They address expectations about what the outcome of the 2016 American election would be, and the immediate reaction to the election's outcome. They explore how responses to American policies varied in their country, and whether any American initiatives were especially controversial. And they explore how the relations between their nation and the United States changed over the Trump years. The authors reflect on whether anything was permanently lost or gained by the end of the Trump years, and speculate on the lasting consequences of Trump foreign policies and international behavior for America's standing overseas.

In this book, some of Philip Towle's major contributions are brought together to shed light on the Cold War and its aftermath. Topics include the build-up of chemical and nuclear weapons, the attack on New York's World Trade Center in 2001, intervention in overseas conflicts and the role of the Church. The first section concentrates on the ways in which the West has interfered in conflicts around the world from the Vietnam War to Bosnia, Afghanistan and Iraq, and explains why intervention worked in former Yugoslavia but not in countries such as Vietnam, Afghanistan or Libya. The second section focuses on arms control and disarmament, how they were linked to intervention - particularly through the fear of terrorism - and how and why some arms control measures succeeded, and some did not. Intervention and Disarmament: In a Culturally Diverse World is useful for postgraduates and scholars interested in international affairs and warfare in the modern world.

This book examines European history and politics between two very well-known but flawed treaties: The Treaty of Versailles and the Treaty of Maastricht. Taking the Treaty of Versailles, signed following World War I, as a starting point, the volume argues that while it was well-intentioned to the point of being utopian, it was also totally impractical, rearranging the map of Europe in a way which led to the tragic descent into conflict and barbarism in World War II. The volume then moves through the post war period, the outcome of the war producing the uneasy stability of a Cold War divided continent, and with the establishment of NATO in 1949, the process of European integration ushered in the era of cooperation. Under the influence of Charles de Gaulle, the newly created European Community acted as an association of sovereign states led by France and Germany, spurring economic growth and encouraging other countries to apply to join. After de Gaulle's retirement in 1969, this approach was progressively abandoned in favour of a federal model of integration in which member states transferred their sovereignty to the institutions of what became the European Union. Europe was to be transformed from a continent to a country. The book concludes by analysing the Maastricht treaty, which enshrined this process, as being as fatally flawed as the Versailles Treaty and charts the post-Maastricht slow decline of the European Union giving way to widespread Euroscepticism. From the Treaty of Versailles to the Treaty of Maastricht will appeal to researchers and students alike interested in European history, politics and World War I and II.

While there are no shortages of books about the Cyprus Conflict, this book offers the best summary of the negotiations around. The book comes at a critical time for the partitioned island-state of Cyprus and for those associated with the conflict and attempts to resolve it. By placing the conflict in its historical, ideological, ethno-political and geostrategic context, the book extends beyond conventional realist approaches and lays bare those less visible dimensions that are often ignored by analysts and policy-makers alike. The book is of direct interest not only to experts and students but to all those engaged in the practice of conflict resolution.

This book offers a range of perspectives on the Africa-China partnership in the context of the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). Incorporating historical, political, social and cultural dimensions, it offers innovative views on the Africa-China relationship that combine theory and practice, and critically examines the prospects of a Pan-African policy towards China, complementary to China's comprehensive African policy. The chapters address a number of key questions, including: What steps are being taken to achieve a more coordinated approach and policy towards China on the African continent? Does Africa even need a collective strategy in the first place? How would a coherent policy framework affect Africa's relations with Europe and other external partners? How do the pillars of the partnership align with the African Union's Agenda 2063 and the United Nation's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development?

Embassies are integral to international diplomacy, their staff instrumental to inter-governmental dialogue, strategic partnerships, trading relationships and cultural exchange. But Embassies are also discreet political spaces. Notionally sovereign territory 'immune' from local jurisdiction, in moments of crisis Embassies have often been targets of protest and sites of confrontation. It is this aspect of Embassy experience that this collection of essays explores and Embassies in Crisis revisits flashpoints in the recent lives of Embassies overseas at times of acute political crisis. Ranging across multiple British and other embassy crises, unusually, this book offers equal insights to international historians and members of the diplomatic community.

The scholarly study of international relations tends to go over the same cases, issues, and themes. This book addresses this by challenging readers to think creatively about international politics. It highlights some of the strangest and rarest phenomena in diplomacy and world politics. Comprised of a series of vignettes and organized by common themes like nonsensical borders, quasi-countries, and diplomatic taboos, Weird IR encourages readers to think critically about the discipline without losing one's sense of humor completely.

China's exponential rise and America's relative decline have led to a transition of power in contemporary Asia. The US pivot towards Asia is the most evident manifestation of such a transition, and Indian foreign policy shows signs of a hedging strategy, with attempts to strengthen ties with both China and the US.

1. Includes both classic and new readings from contributors known and less known, expertly selected and edited by a giant in the field, giving students an historical as well as contemporary perspective on issues of international security, peace, and conflict. 2. Offers a big picture view of the issues, combining high level theory with practical case studies, showing students how theory informs on-the-ground conflict and resolution. 3. Original introductions to the book and each of 10 major parts provide a textbook-like primer into which readings fit logically, helping students see connections between seemingly disparate authors and subjects, bringing all together under the still-relevant rubric of "after the Cold War."

During the Second World War, the British government established the Special Operations Executive (SOE) for the purpose of coordinating 'all action, by way of subversion and sabotage, against the enemy overseas'. Although the overseas operations of this branch of the British Secret Services are relatively well known, few studies have explored the 'backroom sections' of this organisation. This book draws together the infrastructure developed to support an agent's 'journey' from recruitment to despatch to the field. At the start of the Second World War there were few existing facilities established within the UK to support clandestine operations. As the conflict progressed, in parallel to learning the operational procedures of their trade, SOE also had to rapidly expand their support infrastructure around the world. The organisation could effectively support their agents only by establishing facilities dedicated to training, research and development, supply, transportation, communication, and command and control. By predominately focusing on the organisation's 'agent facing' infrastructure, this book provides a backdrop to the brave men and women who conducted operations abroad. In addition, it gives an overview of the facilities in which SOE's backroom staff lived and worked. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of archaeology, history and war studies.

Today's embassy blends tradition and change. It accommodates multiple state and non-state actors who jostle on the international stage. This innovative study considers why embassies today are especially relevant to the international system, examining the new representation options and global diplomacy techniques in an information age.Located at the cutting edge of sustaining relations with foreign countries, the embassy plays an expanded role of in bilateral, regional and multilateral affairs, as a promoter of national interests. As foreign ministries and diplomatic networks are expected to deliver more whilst material and human resources in public services are shrinking, this text addresses how embassies can improve their functioning, working in an enlightened, empowered and effective manner. Supported by empirical research and interviews with diplomats and other professionals, alongside unique insights into the experiences of developing countries, The Contemporary Embassy will be a valuable resource for diplomacy scholars and practitioners alike.

This book presents a comprehensive analysis of the relations between US philanthropic foundations (in particular the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) and the League of Nations. Generations of students and scholars have learned that the US, having played a key role in the creation of the League of Nations in 1919, did not join the organization and stood aloof from its activities during the whole interwar period. This book questions this idea and argues that, even though the US was not a de jure member of the League of Nations, the financial, human, and intellectual investment of foundations brought about the de facto integration of the US within the League system and also modified the latter's architecture. The book describes the Americanization of the League and shows how it resulted from three strategies pursued throughout the interwar period: that of US foundations, that of the Secretariat, and that of the US federal government. The book also shows the limits of this Americanization and analyzes the role of the European experts in the coproduction of the postwar international order together with the US government. This book will be of interest to historians and political scientists, as well as undergraduate and graduate students in interdisciplinary programs of international relations.

America's regional foreign policy priorities are shifting, toward Asia, the Middle East, Latin America, and Africa, and away from Europe and Russia. Wiarda examines these changes and the reasons for them in each of these regional areas in this comprehensive work on global perspective on American foreign policy. Designed as a text for introductory international relations, foreign policy, comparative politics, and world politics courses, this book succeeds in integrating these often separate subfields and shows how the study of comparative politics can enlighten foreign policy.

As the only surviving statesman of the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, Jan Smuts arrived for the first session of the United Nations in New York in 1946 to celebratory chants. His departure, a month and a half later, was terrifyingly dissimilar. The `counsellor of nations’ left a dejected man, with his honour, power and glory severely dented. The tragedy that befell Smuts’ international swansong was an Indian delegation, which, as Smuts bemoaned, used his own words against himself and showed him to be a hypocrite. This was eerily similar to a diplomatic onslaught Smuts had faced between 1917 and 1923 at the hands of another set of little-known Indian diplomats. Through these episodic histories, this book chronicles the ambivalent cosmopolitanism of Jan Smuts.

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Japan's Asian diplomacy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Under the Kantei-centred policymaking system, Shinzo Abe has implemented assertive foreign policies with a slogan of 'diplomacy taking a panoramic perspective of the world'. The analyses in the book cover the traditional and emerging fields of national security and international political economy. While its empirical examination is based on field-specific research, it also incorporates the analysis of Japan's bilateral relations with China, the US, India, and others. In addition, the book provides a solid, theory-driven analysis of Japan's external policy and relations. In an independent chapter, this work sets up integrative theoretical frameworks for empirical analyses by relying on key concepts drawn from the three international relations theories of realism, liberalism and constructivism. Going forward, research in this book also explores the development of key regional affairs. Maritime security and space security are two of major security-related affairs, in which the states in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific have to engage, including the development of the TPP (TPP-11) and RCEP, as well as infrastructure development and development cooperation, which are crucial in relation to China's initiatives in the BRI and AIIB. Lastly, the book provides valuable references to regionalism in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific by analyzing regional integration/cooperation through free trade agreements and the development of regional connectivity. This includes the evolution of cooperation and conflict within key regional frameworks such as the East Asia Summit and APEC, as well as key regional visions such as the Free and Open Indo-Pacific. It also takes into account the possible influence of ideational factors such as norms, principles, and rules on the development of regional cooperation.

How did France and Australia develop a deep strategic partnership, when only about two decades ago, a group of Australians bombed the French consulate in Perth to protest against French nuclear testing in the Pacific? Which interests, which personalities, which elements of the global context have led France and Australia to engage in a regional and global rapprochement, and what have been the human, economic and political prerequisites which enabled it? This book aims to investigate the dynamics behind this historically ambiguous relationship. More precisely, this study explains why and how France and Australia are currently engaged in a process of strategic and economic mutual empowerment and how this rapprochement has been possible, owing to thirty years of diplomatic efforts to overcome ongoing culturally and historically constructed misunderstandings and conflicts. This book demonstrates how French and Australian foreign policy-makers have understood that, in regard to their numerous common interests, both countries had to mutually empower each other in order to strengthen their own power, regionally and globally. This book argues that these inclusive dynamics of empowerment constitute the response of two diverse middle powers to current global threats and represent a tool suitable for modernising the strategies and practices of both countries' diplomacies. Soyez' research is the first to propose an answer to these questions through the development of the French-Australian strategic partnership.

"In his account of the relationship between France, the UK and the US Andrew Williams successfully intertwines diplomatic history with international thought. We are presented with a historical stage that includes both the doers and the thinkers of the age, and as a result this is a must read for both diplomatic historians and historians of international thought. The second in a multivolume study, this volume takes the story beyond the fall of France into the war years, the period of post-war reconstruction, and the Cold War. As with the first volume, Williams is an excellent guide, stepping over the ruins of past worlds, and introducing us to an epoch with more than its fair share of both visionaries and villains. Yet in this second volume the stakes are higher, as the United States comes to terms with its role as the paramount world power, Britain faces a world that challenges its imperial order, and France is picking up the pieces from its defeat." Lucian Ashworth, Memorial University, Canada "Following on from his outstanding first volume reviewing the complex interwar relationships between France, Britain and the United States, Williams' second volume is an indispensable and lucid overview of the vitally important era of post-war reconstruction. From national post-war developments to institutional structures and superpower shifts, Williams examines clearly and engagingly the final passing of pre-modern power structures and the emergence of a new Europe." Amelia Hadfield, University of Surrey, UK "At a time of intense debates about Europe, the 'Anglosphere' and empires old and new, Andrew Williams's book is a timely demonstration that the weight of emotion in the shaping of foreign policy and its makers should not be forgotten. Unearthing some of the 'forces profondes' in diplomacy and reflecting on feelings of humiliation and liberation in national constructs, Andrew Williams discusses the cultural conceptions and misconceptions that French, American and British diplomats had of each other, thereby revisiting the reasons why the 'special relationship' was largely a myth - but one which had tangible consequences on French and British policies in their retreat from empire. By connecting the personal and the national, the structural and accidental, Williams offers essential insights into the major conflicts of the period and their impact on diplomatic cultures across the Atlantic." Melanie Torrent, Universite Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens, France The second volume of this study of France's unique contribution to the international relations of the last century covers the period from the Fall of France in 1940 to Charles de Gaulle's triumphant return to power in the late 1950s. France had gone from being a victorious member of the coalition with Britain and the United States that won the First World War to a defeated nation in a few short weeks. France then experienced the humiliation of collaboration with and occupation by the enemy, followed by resistance and liberation and a slow return to global influence over the next twenty years. This volume examines how these processes played out by concentrating on France's relations with Britain and the United States, most importantly over questions of post-war order, the integration of Europe and the withdrawal from Empire.

Is China always defensive about its sovereignty issues? Does China see sovereignty essentially as 'absolute, ' 'Victorian, ' or 'Westphalian?' Sow Keat Tok suggests that Beijing has a more nuanced and flexible policy towards 'sovereignty' than previously assumed. By comparing China's changing policy towards Taiwan and Hong Kong, the author relates the role of previous conceptions of the world order in China's conception of modern 'sovereignty', thereby uncovers Beijing's deepest concern when dealing with its sovereignty issues.