This third and final volume of memoirs completes a major work of contemporary history and a brilliantly told narrative full of startling insights, candour and a sweeping sense of history. It begins with the resignation of Nixon - including Kissinger's final assessment of Nixon's tortured personality and the self-inflicted tragedy that ended his presidency, making Kissinger, for a time, the most powerful man in American government. This book abounds in crisis - Vietnam, Watergate, the Cold War. Here are brilliant scenes, as only an insider could write them, of the high-level meetings that shaped American foreign policy, the famous 'shuttle' diplomacy by which Kissinger succeeded in bringing a reluctant and wary Rabin and anxious Sadat together to begin to return of the Sinai to Egypt and the SALT talks with the Soviet Union that began the process of nuclear limitation. Here also are intimate and profound portraits of world leaders from Mao, teasing Kissinger while displaying a poetic wisdom, to Brezhnev at the Vladivostock summit, confused, ill-prepared, unwell, desperately to conceal the Soviet Union's difficulties with a screen of blustering bravado.

Drawing on insights from differentiation theory, this book examines the participation of middle powers in multilateralism. Taking Australia, Indonesia and South Korea as examples, the book examines these countries' roles in regional organizations, and particularly during the creation of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and East Asia Summit. Through its analysis, the book argues that middle powers pursue dilution of major power stratificatory forces, as well as functionally differentiated roles for themselves in multilateral diplomacy. The book sets out a valuable new framework to explain and understand the behaviour of middle powers in multilateralism.

This volume provides the first comprehensive assessment of post-Cold War US-Caribbean relations.

Focusing on Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Trinidad-Tobago, the book looks at the political history of the region during the Cold War years, the region's current political economy, international security, and issues of migration and crime. Spanning the Caribbean's linguistic and cultural sub regions (Spanish, French, English, and Dutch) it calls attention to the achievements, setbacks, and concerns that are common to the region.

The United States and the Caribbean will be of interest to students and scholars of economics, geography and politics and international relations in general.

This volume provides the first comprehensive assessment of post-Cold War US-Caribbean relations.

Focusing on Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Trinidad-Tobago, the book looks at the political history of the region during the Cold War years, the region's current political economy, international security, and issues of migration and crime. Spanning the Caribbean's linguistic and cultural sub regions (Spanish, French, English, and Dutch) it calls attention to the achievements, setbacks, and concerns that are common to the region.

The United States and the Caribbean will be of interest to students and scholars of economics, geography and politics and international relations in general.

First published in 2004. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

This book deals with the relationship of Britain and Hungary during the crucial years 1938-1941. In addition to archival research in London and Budapest, mostly about the relations of the governments, Ban's work broadens into political, social, intellectual and cultural history. This is one of its exceptional assets, including materials hitherto overlooked or disregarded, as it relates to more than diplomatic history - even though, in dealing with the latter too, Ban's mastery of archival and other evidence is extraordinarily valuable. From 1938 to 1941 both Hungarian ambitions and Hungarian society were divided. The principal ambition was still to revise the frontiers imposed on Hungary by the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. However, at the same time, a minority of Hungarians (including Prime Minister Teiki as well as many officials of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry) recognised that at least equally important as the cause of frontier revision was the protection and revision of as much Hungarian independence as was possible in the shadow of an immensely powerful and dominant Germany. This division of attitudes, ideas and purposes ran through the society and bureaucracy of Hungary at lar"

This book deals with the relationship of Britain and Hungary during the crucial years 1938-1941. In addition to archival research in London and Budapest, mostly about the relations of the governments, Ban's work broadens into political, social, intellectual and cultural history. This is one of its exceptional assets, including materials hitherto overlooked or disregarded, as it relates to more than diplomatic history - even though, in dealing with the latter too, Ban's mastery of archival and other evidence is extraordinarily valuable. From 1938 to 1941 both Hungarian ambitions and Hungarian society were divided. The principal ambition was still to revise the frontiers imposed on Hungary by the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. However, at the same time, a minority of Hungarians (including Prime Minister Teiki as well as many officials of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry) recognised that at least equally important as the cause of frontier revision was the protection and revision of as much Hungarian independence as was possible in the shadow of an immensely powerful and dominant Germany. This division of attitudes, ideas and purposes ran through the society and bureaucracy of Hungary at lar"

Is the Armenian Genocide a strictly historical matter? If that is the case, why is it still a topical issue, capable of causing diplomatic rows and heated debates? The short answer would be that the century old Armenian Genocide is much more than a historical question. It emerged as a political dilemma on the international arena at the San Stefano peace conference in 1878 and has remained as such into our days. The disparity between knowledge and acknowledgement, mainly ascribable to Turkey's official denial of the genocide, has only heightened the politicization of the Armenian question. Thus, the memories of the WWI era refuse to be relegated to the pages of history but are rather perceived as a vivid presence. This is the result of the perpetual process of politics of memory. The politics of memory is an intricate and interdisciplinary negotiation, engaging many different actors in the society who have access to a wide range of resources and measures in order to achieve their goals. By following the Armenian question during the past century up to its Centennial Commemoration in 2015, this study aims to explain why and how the politics of memory of the Armenian Genocide has kept it as a topical issue in our days.

Author Biography:
Eiko Woodhouse was formerly secretary to the consul-general in the Consulate-General of Japan, Sydney and gained a PhD at the University of Sydney.

Contents:
1. The Attaché Corps in the Pre-Cold War Era, 1888-1945 2. The Attachés, their Duties, Responsibilities, Education, Training and Attitudes, 1945-1964 3. US Attachés, Guatemala and the Overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz, 1950-1954 4. US Attachés and the Cuban Revolution, 1952-1958 5. US Attachés and the Bolivian MNR, 1958-1964 6. Conclusions Appendices Bibliography

The story of the enigmatic Jozef Pilsudski, the founding father of modern Poland: a brilliant military leader and high-minded statesman who betrayed his own democratic vision by seizing power in a military coup. In the story of modern Poland, no one stands taller than Jozef Pilsudski. From the age of sixteen he devoted his life to reestablishing the Polish state that had ceased to exist in 1795. Ahead of World War I, he created a clandestine military corps to fight Russia, which held most Polish territory. After the war, his dream of an independent Poland realized, he took the helm of its newly democratic political order. When he died in 1935, he was buried alongside Polish kings. Yet Pilsudski was a complicated figure. Passionately devoted to the idea of democracy, he ceded power on constitutional terms, only to retake it a few years later in a coup when he believed his opponents aimed to dismantle the democratic system. Joshua Zimmerman's authoritative biography examines a national hero in the thick of a changing Europe, and the legacy that still divides supporters and detractors. The Poland that Pilsudski envisioned was modern, democratic, and pluralistic. Domestically, he championed equality for Jews. Internationally, he positioned Poland as a bulwark against Bolshevism. But in 1926 he seized power violently, then ruled as a strongman for nearly a decade, imprisoning opponents and eroding legislative power. In Zimmerman's telling, Pilsudski's faith in the young democracy was shattered after its first elected president was assassinated. Unnerved by Poles brutally turning on one another, the father of the nation came to doubt his fellow citizens' democratic commitments and thereby betrayed his own. It is a legacy that dogs today's Poland, caught on the tortured edge between self-government and authoritarianism.

Contents:
Stoler, Mark A. A Half Century of Conflict: Interpretations of US World War II Diplomacy. Diplomatic History 18 (Summer 1994).
Louis, William Roger and Ronald Robinson. The Imperialism of Decolonization. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 22 (September 1994).
Sbrega, John J. Determination versus Drift: The Anglo-American Debate over the Trusteeship Issue, 1941-1945. Pacific Historical Review 55 (May 1986).
Sheffield, G.D. The Anglo-American Alliance, 1941-45. The Journal of Mississippi History 57 (Winter 1995).
Phillips, Hugh. Mission to America: Maksim M. Litvinov in the United States, 1941-43. Diplomatic History 12 (Summer 1988).
Maclean, Elizabeth Kimball. Joseph E. Davies and Soviet-American Relations, 1941-1943. Diplomatic History 4 (Winter 1980).
Resis, Albert. Spheres of Influence in Soviet Wartime Diplomacy. The Journal of Modern History 53 (September 1981).
Garrett, Crister S. and Stephen A. Garrett. Death and Politics: The Katyn Forest Massacre and American Foreign Policy. East European Quarterly 20 (Winter 1986).
Ma, Xiaohua. The Sino-American Alliance During World War II and the Lifting of the Chinese Exclusion Acts. American Studies International 38 (June 2000).
Dinnerstein, Leonard. America, Britain, and Palestine: The Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry and the Displaced Persons, 1945-46. Diplomatic History 4 (Summer 1980).
McFarland, Stephen L. A Peripheral View of the Origins of the Cold War: The Crises in Iran, 1941-47. Diplomatic History 4 (Fall 1980): 333-51.
Thorne, Christopher. Indochina and Anglo-American Relations, 1942-1945. Pacific Historical Review 45 (February 1976).
Gallicchio, Marc. The Other China Hands: USArmy Officers and America's Failure in China, 1941-1950. The Journal of American-East Asian Relations 3 (Spring 1995).
Villa, Brian L. The US Army, Unconditional Surrender, and the Potsdam Declaration. The Journal of American History 64 (June 1976).

Baron Rosen recounts his experiences as a diplomat.

Baron Rosen recounts his experiences as a diplomat.

The 1950s were a vital time in the history of science. In accordance with the intensification of the Cold War, many scientific talents were mobilized to several military-related research and development projects not only in the United States, but also in the Soviet Union. Contrary to the expectation of General Leslie Groves, a leader of the Manhattan Project, the Soviet Union succeeded in their nuclear weapon development in a very short time. And then, by the end of the decade, mankind reached the dawn of the Atomic Age proper with the beginning of the operation of the world's first civil nuclear power plant in Obninsk in 1954. The risky and costly developments of new weapons such as rockets, jet warplanes, and computers were achieved by the Soviet Union in a very short time after World War in spite of the heavy economic damage caused by the battles with German troops in Soviet territory. Why were such a great number of scientific talents mobilized to various Soviet Cold War research and development projects? What were the true natures, and real consequences of the rushed Cold War projects? How did Soviet scientists approach the nuclear age? Thanks to the study of formerly classified Soviet archives, a more nuanced view of Soviet society has become possible. To resolve the above-mentioned questions, Ichikawa analyses the complicated interactions among various factors, including the indigenous contradictions in the historical development of science in the Soviet Union; conflicts among the related interest groups; relationships with the political leadership and the military, the role of ideology and others.

This study incorporates elements from the disciplines of international relations and history to address key international and domestic elements that have shaped the interactions between Russia and China over time. It demonstrates how changes in the inter-state relationship were, and are, initiated. Controversial issues are examined through previously unobtainable materials from sources including the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and the Russian Centre for the Preservation and Research of the Documents of Modern History.

America Enters the Cold War provides a succinct and insightful analysis of the foreign policy decisions which shaped America's early involvement in the Cold War. In focusing on key documents and detailing the ideological foundations of U.S. foreign policy, Kevin Grimm situates the events of the early Cold War in the context of postwar American history. Including the full text of primary source documents such as the Long Telegram, the Truman Doctrine, and NSC-68, this text provides an essential overview of this period for students of the Cold War, diplomatic history, and twentieth-century US history and foreign policy.

Eye on the World is the biography of diplomat Anthony C. E. Quainton, and his stories from a long and varied life lived in eleven countries on six continents. Rather than a formal history, this is Quainton's reflection on his interactions with the events of those times, beginning with George VI's historic visit to North America in 1939, through the years of the Cold War, the efforts to contain and then defeat the Soviet Union, and finally the two decades of uneasy peace that came after the fall of the Berlin Wall. To some of these events Quainton was merely a spectator, but in other areas - India, Nicaragua, Kuwait, and Peru - he was actively involved either as a participant in the policy process in Washington or as the senior representative of the United States in those countries. Spanning his upbringing and education through two decades after his retirement, Quainton describes the expanding horizons of a middle-class boy from the northwest corner of North America as he encountered the complexity of the world in which he spent his professional life. Quainton served in seven different presidential appointments under presidents Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and Bill Clinton. These included four ambassadorships in distinct parts of the world and three assistant secretary-level posts in Washington. This range of geographic and functional assignments was unique in his generation of Foreign Service officers.

Contrary to the view held by many who study American foreign policy, public diplomacy has seldom played a decisive role in the achievement of the country's foreign policy objectives. The reasons for this are not that the policies and interventions are ill-conceived or badly executed, although this is sometimes the case. Rather, the factors that limit the effectiveness of public diplomacy lie almost entirely outside the control of American policy-makers. In particular, the resistance of foreign opinion-leaders to ideas and information about American motives and actions that do not square with their pre-conceived notions of the United States and its activities in the world is an enormous and perhaps insurmountable wall that limits the impact of public diplomacy. This book does not conclude that public diplomacy has no place in the repertoire of American foreign policy. Instead, the expectations held for this soft power tool need to be more realistic. Public diplomacy should not be viewed as a substitute for hard power tools that are more likely to be correlated with actual American influence as opposed to the somewhat nebulous concept of American standing.

This volume delivers a history of internationalism at the League of Nations and the United Nations (UN), with a focus on the period from the 1920s to the 1970s, when the nation-state ascended to global hegemony as a political formation. Combining global, regional and local scaes of analysis, the essays presented here provide an interpretation of the two institutions - and their complex interrelationship - that is planetary in scale but also pioneeringly multi-local. Our central argument is that although the League and the UN shaped internationalism from the centre, they were themselves moulded just as powerfully by internationalisms that welled up globally, far beyond Geneva and New York City. The contributions are organised into three broad thematic sections, the first focused on the production of norms, the second on the development of expertise and the third on the global re-ordering of empire. By showing how the ruptures and continuities between the two international organisations have shaped the content and format of what we now refer to as 'global governance', the collection determinedly sets the Cold War and the emergence of the Third World into a single analytical frame alongside the crisis of empire after World War One and the geopolitics of the Great Depression. Each of these essays reveals how the League of Nations and the United Nations provided a global platform for formalising and proliferating political ideas and how the two institutions generated new spectrums of negotiation and dissidence and re-codified norms. As an ensemble, the book shows how the League of Nations and the United Nations constructed and progressively re-fashioned the basic building blocks of international society right across the twentieth century. Developing the new international history's view of the League and UN as dynamic, complex forces, the book demonstrates that both organisations should be understood to have played an active role, not just in mediating a world of empires and then one of nation-states, but in forging the many principles and tenets by which international society is structured.

The United States, 1865-1920: Reuniting a Nation explores how the U.S. attempted to heal Civil War-era divisions, as well as maintain and strengthen its unity as new rifts developed in the conflict's aftermath. Taking a broadly thematic approach to the period, Adam Burns examines the development of the United States from political, social, and foreign relations perspectives. Concise and accessible, the volume uses a variety of primary source documents to help stimulate discussion and encourage the use of historical evidence as support for different interpretations of the era. By exploring controversies over issues such as citizenship, ethnicity, regionalism, and economic disparity, all of which resonate strongly in the nation's political discourse today, the book will be an important staple for undergraduate students of American History and the period that followed the Civil War, as well as general enthusiasts.

With the second-largest economy and rapidly growing military strength, China is now an emerging regional and global super power, which makes it confronted with a sudden increase in opportunities, pressures and conflicts in terms of international issues. This book gives a comprehensive and systematic introduction to the development of China's diplomatic strategies since 1980s, which have been changed approximately every ten years to cope with the complicated and changing international situations. In 1980s, China took "non-alignment" to create a solid external environment for the reform and opening-up which had just been initiated. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, upheaval in Eastern Europe and the end of the Cold War in 1990s, China adopted the principle of "keeping a low profile and making some contributions", to adhere to the road of socialism while avoid making enemies. Nowadays, due to the continuous enhancement of national power and international status, China replaces "making some contributions" with "making positive actions", to get more actively involved in international affairs. This book will be a valuable reference for studies in China's diplomacy and international relations. Readers interested in contemporary China will also be attracted by it.

This study draws on previously unpublished records of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and other Whitehall Departments. It focuses on Britain's role in the Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions in Vienna, and British policy towards the Soviet Union and its East European satellites. British reactions to detente between the superpowers are charted, and the work reveals official unease over what this might mean for the future of Europe.

A frank and honest memoir by Britain's former ambassador to Kabul which provides a unique, high-level insight into Western policy in Afghanistan. The West's mission in Afghanistan has never been far from the headlines. For Sherard Cowper-Coles, our former Ambassador, Britain's role in the conflict - the vast amount of money being spent and the huge number of lives being lost - was an everyday reality. In Cables from Kabul, Cowper-Coles takes the reader on a journey through the backstreets of Afghanistan's capital to the corridors of power in London and Washington. He pays tribute to the tactical successes of our soldiers but asks whether these will be enough to secure stability. Nobody is better placed to tell this story of embassy life in one of the most dangerous places on earth. Powerful and astonishingly frank, Cables from Kabul explains how we got into the quagmire of Afghanistan, and how we can get out of it.

This book investigates the underlying reasons for the longevity of detente and its impact on East-West relations. The volume examines the relevance of trade across the Iron Curtain as a means to facilitate mutual trust, as well as the emergence of new habits of transparency regardless of recurring military crises. A major theme of the book concerns Helmut Schmidt's foreign policy and his contribution to the resilience of cooperative security policies in East-West relations. It examines Schmidt's crucial role in the Euromissile crisis, his Ostpolitik diplomacy and his pan-European trade initiatives to engage the Soviet Union in a joint perspective of trade, industry and technology. Another key theme concerns the crisis in US-Soviet relations and the challenges of meaningful leadership communication between Washington and Moscow in the absence of backchannel diplomacy during the Carter years. The book depicts the freeze in US-Soviet relations after the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, the declaration of martial law in Poland, and Helmut Schmidt's efforts to serve as a mediator and interpreter working for a relaunch of US-Soviet dialogue. Eventually, the book highlights George Shultz's pivotal role in the Reagan Administration's efforts to improve US-Soviet relations, well before Mikhail Gorbachev's arrival. This book will be of interest to students of Cold War studies, diplomatic history, foreign policy and international relations.