This book examines the strategic implications of Iran's nuclear programme, providing an inventory of the negotiations and a discussion of possible solutions to this pressing international security issue. The Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear programme has been the cause of one of the most extended international crises of the past decade. Multilateral institutions have been unable to resolve the issue, which has the potential to derail the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. Recent failures of diplomatic offers for an extended Iran-EU cooperation and projected US arms sales to Iran's neighbours suggest an imminent escalation of the issue, which has been simmering since first reports about Iranian nuclear fuel-enrichment activities emerged in 2002. Since then, the topic has been the subject of intense media coverage as well as academic and diplomatic debate. This volume brings together analysts and authors with diverse backgrounds, including international diplomats formerly involved in negotiations with Iranian officials. The various chapters bring together different perspectives and empirical analyses, and include detailed assessments of both US and European efforts in diplomatic relations with Iran, as well as of the domestic politics in Iran itself. This book will be of interest to students of Iranian politics, Middle Eastern politics, strategic studies, nuclear proliferation, international security, foreign policy and IR in general.

This book presents a comprehensive framework, six pathways of connection, which explains the impact of public diplomacy on achieving foreign policy goals. The comparative study of three important public diplomacy practitioners with distinctive challenges and approaches shows the necessity to move beyond soft power to appreciate the role of public diplomacy in global politics. Through theoretical discussions and case studies, six pathways of connection is presented as a framework to design new public diplomacy projects and measure their impact on foreign policy.

In the years before the Russian Revolution, diplomats across Europe were widely condemned for lacking the skills needed to cope in the international environment. They were also frequently criticized for being out of touch with public opinion and too ready to clothe their activities in a veil of secrecy. This book suggests that these charges were unfair and that in both Britain and Russia the role of diplomats and foreign ministry officials was governed by changes in the domestic political environment. While they played an important part in determining the foreign policy of their countries, their influence was often much weaker than their critics assumed.

During his thirty-five years as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, John Marshall wrote the opinions in 80 cases involving international law issues. But unlike other scholars who have claimed that Marshall's education in international law came from these cases, Frances Howell Rudko argues that Marshall was intensively schooled in international law issues in the period between 1793 and 1801. In this work, she explores these crucial years in Marshall's life, and demonstrates that most of the key principles he applied in his international law cases were learned during his pre-Court days.

Rudko focuses her study on Marshall's experiences in the eight years prior to his appointment to the Supreme Court, when the events following the Proclamation of Neutrality ushered him into the national political arena. Four episodes from this period are carefully examined and are shown to have provided the foundation for his understanding of international law. They are his appearance before the Supreme Court as debtors' counsel in the case against pre-Revolutionary British creditors; his role in representing the United States in a critical diplomatic mission to France; his time spent in the House of Representatives; and his direction of U.S. foreign policy during his tenure as Secretary of State. These experiences presented Marshall with a daily look at both the realities of international relations and the specifics of international law, and introduced him to many of the issues he would later face as Chief Justice. Students and scholars of American history, the Supreme Court, and political science will find this to be an indispensable work, as will most public, college, and university libraries.

This book begins by discussing the problems of non-recognition and breaches in diplomatic relations, and then considers the advantages and disadvantages of the different methods which states, not in diplomatic relations, employ when they nevertheless need to communicate. These include intermediaries, disguised embassies, ceremonial occasions such as working funerals, the diplomatic corps in third states and at the seat of international organisations, special envoys, and joint commissions. In short, it is concerned with the kind of diplomacy which produced the rapprochement between Israel and the PLO in September 1993.

This edited book examines the role of interpreting in conflict situations, bringing together studies from different international and intercultural contexts, with contributions from military personnel, humanitarian interpreters and activists as well as academics. The authors use case studies to compare relevant notions of interpreting in conflict-related scenarios such as: the positionality of the interpreter, the ethical, emotional and security implications of their work, the specific training needed to carry out work for military and humanitarian organizations, and the relations of power created between the different stakeholders. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of translation and interpreting, conflict and peace studies, as well as conflict resolution and management.

This is the first book-length study of the role that friendship plays in diplomacy and international politics. Through an examination of a vast amount of sources ranging from diplomatic letters and bilateral treaties, to poems and philosophical treatises, it analyses how friendship has been talked about and practised in pre-modern political orders and modern systems of international relations. The study highlights how instrumental friendship was for describing and legitimising a range of political and legal engagements with foreign countries and nations. It emphasises contractual and political aspects in diplomatic friendship based on the idea of utility. It is these functions of the concept that help the world stick together when collective institutions are either embryonic or no more. -- .

An all-new edition of the candid insiders' guide to the US Foreign Service as an institution, a profession, and a career Career Diplomacy takes readers inside the world of American diplomats in the US Foreign Service. Members of the Foreign Service represent the country abroad, protect and support American citizens overseas, manage government programs and facilities, and move foreign policy from the abstract to the actual. In this new and thoroughly revised edition, Foreign Service veterans Harry W. Kopp and John K. Naland lay out what to expect in a Foreign Service career, from the entrance exam through midcareer and into the senior service-how to get in, get around, and get ahead. Part one begins with the history and structure of the US Foreign Service in the Department of State and other agencies. Part two looks at a number of professional challenges, including how to be a diplomat in a war zone and how to respond when what the government demands conflicts with what the Constitution requires or one's conscience compels. In part three, the authors explore the trajectory of a Foreign Service career through their own experiences and through interviews with more than a hundred current and former members. Part four brings the discussion up to the present and looks to the future, describing a Service emerging from the Trump years determined to improve diversity in its workforce, protect a high standard of nonpolitical public service, and reward performance with responsibility. This best-selling guide demystifies the US Foreign Service for those interested in working within or alongside the institution. Kopp and Naland offer readers a candid look at the profession, with its dangers, rewards, challenges, frustrations, and excitement.

As the editor of the Saturday Review for more than thirty years, Norman Cousins had a powerful platform from which to help shape American public debate during the height of the Cold War. Under Cousins's leadership, the magazine was considered one of the most influential in the literary world. Cousins's progressive, nonpartisan editorials in the Review earned him the respect of the public and US government officials. But his deep impact on postwar international humanitarian aid, anti-nuclear advocacy, and Cold War diplomacy has been largely unexplored. In this book, Allen Pietrobon presents the first true biography of Norman Cousins. Cousins was much more important than we realize: he was involved in several secret citizen diplomacy missions during the height of the Cold War and, acting as a private citizen, played a major role in getting the Limited Test Ban Treaty signed. He also wrote JFK's famous 1963 American University commencement speech ("not merely peace in our time but peace for all time"). This book is a fascinating look at the outsized impact that one individual had on the course of American public debate, international humanitarianism, and the Cold War itself. This biography of the vocal anti-communist and anti-nuclear activist's public life will interest readers across the ideological spectrum.

This book takes a somewhat different view of international or diplomatic history by concentrating on the more profound elements of sino-foreign relations, namely the economic and the commercial, especially with regard to Britain and France. The immediate post-revolutionary period in China is viewed here in the wider context of Britain and France's post-imperial decline and expressions such as 'imperialism imprisoned' and 'captive capitalism' are some new and interchangeable terms employed in this context. In contrast to the traditional interpretation that Chinese policies regarding the old imperial powers involved nationalization of foreign companies through the expropriation of their property, this study shows that almost no such practice took place. Rather, instances of appropriation only occurred following an indirect, subtle and protracted process. It is precisely because of the uniqueness of the process and its relatively long duration that the new regime in China succeeded in achieving its goals, perhaps even exceeding them. This study is based on hitherto inaccessible public, private and company archives in Britain, France and China.

Helen Lyman writes about the more humorous incidents she witnessed as the wife of an American diplomat, including incidents with the famous-Nelson Mandela, Al and Tipper Gore, Hillary Clinton-and the not so famous.Helen Lyman began writing in 2001 about the more humorous incidents she witnessed as the wife of an American diplomat. She saw the overseas life through the prism of someone who never thought of herself as being born to the trappings of diplomatic life. Her essays recount incidents from South Korea, Ethiopia, Nigeria, South Africa, and Washington. They include incidents with the famous - Nelson Mandela, Al and Tipper Gore, Hillary Clinton -- and the not so famous whom she loved, like her first grade students in Nigeria. From housewife to family counselor, to teacher, to computer trainer for the State Department, she records the human touches of each of those and in the process her own development. Just as she was looking forward to a rich retirement life, illness struck. In those later years she wrote more about her early life, her family, the loss of a child, and her dreams for herself and for her country. The final work is thus not a traditional memoir. It is a rich journey. Near the end of her life, she turned to poetry and recorded her final thoughts in that way.

Information overload is something that humans have dealt with for millennia. During different historical eras, massive increases in what was available to know has motivated the creation of systems for sorting, indexing, and compiling information as well as concerns that the abundance of information might cause cultural anxiety or even drive people to madness. The digital age has renewed concerns about information overload and the detrimental effects it has on our ability to sort through the stream of online data, decide what is most important, or even to train our attention on it long enough to make sense of it. In Abundance, Pablo J. Boczkowski builds upon what we know about the historical and contemporary scholarship to develop a novel framework on the experience of living in a society that has more information available to the public than ever before, focusing on the interpretations, emotions, and practices of dealing with this abundance in everyday life. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and survey research conducted in Argentina, Abundance examines the role of cultural and structural factors that mediate between the availability of information and the actual consequences for individuals, media, politics, and society. Providing the first book-length account of information abundance in the Global South, Boczkowski concludes that the experience of information abundance is tied to an overall unsettling of society, a reconstitution of how we understand and perform our relationships with others, and a twin depreciation of facts and appreciation of fictions.

This study presents an in-depth survey of the principal policies and personalities of American diplomacy of the era, together with a discussion of recent historiography in the field. For two decades between the two world wars, America pursued a foreign policy course that was, according to Rhodes, shortsighted and self-centered. Believing World War I had been an aberration, Americans na DEGREESDively signed disarmament treaties and a pact renouncing war, while eschewing such inconveniences as enforcement machinery or participation in international organizations. Smug moral superiority, a penurious desire to save money, and naivete ultimately led to the neglect of America's armed forces even as potential rivals were arming themselves to the teeth.

In contrast to the dynamic drive of the New Deal in domestic policy, foreign policy under Franklin D. Roosevelt was often characterized by a lack of clarity and, reflecting Roosevelt's fear of isolationists and pacifists, by presidential explanations that were frequently evasive, incomplete, or deliberately misleading. One of the period's few successes was the bipartisan Good Neighbor policy, which proved far-sighted commercially and strategically. Rhodes praises Cordell Hull as the outstanding secretary of state of the time, whose judgment was often more on target than others in the State Department and the executive branch.

This book provides practice-oriented insights into the agency of two previously underestimated actors in Southeast Asian regionalism: the ASEAN Secretariat and ASEAN's dialog partners. In doing so, it offers an inside view of the policymaking processes in the ASEAN Political-Security and the ASEAN Economic Community, analyzing the interplay and agency by both actors in agenda setting, formulation, decision-making, implementation, and monitoring. Drawing on a trove of novel data, including never-before analyzed sources and numerous interviews with ASEAN insiders, the book showcases a number of concrete cases of policymaking, including competition and counterterrorism policies. The chapters focusing on the ASEAN Secretariat address aspects related to institutional autonomy, capacity, and reforms within the bureaucracy. In the chapters on ASEAN's dialog partners, the book provides insights into the bilateral management of institutional support programs, as well as the impacts of support on ASEAN's policymaking processes.

This book posits an alternative narrative to China's rise by focusing on its impact on Asia. China's rapid rise as a multidimensional power is felt in all corners of the world and poses a direct challenge to the supremacy of the United States, which has held the status of a primary superpower ever since the end of the Cold War. For the most part, Asian countries want to avoid being dragged into this great power rivalry, preferring to adopt a more balanced and pragmatic approach. While a recognition of China's greatness does not necessarily place states in a subservient position, the author argues that the most prudent approach for Asian nations is to avoid being caught in the middle of the US-China rivalry, as this allows them to derive benefits from both sides.

The revival of authoritarianism is one of the most important forces reshaping world politics today. However, not all authoritarians are the same. To examine both resurgence and variation in authoritarian rule, Karrie J. Koesel, Valerie J. Bunce, and Jessica Chen Weiss gather a leading cast of scholars to compare the most powerful autocracies in global politics today: Russia and China. The essays in Citizens and the State in Authoritarian Regimes focus on three issues that currently animate debates about these two countries and, more generally, authoritarian political systems. First, how do authoritarian regimes differ from one another, and how do these differences affect regime-society relations? Second, what do citizens think about the authoritarian governments that rule them, and what do they want from their governments? Third, what strategies do authoritarian leaders use to keep citizens and public officials in line and how successful are those strategies in sustaining both the regime and the leader's hold on power? Integrating the most important findings from a now-immense body of research into a coherent comparative analysis of Russia and China, this book will be essential for anyone studying the foundations of contemporary authoritarianism.

Taking a comparative approach and bringing together perspectives from Japan, China, Korea, and Taiwan, this volume considers former Japanese prime minister Tomiichi Murayama's 1995 apology statement, the height of Japan's post-war apology, and examines its implications for memory, international relations, and reconciliation in Asia.

Previously published as Peacemakers Between January and July 1919, after the war to end all wars, men and women from all over the world converged on Paris for the Peace Conference. At its heart were the leaders of the three great powers - Woodrow Wilson, Lloyd George and Clemenceau. Kings, prime ministers and foreign ministers with their crowds of advisers rubbed shoulders with journalists and lobbyists for a hundred causes - from Armenian independence to women's rights. Everyone had business in Paris that year - T.E. Lawrence, Queen Marie of Romania, Maynard Keynes, Ho Chi Minh. There had never been anything like it before, and there never has been since. For six extraordinary months the city was effectively the centre of world government as the peacemakers wound up bankrupt empires and created new countries. They pushed Russia to the sidelines, alienated China and dismissed the Arabs, struggled with the problems of Kosovo, of the Kurds, and of a homeland for the Jews. The peacemakers, so it has been said, failed dismally; failed above all to prevent another war. Margaret MacMillan argues that they have unfairly been made scapegoats for the mistakes of those who came later. They tried to be evenhanded, but their goals - to make defeated countries pay without destroying them, to satisfy impossible nationalist dreams, to prevent the spread of Bolshevism and to establish a world order based on democracy and reason - could not be achieved by diplomacy. Paris 1919 (originally published as Peacemakers) offers a prismatic view of the moment when much of the modern world was first sketched out.

Like all professions, diplomacy has spawned its own specialized terminology, and it is this lexicon which provides A Dictionary of Diplomacy's thematic spine. However, the dictionary also includes entries on legal terms, political events, international organizations and major figures who have occupied the diplomatic scene or have written influentially about it over the last half millennium. All students of diplomacy and related subjects and especially junior members of the many diplomatic services of the world will find this book indispensable.

This book analyses the UN's Agenda 2030 and reveals that progress is lagging on all five interlocking and interdependent themes that are discussed: conflict prevention, development, peace, justice and human rights. Many voices have already been raised, including that of the UN Secretary-General that the Sustainable Development Goals will not be met by 2030 unless there is a re-doubling of efforts. Still, on development as such, there is much striving. The book puts the concept of preventive diplomacy into all of the issues of modern international relations, from the US/China confrontation to the various conflicts bedeviling Africa. It bridges the two worlds of the international relations specialist on the one hand and that of the academic interested in UN affairs on the other hand. There is normally little contact between those two specializations. The authors have taken several current issues to show how the millennium debates and the SDG targets are relevant to "realist school" conflicts, and that there is work under way to operationalize ideas and theories in this respect. This is the first ever discussion of the conflict prevention dimension in the UN's Agenda 2030 which seeks to advance sustainable development with a view to reinforcing peace and justice on the foundations of respect for universal human rights.

Diplomacy at the Highest Level provides the first comprehensive analysis of the theory and practice of international summitry. The implications of the increased involvement of political leaders in international diplomacy is analyzed through case-studies of specific meetings and types of summit representing a broad historical, geographic and political spectrum. The volume also explains the development of high-level meetings from pre-modern times until the present day, the increase in summitry in the twentieth century and the advantages and disadvantages of summits for international politics and diplomacy.

This book looks at U.S.-Korea relations and argues that the durability of military alliances depends upon a combination of power distribution, material assets, and identities. The author asserts that military alliances, beyond being mere tools of power balancing, are also engaged in material, representational, and institutional practices that constitute the identity of allies and adversaries.

First Published in 2004. Throughout the half-century between the Crimean War and the outbreak of the First World War, few countries confronted successive British governments with the complexity of problems posed by the Ottoman Empire. This study attempts to attain three main objectives. The first is an analysis of the growth and development of British policy at two levels: the Embassy and the Foreign Office. The second is an assessment of the influence of various embassies on decision-making in the Foreign Office. The third is an estimate of the influence of European and Imperial considerations upon the formulation of Britain's policy towards the Ottoman Empire.