This book provides practice-oriented insights into the agency of two previously underestimated actors in Southeast Asian regionalism: the ASEAN Secretariat and ASEAN's dialog partners. In doing so, it offers an inside view of the policymaking processes in the ASEAN Political-Security and the ASEAN Economic Community, analyzing the interplay and agency by both actors in agenda setting, formulation, decision-making, implementation, and monitoring. Drawing on a trove of novel data, including never-before analyzed sources and numerous interviews with ASEAN insiders, the book showcases a number of concrete cases of policymaking, including competition and counterterrorism policies. The chapters focusing on the ASEAN Secretariat address aspects related to institutional autonomy, capacity, and reforms within the bureaucracy. In the chapters on ASEAN's dialog partners, the book provides insights into the bilateral management of institutional support programs, as well as the impacts of support on ASEAN's policymaking processes.

Most studies of international negotiations take successful talks as their subject. With a few notable exceptions, analysts have paid little attention to negotiations ending in failure. The essays in "Unfinished Business" show that as much, if not more, can be learned from failed negotiations as from successful negotiations with mediocre outcomes. "Failure" in this study pertains to a set of negotiating sessions that were convened for the purpose of achieving an agreement but instead broke up in continued disagreement.
Seven case studies compose the first part of this volume: the United Nations negotiations on Iraq, the Middle East Peace Summit at Camp David in 2000, Iran-European Union negotiations, the Cyprus conflict, the Biological Weapons Convention, the London Conference of 1830-33 on the status of Belgium, and two hostage negotiations (Waco and the Munich Olympics). These case studies provide examples of different types of failed negotiations: bilateral, multilateral, and mediated (or trilateral). The second part of the book analyzes empirical findings from the case studies as causes of failure falling in four categories: actors, structure, strategy, and process. This is an analytical framework recommended by the Processes of International Negotiation, arguably the leading society dedicated to research in this area. The last section of "Unfinished Business" contains two summarizing chapters that provide broader conclusions--lessons for theory and lessons for practice.

Overall this is an outstanding compilation and one likely to be frequently consulted by students of American diplomacy. Booklist It is refreshing to find a work that really is `revised' and `expanded.' Findling has made a good reference work better by adding nearly 100 new entries to the first edition to cover the last years of the Carter presidency and most of the Reagan years. The strength of this work is Findling's treatment of personages, events, and organizations. He stresses not only the who, what, where, and how but also states the significance of the aforementioned entrants. . . . Findling gives the user helpful references for further reading on each entry. A library owning the first edition can confidently add the second. Choice An expanded and thoroughly updated new edition of the 1980 dictionary, this is the only reference available that presents concise, analytical articles on the main actors and events in American diplomatic history from the founding of the Republic to the present. It offers separate entries for nearly 600 individuals who have had a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy and for a like number of topics and developments connected with American diplomacy. In his introduction, John Findling discusses the broad range of source materials he has drawn on and examines the changing role of the career diplomat in the twentieth century. Biographical entries cover secretaries of state, ambassadors, and others who have influenced foreign policy, such as congressmen, correspondents and broadcasters, diplomatic historians, presidential advisers, and entrepreneurs. Topic entries range from major crises and international negotiations to the catchwords and slogans that have shaped and mobilized public opinion throughout the nation's history. Comments on the historical importance of the subject and selected, updated bibliographies are supplied. An authoritative resource that is likely to remain the standard in its field, this new dictionary is an appropriate choice for the reference collections of academic, public, and government libraries.

Public policy education is oriented around the development of innovative ideas for how to improve governance and make society better. However, it undervalues a critical tool for translating policy ideas into action: the ability to communicate ideas broadly, strategically, and effectively. Drawing on his past frustration with translating his research from academia to the public sphere, Justin Gest has written a primer for public policy students, researchers, and policy professionals on how to turn analyses and memos into clear and persuasive campaigns. This book outlines the principles, structure, and target audience for different media essential to policy communication. Including advice from practitioners and illustrative examples, Gest explains the indispensability of pithiness to clear communication and how to achieve it.

Steve Itugbu, for many years a foreign policy aide to Obasanjo, draws on an extensive corpus of official documents, interviews, unpublished material and first-hand experience to explore the president's multi-faceted personality in depth. In so doing, Itugbu demonstrates that Nigeria's foreign policy has suffered through a combination of personalisation - that is subjugation to the will of Obasanjo - and the failings of bureaucratic structures. The book focuses specifically on Nigeria's decision not to intervene in Darfur in 2004, which is shown to be attributable to Obasanjo's politicking and inherent focus on shoring up his own position. Ultimately, an important opportunity for the African Union to set a precedent for humanitarian intervention was missed - a pattern which has since repeated itself across Africa. Such personalisation is common in the region, and the book therefore acts as a case study for better understanding the problems facing foreign policy making, diplomacy and leadership in Africa. Throughout, Itugbu provides a reasoned and thorough analysis of the complex and interconnected issues facing Nigeria and Africa today, and the prospects of resolving these in the future. This behind-the-scenes account of the mechanics of Nigerian foreign policy is essential reading for all students, researchers and policy makers working on Africa.

For sixty years, U.S. government officials have conducted public diplomacy programs to try to reach Arab public opinion--to inform, educate, and understand Arab attitudes. American public affairs officers have met serious challenges in the past, but Arab public criticism of the United States has reached unprecedented levels since September 11, 2001. Polls show that much of the negative opinion of the United States, especially in the Middle East, can be traced to dissatisfaction with U.S. foreign policy. Rugh, a retired career Foreign Service officer who twice served as ambassador to countries in the region, explains how U.S. government officials have dealt with key problem issues over the years, and he recommends ways that public diplomacy can better support and enhance U.S. national interests in the Middle East. This struggle for the "hearts and minds" of the Arab world, so crucial to the success of American efforts in post-occupation Iraq, is carried out through broadcasting, cultural contacts, and educational and professional exchanges. Rugh describes the difference between public diplomacy and propaganda. He points out that public diplomacy uses open means of communication and is truthful. Its four main components are explaining U.S. foreign policy to foreign publics; presenting them with a fair and balanced picture of American society, culture, and institutions; promoting mutual understanding; and advising U.S. policy makers on foreign attitudes. Public diplomacy supports the traditional diplomatic functions of official business between governments. Whereas diplomats from the United States deal with diplomats of foreign governments, public affairs officers deal with opinion leaderssuch as media editors, reporters, academics, student leaders, and prominent intellectuals and cultural personalities. Rugh provides an up-close-and-personal look at how public affairs officers do their jobs, how they used innovation in their efforts to meet the challenges of the past, and how they continue to do so in the post-September 11 era.

This book presents the first-ever close and up-to-date look at how American diplomats working at our embassies abroad communicate with foreign audiences to explain US foreign policy and American culture and society. Projecting an American voice abroad has become more difficult in the twenty-first century, as terrorists and others hostile to America use modern communication means to criticize us, and as new communication tools have greatly expanded the worldwide discussion of issues important to us, so that terrorists and others hostile to us have added negative voices to the global dialogue. It analyzes the communication tools our public diplomacy professionals use, and how they employ interpersonal and language skills to engage our critics. It shows how they overcome obstacles erected by unfriendly governments, and explains that diplomats do not simply to reiterate set policy formulations but engage a variety of people from different cultures in a creative ways to increase their understanding of America.

A close look at Woodrow Wilson's political thought and international diplomacy In the widely acclaimed To End All Wars, Thomas Knock provides an intriguing, often provocative narrative of Woodrow Wilson's epic quest for a new world order. This book follows Wilson's thought and diplomacy from his policy toward revolutionary Mexico, through his dramatic call for "Peace without Victory" in World War I, to the Senate's rejection of the League of Nations. Throughout, Knock reinterprets the origins of internationalism in American politics, sweeping away the view that isolationism was the cause of Wilson's failure and revealing the role of competing visions of internationalism-conservative and progressive.

Dispelling the myth of decline, Stuart Brown argues that the US continues to enjoy the economic, political, cultural and military underpinnings befitting a pre-eminent global power. He provides an analytical tour through the major domestic and foreign policy issues that will impact the United States' future position and role in the global system.

This book looks at how both advocacy groups in New Zealand and Australia use political marketing to conduct advocacy and support Israeli and Palestinian public diplomacy and nation branding. The focus lies on their marketing orientation, segmentation/ targeting/ positioning (STP), and internal marketing practices. The theoretical framework will draw upon several political marketing frameworks and concepts including the product/sales/market-oriented framework, the STP process, and Petitt's internal stakeholder marketing approaches. The book examines four case studies: (1) the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA), (2) the Israel Institute of New Zealand (IINZ), (3) the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC), and (4) the Australia Palestine Advocacy Network (APAN). To ensure balance and comparison, four groups representing both the pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian camps in NZ and Australia were selected. Other criteria included their broad scope of activity, approachability and accessibility, as well as connections to state actors through advocacy, public diplomacy, and nation branding.

During the five years that he represented Brazil in the United States (under both the Cardoso and Lula presidencies), Ambassador Barbosa witnessed presidential elections that brought opposition parties to power in both the United States and Brazil, the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the outbreak of war in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the election of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

In this memoir, translated from the Portuguese, Barbosa recounts the most significant regional and global issues that arose, alongside the domestic political conflicts within a divided North American society. Barbosa provides sophisticated analysis of economic relations during these changing times, and also explores the many US misconceptions about Brazil and the Latin American region.

From the privileged post of observation that an ambassadorship in the American capital represents, Barbosa had the exceptional opportunity over a considerable length of time to closely follow relations between Brazil and the United States. He witnessed relations evolve under two governments as they developed distinct foreign policies, which at times led to a breakdown in understanding between the two countries.

This book draws attention to the non-biological-political, economic, societal and cultural-variables shaping both the emergence and persistence of the COVID-19 pandemic and the global response to it, with a particular focus on political decisionmakers' role in the domestic and international politics surrounding the process of the pandemic. The book identifies the strategic and underlying ethical failures of decision making, using a process-tracing approach to reconstruct considerations, decisions and actions by key leaders-interested in thus weaving a global narrative of the response. The author highlights key speech acts, and interprets the causal implications embedded in a chronological and contextualised appraisal of events, statements and public health measures. The book further discusses the normative ethics of pandemic response, and presents lessons drawn from the present experience. It also offers a normative analysis taking into consideration pre-pandemic guidelines for response, including in the literature of public health ethics and pandemic preparedness plans.

In August 1941 Churchill and Roosevelt met in a secluded bay off the coast of Newfoundland. It was the first of their wartime meetings and in many respects the most significant. The Atlantic Charter, its result, proclaimed the two leaders' vision of a new world order, a set of principles that would govern international relations with the coming of peace. This remarkable collection of essays is the result of an international conference of American, British, and Canadian scholars held at Memorial University of Newfoundland that marked the 50th anniversary of the historic meeting. The essays discuss both the Charter's formulation and its long-term significance, and provide fascinating perspectives on the Second World War and its aftermath.

Israel's relations with the European Union stretch back to the early days of the European Community and the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957. From that point onward, Israel and Europe have developed an increasingly strong network of political, economic, scientific, and cultural ties. These relations have, however, consisted of a number of conflicting trends. Indeed, even while the EU has become Israel's most important trading partner, the political relationship has been marked by disappointment, frustration, and, at times, even anger. Israel and the European Union: A Documentary History, by Sharon Pardo and Joel Peters, traces the history of these complex relations by bringing together over two hundred documents in one volume. The documents contained in this book are divided into five time periods: i) 1957-1966, Israel Looks to Europe; ii) 1967-1979, Between War and Peace; iii) 1980-1991, From Venice to Madrid; iv) 1992-2003, From Oslo to Barcelona; and v) 2004-2011, A Renaissance Cut Short?. Each section is preceded by a short essay outlining the major themes of Israeli-European Relations during those years. The authors have not added any commentary to the documents themselves and instead have allowed the documents to speak for themselves. The aim of this book is to offer a public record for future researchers and students of the dynamics of European-Israeli relations-as well as of Europe's relationship with the Middle East-over the past fifty years. Israel and the European Union is designed to serve as a companion volume to Pardo and Peters' Uneasy Neighbors: Israel and the European Union (Lexington Books, 2010).

This book discusses the interaction between and the impact of overlapping actions by regional organizations while dealing with critical events. It compares all the sub-regions in South America and Africa from this perspective and creates new knowledge through cross-regional gleanings. The book analyses types of institutional interaction among regional organizations and the effects of overlapping actions on the coexistence or fracturing of regional processes. It examines and compares the dynamics of these interactions in both South America and Africa. The book contributes to the study of comparative regionalism by providing generalization and institutional learning based on a cross-regional approach. It gives to students, researchers and interested readers an understanding of the complexity of regional affairs in multi-organizational environments.

This book examines the recent changes in strategic stability, caused by the collapse of the international security architecture. Against the background of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, international experts discuss topics and critical issues such as the revanchist strategy of Russia and the readiness of the United States (US) and Europe to give an adequate response; the influence of new technologies in the future of nuclear deterrence; and the crumbling of the arms control and nonproliferation system under the new challenges. The book explains how the combination of these factors lead to a crucial change of strategic stability and the international security landscape, the first such change since the end of the Cold War. Divided into three parts, the book presents timely analyses on (1) US, Russia: New Challenges and Strategic Stability in Europe; (2) Extended Deterrence and Arms Control in Europe; and (3) Regional Dimensions of Strategic Stability in Europe. It further offers perspectives from and case studies on different countries, such as Ukraine, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the USA, Turkey, Poland, and Romania. This book is a must-read for scholars for international relations, as well as policy-makers interested in a better understanding of the changing international security architecture, Russia's strategy, arms control, nonproliferation, and the future of nuclear deterrence.

This book surveys the legacy of public diplomacy initiatives and lessons from the Bush era war on terrorism and discusses how culture, networks and communication dynamics are redefining US public diplomacy grand strategy.

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"Battles to Bridges" provides a rich, historical review and analysis of the critical post-9/11 period of US public diplomacy and lays the ground work for theory building in public diplomacy.

Part I: Crisis Public Diplomacy surveys the programs and legacy of lessons of the now historic, post 9/11 period of US public diplomacy. Part II: Changing Dynamics explores how changes in political and communication features of the international arena, including culture and networks dynamics, impacted US public diplomacy strategy. Part III is devoted to public diplomacy theory building across the three strategic levels of grand strategy, strategy and tactics.

This book is the first study of the role of British Ambassadors in shaping Anglo-American relations during the first generation of the 'special relationship'. As well as showing how ambassadors wielded influence in Washington and helped to formulate British foreign policy, it offers insights into the role of the embassy in modern diplomacy.

This book provides a comprehensive picture of the human rights diplomacy of the sub-Saharan African states, Asian states, Muslim states, the European Union, and the Latin American and Caribbean states. The book is based on the assumption that the religious and cultural norms of all important civilizations/cultures/religions can be reconciled, within certain limits, with the international human rights standards. The book explodes the myth that the UN Human Rights Council has become a platform for a "clash of civilizations".

During the early years of World War II, Britain devoted immense resources to building military bases in Egypt and Palestine. The political stability of the two countries was of prime concern to avoid diverting troops away from fighting the external enemy to internal security tasks. The paradox of Britain's eventual victory was that it could not perpetuate its political authority. Demands for independence intensified in Egypt and among Palestinian Jewry, and led to postwar struggles.

This textbook is intended to be used in an upper-level international environmental issues class as part of the American Environmental Studies and Sciences book series. This class is commonly taught at both the undergraduate and graduate level as part of either an environmental studies program, a political science program, or within a policy track of an environmental science program. Given the length of time that negotiations have occurred, a new generation of students and practitioners will need to understand the complex processes that produced many of our environmental treaties. The majority of the students in environmental studies do not have a background in political science. Moving from a political science approach to an interdisciplinary approach will benefit the students by making the material more accessible. As these fields continue to grow and develop, regulatory compliance becomes increasingly important. Thus, this book is aimed at adding a business and industry perspective to this field where appropriate.

Analyzes how negotiations between Dutch consuls and North African rulers over the liberation of Dutch sailors helped create a new diplomatic order in the western Mediterranean. This work offers a new perspective on the history of diplomacy in the western Mediterranean, examining how piracy and captivity at sea forced Protestant states from northwest Europe to develop complex relationships with Islamic North Africa. Tracing how Dutch diplomats and North African officials negotiated the liberation of Dutch sailors enslaved in the Maghrib, author Erica Heinsen-Roach argues that captivity and redemption helped shape (rather than undermine) a new diplomatic order in the western Mediterranean. Making use of extensive archival research, Consuls and Captives shows how encounters with North African society led the Protestant North to adjust to the norms and practices of the western Mediterranean. Dutch consuls became state representatives, tasked with claiming the unconditional release of captives from the Netherlands. But caught between these directives and the realities of Maghribi politics, the diplomats consented to pay ransom, participated in what they considered lavish gift-giving practices, and began to pay tribute -- all practices that were departures from the norms the Dutch States General upheld in "doing" diplomacy. In analyzing these adjustments, Heinsen-Roach brings into question earlier interpretations of diplomacy as a progressively evolving institution anchored in the western modern tradition. Consuls and Captives shows instead that early modern diplomacy in the western Mediterranean developed in uneven ways as a product of cultural encounters. With its compelling argument and wide-ranging evidence, this book will have a strong appeal to scholars of early modern diplomacy, slavery, and Mediterranean history, as well as to specialists on the Dutch Republic. Erica Heinsen-Roach is visiting assistant professor at the University of South Florida St. Petersburg.

This book deals with the relations of the Jewish Agency and the State of Israel with the Lebanese Maronites in the period 1920-1984. It is essentially a study of the evolution of Israeli policy towards and the minority alliance with the Maronites. The central argument of the book is that Israel has pursued an active policy of intervention in the domestic politics of Lebanon through the alliance, and thus the book challenges the view of Israel as 'a nation that dwells alone'.