Why do weak states resist threats of force from the United States, especially when history shows that this superpower carries out its ultimatums? Cheap Threats upends conventional notions of power politics and challenges assumptions about the use of compellent military threats in international politics. Drawing on an original dataset of US compellence from 1945 to 2007 and four in-depth case studies -- the Cuban Missile Crisis, the 2011 confrontation with Libya, and the 1991 and 2003 showdowns with Iraq -- Dianne Pfundstein Chamberlain finds that US compellent threats often fail because threatening and using force became comparatively "cheap" for the United States after the Cold War. Becoming the world's only superpower and adopting a new light-footprint model of war, which relied heavily on airpower and now drones, have reduced the political, economic, and human costs that US policymakers face when they go to war. Paradoxically, this lower-cost model of war has cheapened US threats and fails to signal to opponents that the United States is resolved to bear the high costs of a protracted conflict. The result: small states gamble, often unwisely, that the United States will move on to a new target before achieving its goals. Cheap Threats resets the bar for scholars and planners grappling with questions of state resolve, hegemonic stability, effective coercion, and other issues pertinent in this new era of US warfighting and diplomacy.

While diplomacy is a well-established topic for study, global governance is a relatively new arrival to the conceptual landscape of international relations. At first glance the two exist in separate worlds. This book examines the relationship between these two concepts for the first time in a comprehensive manner.

Relations between the new state of Israel and the European Union in the first twenty years of the Community's existence were a major policy issue given the background of the Holocaust and the way the new nation was established. This book focuses on Israel-European Community relations from 1957 to 1975 - from the signing of the Treaty of Rome (1957), which officially established the Common Market, to the conclusion of Israel's Free Trade Agreement with the Community. It reveals a new and key facet of Israeli diplomacy during the country's infancy, joining the many studies concerning Israel's relations with the United States, France, Germany and Britain.

This book marries the disciplines of International Relations and Diplomatic History to provide a major new study of the GATT system in the 1960s. Using recently declassified British and American government documents, this book identifies the key role British diplomats played at the Kennedy Round. Through the close ties that characterise the Anglo-American relationship, the British influenced American policy and strategy in the negotiations. The evidence of this study challenges realist theories of middle power influence in the international political economy by demonstrating the determining role of state-level factors such as diplomatic skill and policy expertise.

An examination of the nature of middle power diplomacy in the post-Cold War era. As the rigid hierarchy of the bipolar era wanes, the potential ability of middle powers to open segmented niches opens up. This volume indicates the form and scope of this niche-building diplomatic activity from a bottom up perspective to provide an alternative to the dominant apex-dominated image in international relations.

time. Democratization has become the cornerstone of post-civil war state reconstruction, but the role of political parties in the success or failure of democratic statebuilding is understudied. The book examines four parties in three countries over ten years or more of electoral politics: Renamo in Mozambique, the Croatian Democratic Union and the Serbian Democratic Party in Bosnia, and the FMLN in El Salvador.

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If a key aspect of diplomacy is how countries are seen abroad, official diplomats are not the only actors. In contexts as diverse as Syria, Myanmar and the South China Sea, think tanks are influential actors whose impact deserves greater study. As organisations producing independent intellectual outputs to influence public policy, think tanks engage in at least four diplomatic functions: negotiation, communication, information-gathering and promoting friendly relations in international affairs. Detailed case studies show that think tanks both directly perform and indirectly support diplomatic functions: as metaphorical hired guns, charm offensive, witnesses and safe space; as a school for diplomats, personal trainers, chief knowledge officer and wise counsel. To reach their full potential, think tanks need to overcome obstacles including resource constraints and relationships with policymakers.

Mediation is one of the most important management strategies in international relations, yet it has been the focus of relatively little scholarship. International mediation may involve private individuals, academic scholars, official government representatives, regional organizations, small or large states, transnational and international organizations, and yet the nature and consequences of such variation have yet to be examined systematically. The purpose of this book is to analyze the mediating efforts of these, and to consider their contributions to international peace and security.

Written by international practitioners and scholars, this pioneering work offers important insights into peace mediation practice today and the role of third parties in the resolution of armed conflicts. The authors reveal how peace mediation has developed into a complex arena and how multifaceted assistance has become an indispensable part of it. Offering unique reflections on the new frameworks set out by the UN, they look at the challenges and opportunities of third-party involvement. With its policy focus and real-world examples from across the globe, this is essential reading for researchers of peace and conflict studies, and a go-to reference point for advisors involved in peace processes.

This book provides an important study of a short-lived government making foreign policy in the shadow of an impending general election. It considers Britain's relations with the United States, Africa, Asia and the Middle East.

"The New Multilateralism in South African Diplomacy" provides a detailed analysis of how post-apartheid South Africa has participated in multilateral diplomacy in a variety of sub-regional, regional and international settings during the last decade. The book will interest scholars engaged in broad debates about multilateralism in International Relations as well as those analyzing the processes of multilateral diplomacy. Scholars interested in contemporary South African foreign policy will also find this book invaluable.

Utilizing a wealth of British diplomatic records and other sources this study offers fresh insights into the whole period of US political and economic domination in Cuba from 1898 until the eventful early period of the Cuban Revolution after 1959, when the hitherto close USa "Cuban relationship fell apart. It investigates two British attempts to agree a commercial treaty with Cuba, and the contentious sales of arms and Leyland buses before and after the Fidel Castro-led Revolution. The book outlines Britain's economic decline through two world wars, but also the country's importance as a second market for Cuban sugar and cigar exports. It demonstrates how British governments and diplomats in Havana sought to protect their interests in Cuba, including railway and insurance companies, always sensitive to the reactions of the United States a " a vital transatlantic ally with a significant stake in the Caribbean island.

Like any other social activity, negotiation exhibits both universal patterns determined by the finite possibilities of its nature and local variations determined by cultural practices. Universalities predominate if one digs deep enough, and peculiarities abound in surface manifestations. This book investigates how deep is deep enough, and how shallow the surface, and attempts to find the meeting line. As more and more individuals meet around the negotiation table, providing conditions for cultural encounters and clashes, this volume examines the actors involved, the role culture plays, and the role of organizations.

The failure of six countries to reach an agreement in the Six-Party Talks on Korea has shown the futility of negotiations to denuclearize North Korea. As Victor Ofosu shows in this timely new study, diplomacy failed because nuclear reversal is not in Pyongyang security, regional, or economic interests. This analysis examines factors which may encourage North Korea and other nuclear powers to reverse their posture, including considerations of constraint surrounding the INF treaty between the United States and Russia. The book also considers arguments criticizing the effectiveness of arms control agreements, the application of security and domestic models of arms control, and how security and domestic issues can deter a state from complying with a treaty.

This comprehensive review covers the evolution of strategic thinking in South Korea since the 1980s in regard to China, Japan, Russia, regionalism, and reunification. Following a consistent framework, the book provides detailed analysis of how and why successive presidents chose new approaches. An overview raises broad questions about the turning points from nordpolitik to the Sunshine Policy and finally to the Six-Party Talks leading to the Joint Agreement.

By utilising the latest research, readers will be given a complete picture of the way Britain fought the Cold War, moving the focus away from the now familiar crises of Suez and Cuba and onto the themes that underpinned the British war strategy. Intelligence, civil defence and nuclear diplomacy are all examined within the context of modern British history at a time of national decline. There is a growing interest in the contexts of the Cold War and this collection will establish itself as the leading volume on the UK's wartime strategy.

Memorialised as a US heroine and an iconoclastic humanitarian who sought to protect society's marginalised, Eleanor Roosevelt also, at times, disappointed contemporaries and biographers with some of her stances. Examining a period of her life that has not been extensively explored, this book challenges the previously held universality of Eleanor Roosevelt's humanitarianism. The Palestinian question is used as a case study to explore the practical application of her commitment to social justice, and the author argues that, at times, Roosevelt's humanitarianism was illogical, limited and flawed by pragmatism. New insights are provided into Eleanor Roosevelt's human rights activism - its dichotomies, its inspiration, and the effect it had on US relations with the Middle East. This book will appeal to academics working across a range of disciplines including history, diplomatic history, American studies, Middle Eastern studies, US foreign policy, human rights and women's studies.

In this powerful new analysis of the importance of U.S. nuclear proliferation policy, Eric H. Arnett realistically assesses the impact of nuclear proliferation on the ability of the United States to protect what is currently perceived to be its interests. The book offers a thorough review of the effects of nuclear weapons on U.S. power projection forces, the current capabilities of proliferant countries, and the ability of these proliferant to successfully deliver their nuclear weapons. Arnett constructs scenarios that test the relevance of the proliferant arsenals to U.S. capabilities, and probable willingness, to protect its interests in future crisis. Using India, Iran, and Libya to present these scenarios, the book questions whether a proliferant would be immune to intervention from a nuclear superpower or, rather, immune to the purported benefits of nuclear deterrence.

With a special focus on U.S. naval power, this book asks whether nuclear proliferation will limit options and opportunities the U.S. would otherwise have. Will the U.S. have to forego certain regional interests in the face of nuclear attacks on ships and bases? Would the Navy have struck Benghazi had Qaddafi deployed a small nuclear arsenal? Will the Freedom of Navigation Program have to be abandoned in some cases? Or will the U.S. Navy be able to cope through modifications to forces and tactics, as more countries cross the nuclear threshold?

Examining American foreign policy towards the Horn of Africa between 1945 and 1991, this book uses Ethiopia and Somalia as case studies to offer an evaluation of the decision-making process during the Cold War, and consider the impact that these decisions had upon subsequent developments both within the Horn of Africa and in the wider international context. The decision-making process is studied, including the role of the president, the input of his advisers and lower level officials within agencies such as the State Department and National Security Council, and the parts played by Congress, bureaucracies, public opinion, and other actors within the international environment, especially the Soviet Union, Ethiopia and Somalia. Jackson examines the extent to which influences exerted by forces other than the president affected foreign policy, and provides the first comprehensive analysis of American foreign policy towards Ethiopia and Somalia throughout the Cold War. This book offers a fresh perspective on issues such as globalism, regionalism, proxy wars, American aid programmes, anti-communism and human rights. It will be of great interest to students and academics in various fields, including American foreign policy, American Studies and Politics, the history of the Cold War, and the history of the Horn of Africa during the modern era.

This is the first book-length study of the role that friendship plays in diplomacy and international politics. Through an examination of a vast amount of sources ranging from diplomatic letters and bilateral treaties, to poems and philosophical treatises, it analyses how friendship has been talked about and practised in pre-modern political orders and modern systems of international relations. The study highlights how instrumental friendship was for describing and legitimising a range of political and legal engagements with foreign countries and nations. It emphasises contractual and political aspects in diplomatic friendship based on the idea of utility. It is these functions of the concept that help the world stick together when collective institutions are either embryonic or no more. -- .

This volume brings together some of the leading scholars of Vatican history to examine papal diplomacy in the 19th and 20th centuries. Essays consider the role of the Vatican in the major events of the modern era (the unification of Italy, World Wars I and II, the Holocaust, the war in Vietnam, the Nicaraguan revolution). Other essays examine the way in which the Papacy conducts its relations with secular states, specifically addressing its relationship with Ireland, Canada, the United States, and Yugoslavia. And three essays consider the place of the Vatican in the politics of the contemporary Middle East. This important work provides a sense of the complex nature of the Papacy's involvement in the political and diplomatic issues of the modern world.

This book provides a general understanding of Ottoman diplomacy in relation to the modern international system. The origins of Ottoman diplomacy have been traced back to the Islamic tradition and Byzantine Inner Asian heritage. The Ottomans regarded diplomacy as an institution of the modern international system. They established resident ambassadors and the basic institutions and structure of diplomacy. The book concludes with a review of the legacy of Ottoman diplomacy.

A rare account by a foreigner working in Japan in the 20th century; a unique insight into this important period of Japan's history; complements existing material. First a student interpreter, then an assistant in Korea, Vice-Consul in Yokohama and Osaka, Consul in Nagasaki and Dairen, then Consul-General in Seoul, Osaka, Mukden and Tientsin. Not a contemporary diary as such, but a write-up of notes made towards the end of White's career spanning thirty-eight years. Importantly, it includes reflective passages on the momentous developments of the later 1930s, as Japan moved onto a war-footing in China - and as Consul-General in the Chinese treaty port of Tianjin under Japanese occupation, White was in the middle of the growing tensions between Britain and Japan. His post-war recollections are also valuable. Like others who had lived and worked in Japan, he sought to come to terms with what had happened to the country in which he had spent so much of his adult life. Along the way he provides fascinating vignettes of his colleagues, some well known, others less so, while his service in Seoul, Mukden (now Shenyang) and Tianjin provides fresh material on the Japanese colonial empire.