First Published in 1981. Contrary to Chairman Mao's assertion that political power comes from the barrel of a gun, this study contends that political power in China in the early 1920s emanated from the boardrooms of foreign banks. The author's interest in the way financial concerns have shaped foreign policy began with the discovery that the Lloyd George government attempted to influence the American government's policy on the British war debts by offering concessions concerning the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. This study should provide understanding concerning the causes of Chinese bitterness as well as suggest the conflicts experienced by diplomats in balancing public and private interests.

This book looks at how both advocacy groups in New Zealand and Australia use political marketing to conduct advocacy and support Israeli and Palestinian public diplomacy and nation branding. The focus lies on their marketing orientation, segmentation/ targeting/ positioning (STP), and internal marketing practices. The theoretical framework will draw upon several political marketing frameworks and concepts including the product/sales/market-oriented framework, the STP process, and Petitt's internal stakeholder marketing approaches. The book examines four case studies: (1) the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA), (2) the Israel Institute of New Zealand (IINZ), (3) the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC), and (4) the Australia Palestine Advocacy Network (APAN). To ensure balance and comparison, four groups representing both the pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian camps in NZ and Australia were selected. Other criteria included their broad scope of activity, approachability and accessibility, as well as connections to state actors through advocacy, public diplomacy, and nation branding.

In 1989 and 1990 the map of Europe was redrawn without a war, unlike other great ruptures of the international order such as 1815, 1870, 1918, and 1945. How did this happen? This major multinational study, based on archives from both sides of the 'Iron Curtain', highlights the contribution of international statecraft to the peaceful dissolution of Europe's bipolar order by examining pivotal summit meetings from 1970 to 1990. These are organized into three periods: 'Thawing', 'Living with', and 'Transcending' the Cold War. The volume offers fascinating insights into key statesmen such as Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, Leonid Brezhnev and Mikhail Gorbachev, Willy Brandt and Helmut Kohl, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping. It explores the central issues of the superpowers and arms control, their triangular relationship with China, and the seemingly intractable German question. Particular attention is devoted to the cultural dimensions of summitry, as performative acts for the media and as encounters with 'the Other' across ideological divides. All these threads are drawn together in a sweeping analytical conclusion. Written in lively prose, Transcending the Cold War is essential reading for anyone interested not just in modern history but also current international affairs.

This is the first in-depth study of the secret society called CUP (Committee of Union and Progress), based on their own papers. It pays special attention to the Young Turks as an intellectual movement which continues to influence the thinking of Turkish intellectuals in the 1990s. It also provides important insights into diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and the so-called Great Powers of Europe at the turn of the century.

How do governments that do not enjoy formal diplomatic relations use propaganda? When a government is denied recognition by the international community, it must explore every avenue of publicity available to project its image and policies. For such actors, propaganda can become diplomacy out of necessity. The Republic of China on Taiwan is such a government, and its predicament is the subject of this book. It discusses the relationship between diplomacy and propaganda from an exciting new perspective, illustrated by a fascinating case-study.

In light of recent global trends and crises, including the hasty withdrawal of Western troops from Afghanistan and the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, this book sheds new light on global power shifts in multiple areas of international relations between industrialized countries and emerging powers. This book argues that "the global age" is rapidly supplanting "the modern age", and that modernity is paving the way for globality. The events that are taking place in the 21st century can no longer be effectively described, understood or explained by the concept of modernity which originated more than 500 years ago. Further, this book challenges the academic and societal tendency to view international power-related phenomena on the basis of a dichotomy between hard and soft power. It assumes that another power source, independent of hard and soft power, does exist. Invisible, structure-manipulating, and effectively leveraged, it is precisely this "third power" that drives and shapes power phenomena in the "global age" more intensively than either hard or soft power. This book seeks to verify its core hypotheses by applying them to a set of selected global phenomena, particularly from the domains of geopolitics (Belt & Road Initiative, Iran conflict, war in Afghanistan, and competition for a new world order) and technology (Global Navigation Satellite Systems, 5G infrastructure, race for international standards, and ICT rivalry). Rather than systematically examining each of these issues, it focuses on extracting theoretical meanings from these cases to demonstrate the logic of globality and structural power, partly from global-horizontal perspectives, partly through a structural-vertical lens.

The Polar North is known to be home to large gas and oil reserves and its position holds significant trading and military advantages, yet the maritime boundaries of the region remain ill-defined. In the twenty-first century the Arctic is undergoing profound change. As the sea ice melts, a result of accelerating climate change, global governance has become vital. In this, the third of three volumes, the latest research and analysis from the world's leading Arctic research body - the Fridtjof Nansen Institute - is brought together for the first time. Arctic Governance: Norway, Russia and Asia investigates the foreign policy discourses of Arctic governance, specifically as regarding international relations and competing interests between Norway, Russia and various Asian states.

Since its emergence in 1960 as an independent state, Nigeria has stood out as the most populous Black country in the world. In Africa's International Relations in a Globalising World: Perspectives on Nigerian Foreign Policy at Sixty and Beyond, edited by Usman A. Tar and Sharkdam Wapmuk, contributors examine Nigeria's role within Africa as well as internationally. They show how Nigeria has used the platforms of international organisations to advance its interests while fulfilling its regional and global obligations. The contributors address areas such as Nigeria's economic development and policies, Nigeria's relationship with other countries, and the urgent challenge of countering terrorism in the context of ensuring sustainable development. The COVID-19 pandemic brought to the fore the need for strong global relations and reminded humanity of the importance of multilateral solutions to global problems such as health. The editors and contributors address essential questions such as how well has Nigerian foreign policy and its practice of diplomacy served national interest, and what more needs to be done to assure of better results now and into the future.

Effective diplomacy remains fundamental to the conduct of international relations in the twenty-first century, as we seek to define and manage a challenging new world order peacefully. New Perspectives on Diplomacy examines the implications of the shifting international landscape upon how states interact with one another. Reflecting on the significant changes to the system of states over the past 50 years, including the end of the Cold War, the rise of transnational networks, challenges to borders, growth in national populism and the increasing difficulties presented to diplomats by radical transparency, the first volume presents the global context against which contemporary diplomacy is conducted.

Thriving in the context of political vacuums created by state weakness, the armed non-state actors in the Middle East, such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Kurds increasingly demonstrate features of both state and non-state actors and act autonomously in their foreign policy. Rethinking State-Non-State Alliances: Change and Continuity in the U.S.-Kurdish Relationship investigates the growing influence of Middle Eastern non-state actors as agents of foreign policy through an analysis of the U.S.-Kurdish relationship. Ozum Yesiltas analyzes the underlying causes of increased U.S.-Kurdish cooperation since the early 1990s and addresses the extent to which existing approaches in international relations are adequate in explaining the changing political landscape in the Middle East that brought the U.S. and Kurds together in new ways. Yesiltas draws attention to the ways in which U.S-Kurdish interactions contributed to the escalation of Kurdish nationalism as a transnational phenomenon, and how the growing saliency of Kurdish transnational politics reshapes U.S. foreign policy and broader regional order.

While Europe has traditionally been the role model for international cooperation, this volume suggests a new highly successful mode. Using a flourishing operational code of diplomacy known as the Asian Way, Asian regional cooperation has gone even further to unite disparate countries for economic and political objectives. Culminating twenty years of research, this volume defines the Asian Way. It then provides details on fifty regional organizations in an effort to study this spirit of regional cooperation. Highlighting the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the author concludes that Asian international relations has been ASEANized and increased economic progress has been advanced in two decades through the application of the Asian Way.

Examining in microcosm how nations conduct their foreign relations in Asia, this volume provides an extensive list of regional organizations. It details their organizational charts, provides membership lists, and reveals funding formulas and projects undertaken. The author explains how, through the application of the principles of the Asian Way, the countries of Southeast Asia have resolved their conflicts, harmonized foreign policies, begun projects of regional economic cooperation and ultimately advanced prosperity.

This open access book introduces adaptive mediation as an alternative approach that enables mediators to go beyond liberal peace mediation, or other determined-design models of mediation, in the context of contemporary conflict resolution and peace-making initiatives. Adaptive mediation is grounded in complexity theory, and is specifically designed to cope with highly dynamic conflict situations characterized by uncertainty and a lack of predictability. It is also a facilitated mediation process whereby the content of agreements emerges from the parties to the conflict themselves, informed by the context within which the conflict is situated. This book presents the core principles and practices of adaptive mediation in conjunction with empirical evidence from four diverse case studies - Colombia, Mozambique, The Philippines, and Syria - with a view to generate recommendations for how mediators can apply adaptive mediation approaches to resolve and transform contemporary and future armed conflicts.

With a historian's eye and a theorist's ingenuity, Michael Doyle, whose writings on liberal peace have revolutionised modern statesmanship, cogently assesses the tectonic shifts threatening a global order that has held for more than seventy years. As tensions among China, Russia and the US escalate perilously towards a new Cold War, Doyle introduces a radical paradigm that will facilitate the international cooperation necessary to avert the global threats of our time. Combining dramatic history with trenchant analysis and landmark theory, Doyle explores the impacts of cyberwarfare, foreign election meddling and the unprecedented schism of modern politics on American foreign policy. He demonstrates that there can be no success in addressing climate change without China's cooperation, nor any hope of averting nuclear catastrophe without Russia's. In the tradition of Gaddis' The Cold War and Clark's The Sleepwalkers, Cold Peace provides one of the most necessary analyses of global power in decades.

This book compares the involvement of Kurdistan-Iraq and Palestine (Palestinian Territory of the West Bank and Gaza Strip) in international relations from the viewpoint of their practical performance. In particular, it provides an overview over the current Kurdish and Palestinian paradiplomatic activities and their practical performance in terms of their capabilities, capacities and practical achievements. The contributing authors analyze the evolution of paradiplomacy, the domestic legal and institutional framework, the goals, instruments, and capabilities of Kurdish and Palestinian paradiplomacy, and selected foreign relations. The book identifies the similarities and differences between the paradiplomacy of Kurdistan-Iraq and Palestine with regard to a set of guidelines: causes, legal foundations, institutionalization, predominant motives, practical implementation, and outcomes of paradiplomacy. It provides empirical explanations about how and why Kurdistan-Iraq and Palestine develop and practice paradiplomacy and contributes to a better understanding of Kurdistan-Iraq's and Palestine's involvement in international affairs and their activities.

In the wake of its creation in 1948, the state of Israel was confronted with the challenge of establishing foreign relations with key players in the region, in the face of opposition from most of the Arab states. Howard Patten explores the genesis and development of Israel's foreign relations with Iran, Turkey and Ethiopia, known as the 'Policy of the Periphery'. Highlighting the pragmatism and Realpolitik at the heart of this policy, Israel and the Cold War analyses the national interests and mutual concerns which shaped relations and strategy at the United Nations during the critical moments of the establishment of the State of Israel and the following forty years, before the ramifications of the Iranian Revolution became apparent. During this period, Israel made efforts to create pragmatic alliances behind closed doors at the UN, even as ambivalence and hostility reigned in the public sphere. Patten thus examines the implications that the Cold War system of ideological combat had on these attempts to maintain implicit, yet cordial understandings, as world events - such as the Suez Crisis of 1956, successive crises over Cyprus and the Ethiopian and Iranian Revolutions - tested the 'Policy of the Periphery'. 'Israel and the Cold War' traces the development of Israel's relations with these three states, from their initial beginnings to consolidation, then rejection and subsequent efforts to realign. Patten highlights the extensive diplomatic and military reverberations that occurred throughout the region, and the way in which these were played out at the UN. Based primarily on UN documents, this book is a vital primary resource for those researching the period in question and the formulation of foreign policy in the Middle East.

Migration and the impact that immigrants have on Canada is and always has been central to a robust understanding of Canadian identity. However, despite claims that "the world needs more Canada," Canadians, their governments, and scholars pay much less attention to the estimated 3 million Canadian expatriates who live elsewhere. The Construction of Canadian Identity from Abroad features Canadian scholars who live and work outside Canada (or have recently returned to Canada) and who write and think deeply about identity construction. What happens when that Canadian is a scholar whose teaching, research and scholarship, professional development, and/or community engagement focuses directly on Canada? How does being abroad affect how we interpret Canada? In short, in what ways does "externality" affect how Canadian expat scholars intellectually approach, construct, and identify with Canada? This engaging volume is ideal for university students, scholars, government officials, and the general public.

This open access book includes forty-one chapters about foreign observers’ discourses on Japan. These include a wide range of perspectives from the travelogues of curious visitors to academic theses by scholars, which offer us a broad spectrum of contents, reflecting a variety of attitudes toward Japan. The works were written during the period from the 1850s to the 1980s, a timespan during which Japan became, in stages, more open to the outside world after a long isolation under the Tokugawa shogunate. From the perspective of “Japanology,� one can discern three distinct periods of rising interest in the country from abroad. The first tide of such interest came shortly after the opening of Japan, when various foreign travelers, including those who could not be included in this book, came over and wrote down their impressions of the country—which was, for them, a land of mystery and mystique, which had just opened its doors to them. The second wave arose at the beginning of the twentieth century, just after the Russo-Japanese War, when Japan again generated a remarkable surge of interest as a “miracle� in Asia that had pulled off the wondrous feat of defeating a white superpower. The third wave was more recent, which took place from the late 1960s to the 1980s, a period of high economic growth when the “miracle� of Japan’s remarkable economic recovery from the defeat of World War II attracted enthusiastic and curious attention from the outside world once again. It is not the intention of this book to directly highlight such historical transitions, but these forty-two brilliant mirrors (forty-one chapters, including forty-two discourses), even when looked in casually, provide us with unexpected insights and various perspectives.   Sh�ichi Saeki (1922–2016) was Professor Emeritus, the University of Tokyo. T�ru Haga (1931–2020) was Professor Emeritus, International Research Center for Japanese Studies. 

This book explores presidential justifications of every major American military conflict from the War of 1812 to the Second Gulf War. It generates two important findings. First, presidents employ a specific standard (the Necessity Standard) publicly to justify decisions to go to war, and privately to make decisions regarding war and peace. The Necessity Standard holds that major military force should be used if no viable alternatives are available to protect vital interests or discharge duties. Second, when addressing the Necessity Standard, presidents have disclosed military and security policies that vary considerably in their patience with alternatives and their definitions of vital interests and duties. The book concludes by characterizing wars, categorizing presidential policies, and outlining how the central position of the Necessity Standard in the American politics of war and peace might affect policymaking processes, conflict management, and the public's perceptions of wars and foreign policy.

Music has long played a prominent role in cultural diplomacy, but until now no resource has comparatively examined policies that shape how non-western countries use music for international relations. Ethnomusicology and Cultural Diplomacy, edited by scholars David G. Hebert and Jonathan McCollum, demonstrates music's role in international relations worldwide. Specifically, this book offers "insider" views from expert contributors writing about music as a part of cultural diplomacy initiatives in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Iran, Syria, Japan, China, India, Vietnam, Ethiopia, South Africa, and Nigeria. Unique features include the book's emphasis on diverse legal frameworks, decolonial perspectives, and cultural policies that serve as a basis for how nations outside "the west" use music in their relationships with Europe and North America.

This book reviews bureau-type organizations delivering network goods, documenting how most global institutions greatly improved their effectiveness during the last few decades. In the current globalized world, the design and choice of appropriate institutional rules and procedures can result in effective and democratic global government.

This open access book examines how creating a national brand assisted Qatar in absorbing the shock and awe following the outburst of the crisis with Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates in May 2017. The authors discuss the country's diplomatic performance, which was characterized by five main factors that helped Qatar to deal with the crisis successfully. These factors include the failure of the element of surprise, years of building Qatar's national brand, Qatar's arsenal of soft power, international alliances, and the opponents' quandary. This book further scrutinizes Qatar's role in the region and all questions related to this role through the lenses of its nation brand. The book provides explanations for the success of Qatar in absorbing the "shock and awe" in the early stage of the last Gulf crisis, presenting various arguments on how establishing a nation brand helped Qatar to deal with the crisis successfully. The book follows an original approach that views the Qatari case from a scientific perspective, investigating the art of nation branding. It will appeal to students, researchers, and scholars of international relations, psychology, political science, and journalism, as well as policy-makers interested in a better understanding of soft power, nation branding, Middle East studies, and diplomacy.

Amongst British diplomats there's a rather poignant joke that 'Iran is the only country in the world that still regards the United Kingdom as a superpower'. But for many Iranians, it's not a joke at all. Scratch the surface, and Iranians of all political persuasions will remind you that it was Britain, with the US, who removed the democratically elected Prime Minister of Iran, Mohammad Mossadegh. The coup against Mossadegh may have been in 1953, but for Iranians that feels like yesterday. Rather as we in the United Kingdom continue to define ourselves by what happened nearly eighty years ago at the start of the Second World War, modern Iranians define themselves by their bloody experience of the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-88, when the country stood alone against Iraq. The conflict was an act of unprovoked aggression by Saddam Hussein, leader of Iraq. The rest of the world - France, the Soviet Union and later the US and the UK - all piled in to support Iraq, with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states bankrolling Saddam. It was this experience that has helped define Iran's view of the world, and its attitudes to both its local rivals for power and those further afield. This book seeks to illuminate Britain's difficult relationship with Iran, and in doing so provide anyone interested in Iran with a better understanding of this extraordinary country.

This book uses an innovative interdisciplinary approach to explain how communication is a necessary condition for diplomacy in a digital and relationship-driven world. Divided into three parts, it highlights the importance of communication strategies and processes in contemporary society and in current global socio-political events in general, particularly within the field of diplomacy. The first part discusses the main theoretical debates that shaped the central concepts of the project, while the second part of the book presents further practical approaches and examples of diplomatic practice. Lastly, the third part focuses on pedagogical and methodological approaches, which can be useful in diplomacy and communication classes and for the implementation of a European curriculum. This interdisciplinary book will appeal to students, researchers, policy-makers, and practitioners from various disciplines, including international relations, political science, business, and communication.

In the last two years, Canadian society has been marked by political and ideological turmoil. How does an increasingly divided country engage a world that is itself divided and tumultuous? Political instability has been reinforced by international uncertainty: the COVID-19 pandemic, populism, Black Lives Matter, and the chaotic final year of the Trump presidency that increased tensions between the West, China and Russia. Even with a Biden presidency, these issues will continue to influence Canada's domestic situation and its ability to engage as an effective global actor. Contributors explore issues that cause or reflect these tensions, such as Canada's willingness to address pressing crises through multilateralism, including the COVID-19 pandemic. Can Canada forge its own path in a turbulent world?