THE COLD WAR IN THE THIRD WORLD explores the complex interrelationships between the Soviet-American struggle for global preeminence and the rise of the Third World. Those two distinct but overlapping phenomena placed a powerful stamp on world history throughout the second half of the twentieth century. Featuring original essays by twelve leading scholars, this collection examines the influence of the newly emerging states of the Third World on the course of the Cold War and on the international behavior and priorities of the two superpowers. To what extent, it asks, did the Third World help determine the course of the Cold War? It also analyzes the impact of the Cold War on the developing states and societies of Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. To what extent, it asks, did the Cold War make a difference within non-Western nations and regions. Blending the new, internationalist approaches to the Cold War with the latest research on the global south in a tumultuous era of decolonization and state-building, The Cold War in the Third World bring together diverse strands of scholarship to address some of the most compelling issues in modern world history.

This book investigates China's foreign policy concerning the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs of other states in the post-Cold War period. The principle of non-intervention has traditionally been central to Chinese foreign policy, but as China's economy has boomed, international attention to her foreign policy has been increasingly hostile. Accordingly, an exploration of China's non-intervention policy is worthwhile to understand China's foreign policy and its international behavior. This book will be of interest to China watchers, scholars of geopolitics, and Asian historians.

This book emphasizes the key role played by Britain in restoring peace and stability in central Europe after the First World War. It focuses on the endeavours of British diplomats in the 1920s to promote political integration and economic co-operation in the Danubia region. The work traces the gradual shift in British attitudes towards the small central European states, from one of active engagement to disinterest and even hostility. Three case studies of British foreign policy in Vienna, Budapest, and Prague support the novel thesis that British involvement in central European affairs was terminated as a result of Austrian, Hungarian, and Czechoslovakian unwillingness to co-operate, and not simply because of economic and political pressures from Germany.

"Richmond... played a significant role in the implementation of the Helsinki accords... His] account of how this was done is useful and peppered with interesting personal details of what it was like to be involved in the day-to-day implementation of the accords. In this respect and others, Richmond has given us an authoritative report of how public diplomacy contributed to the outcome of the Cold War." . Journal of Cold War Studies

"The volume is a useful guide for those who are currently or expecting to be practitioners of public diplomacy and Richmond's experience, particularly in Poland and the former Soviet Union, perhaps provide the answers to how the U.S. State Department and its diplomats should confront the problems of global terrorism and anti-Americanism, especially in the Middle East. Or, as someone suggested, what really is needed is more Yale Richmonds." . The Polish Review

" Richmond] has already contributed a great deal to the history of US public diplomacy through his earlier studies on the practice of dialogue and exchange with the Soviet Union... and] has now compiled his memoirs into a light-hearted but nonetheless highly engaging volume... that is] not just an entertaining chronicle of the Cold War, but also a rich source of comment on issues that continue to plague US public diplomacy today." . Journal of American History

"Richmond's personal account of how public diplomacy was conducted during the Cold War gives the reader a practitioner's perspective on this fascinating period in our history, and underscores public diplomacy's continued importance in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy." . USC Center on Public Diplomacy

"This short, readable volume is a treasure trove of sound advice wrapped in the recollections of one of America's leading public diplomacy practitioners and top Soviet hands whose lengthy US government career spanned 44 years." . WhirledView

"instructive book... is] much more enlightening about down-to-earth public diplomacy than a training manual or abstract academic treatise can ever be...a delightful volume." . AmericanDiplomacy.org

"This book will be a long-term reference source for researchers looking at Cold War history, as the subject goes through its inevitable revisionist cycles...It documents a critical element in U.S. cold-war relations--the effort to reach out ideologically to Soviet and East European audiences in the face of formidable opposition by Communist regimes in the region. The author was involved in this subject more directly and over a longer period of time than any other U.S. government official." . Wilson Dizard, author of Inventing Public Diplomacy, and Member of the Public Diplomacy Council

"It is sometimes said that soft power helped to win the Cold War. To find out what it was like to be on the front lines of these battles, read this fascinating memoir." . Joseph S. Nye, Harvard University and author of Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics

Yale Richmond, a retired cultural officer in the US Foreign Service, practiced public diplomacy for thirty years, including postings abroad in Germany, Laos, Poland, Austria (Vienna), and the Soviet Union. A specialist in intercultural communication, his books have been translated and published in China and Korea.

The interactions between popular culture and public policy in general, and foreign policy in particular, have always been an important area of scholarly enquiry and popular interest. However with the end of the bipolar world system and the emergence of a single world superpower in the form of the United States of America, which is waging a War Against Terror, this nexus has become critical. This is especially true because of the almost Manichean tendency of the United States to see other countries in terms of "good" or "evil." Indeed President Bush himself has coined the term "The Axis of Evil" for states, which in a kinder age were simply referred to by his predecessors as being "Rogue States."

This book draws together elements from several academic disciplines - politics, international relations, psychology, film and cultural studies and examines US foreign policy toward the so-called "rogue states" and the products of the Hollywood film industry in relation to these states, which promises to make a significant contribution to our understanding of the 'soft power' that is popular culture.

The authors of this book investigate one of the mostly hotly debated and significant questions of our times 'what role will China be playing in world politics over the next twenty years' by asking another controversial question 'is China's 'new' diplomacy a tactical or fundamental change?' Bringing together Chinese and Western scholars of diplomacy the book highlights the view that diplomacy is both an instrument of foreign policy and a learning and socialising process that fosters both positive and negative change and is an important indicator of China's future role. It further argues that there is little to suggest that China's new diplomacy has a tactical revisionist agenda; however it is too early to be sure that China's changed diplomacy is a fundamental one. Moreover, much will depend on the diplomacy of other major powers towards China and on China's domestic politics.

Based on newly declassified documents, this book offers a provocative new analysis of President Jimmy Carter's political role in Arab-Israeli diplomacy. It analyzes the reflexive relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy, especially the roles played by the media, public opinion and pro-Israel lobby groups.

This book traces the development of Oman's inclusive agreements and highlights their importance for international negotiations, dealing with issues most relevant to humanity's own survival today, nuclear weapons or climate change. In Oman, a historical seafaring nation on the south-eastern corner of the Arabian Peninsula, a culture of agreement that accommodates the interests of everyone has developed around the division of scarce water resources. Life in the arid inland of the Omani Hajar mountains would not have been possible without water. Irrigation channel (falaj) construction is extremely old and skilful therein. Local practices evolved around the division of water and land on the basis of fairness. The community would be best served by inclusion and the avoidance of conflict. A specific Islamic school called Ibadi arrived at Oman early on in the eighth century. Ibadi scholars conserved local practices. Consultation and mediation by sheikhs and the religious leader, Imam, became the law of the land. The Omanis were known as the People of Consultation, Ahl Al Shura. In time, the practice of inclusive agreements would extend far beyond the village level, affecting Omans foreign policy under Sultan Qaboos. Omans water diplomacy succeeded in uniting the contestants of the Middle East Peace Process in the 1990s to work together on common problems of water desalination.

This book examines humanitarian interventions in the post-Cold War era within the context of the development of global capitalism. It argues that protection of human rights is a noble idea and it is often our duty to use force to uphold these rights. However, Ivan Manokha shows that within the context of the late-modern world characterised by a global form of capitalism such attempts to promote and protect human rights have an unintended consequence of contributing to the perpetuation of poverty and poverty-related problems resulting from the functioning of the global political economy.

A critical examination of the origins of today's anti-Islamic rhetoric in Europe, this book focuses specifically on representations of Turkey. Applying a novel theoretical framework that understands collective identities as dramaturgical achievements, it shows that stereotypes of Turks continue to provide an important "Other" against which a supposed European "Self" is contrasted. The book identifies two competing meta-narratives that have long vied for the right to define Christendom and later Europe, and argues that the struggle over these narratives--one tragic, the other comic--have come to a head in Turkey's current bid for EU membership.

The idea of soft power figures crucially in the story of China's re-emergence as a global power. While the debate on the intentions and merits of its global outreach continues, China has embarked on its quest for an image makeover. "Soft Power in China" describes and explains the scope of the country's pursuit of soft power through public diplomacy and international communication. What kinds of images does China want to refashion and project? What is the role of the government "vis-a-vis "that of other institutional and social actors in these efforts? What kinds of tensions and pressures has China experienced? Where do the programs stand in terms of their impact on the country's image? What do all these efforts mean to the broader discussion on the study and practice of public diplomacy and national image management? This book represents a collaborative effort to address these questions.

In this unprecedented book, Hamid Dabashi provides a provocative account of Iran in its current resurrection as a mighty regional power. Through a careful study of contemporary Iranian history in its political, literary, and artistic dimensions, Dabashi decouples the idea of Iran from its colonial linkage to the cliche notion of "the nation-state," and then demonstrates how an "aesthetic intuition of transcendence" has enabled it to be re-conceived as a powerful nation. This rebirth has allowed for repressed political and cultural forces to surface, redefining the nation's future beyond its fictive postcolonial borders and autonomous from the state apparatus that wishes but fails to rule it. Iran's sovereignty, Dabashi argues, is inaugurated through an active and open-ended self-awareness of the nation's history and recent political and aesthetic instantiations, as it has been sustained by successive waves of revolutionary prose, poetry, and visual and performing arts performed categorically against the censorial will of the state.

Terrorism: Documents of International and Local Control is a hardbound series that provides primary-source documents on the worldwide counter-terrorism effort. Chief among the documents collected are transcripts of Congressional testimony, reports by such federal government bodies as the Congressional Research Service and the Government Accountability Office, and case law covering issues related to terrorism. Most volumes carry a single theme, and inside each volume the documents appear within topic-based categories. The series also includes a subject index and other indices that guide the user through this complex area of the law. Lebanon and Hezbollah charts the course of Hezbollah's rise and Lebanon-based violence over the last five tumultuous years of that country's history. The documents collected in this volume demonstrate not just key details in Hezbollah's direct war on Israel but also the organization's public relations and financial efforts, both over the Internet and in collaboration with Iran. But this volume's usefulness can be found not just in its detailed history of Hezbollah's multi-front campaign but also in several documents' analysis of the suffering endured by Lebanese citizens, including the harm wrought by Israel's response to Hezbollah. To complete the picture of Lebanon's difficult recent history, Volume 92 also provides two classes of UN documents: Lebanon's own reports on its counter-terror work, and the Security Council's measures related to the tribunal investigating Hariri's assassination. For researchers seeking one volume in which all parties affected by the Lebanese crisis present their view, this volume will prove quite valuable.

This volume outlines two decades of reforms at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO), British Council and BBC World Service - the so-called Public Diplomacy Partners. Between 1995 and 2015, the FCO and its partner organisations in promoting British influence abroad have introduced major changes to how, where and with whom diplomacy is conducted. This unique study links major organisational reforms to the changing political, technological and intellectual contexts of the day. Through detailed case studies over a 20-year period, this study demonstrates how and why British diplomacy evolved from a secretive institution to one understanding its purpose as a global thought leader through concepts such as public diplomacy, digital diplomacy and soft power. It is rich with unpublished documents and case studies, and is the most detailed study of the FCO and British Council in the contemporary period. From Cool Britannia to the recent GREAT campaign via the 2012 Olympics and diplomats on Twitter, this book charts the theory and practice behind a 21st century revolution in British diplomacy. This work will be of much interest to policymakers and advisors, students and researchers, and foreign policy and communication specialists. "From the heady past of Cool Britannia to the present days of the Great Campaign by way of the Royal Wedding, London Olympics and multiple other gambits in Britain's evolving attempt to connect to foreign publics, this book is the essential account of the inner workings of a vital aspect of contemporary British foreign policy: public diplomacy. James Pamment is an astute, succinct and engaging Dante, bringing his readers on journey through the policy processes behind the scenes. We see the public diplomacy equivalents of paradise, purgatory and the inferno, though Pamment leaves us to decide which is which." Nicholas J. Cull, author of 'The Decline and Fall of the United States Information Agency: American Public Diplomacy, 1989-2001'. "A gift to practitioners who want to do the job better: required reading for anyone going into a senior job at the British Council, the UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office and enlightened thinkers at 10 Downing Street, HM Treasury and Ministries of Foreign Affairs worldwide. Authoritative, scholarly and accurate, Pamment strikes a great balance between the salient details and the overarching picture. He also does a major service to those of us who lived it; our toils make more sense for what he has done - placing them in a historical and conceptual context." John Worne, Director of Strategy & External Relations, British Council, 2007-2015

Terrorism: Documents of International and Local Control is a hardbound series that provides primary-source documents on the worldwide counter-terrorism effort. Chief among the documents collected are transcripts of Congressional testimony, reports by such federal government bodies as the Congressional Research Service and the Government Accountability Office, and case law covering issues related to terrorism. Most volumes carry a single theme, and inside each volume the documents appear within topic-based categories. The series also includes a subject index and other indices that guide the user through this complex area of the law. The Palestinian Territories and Hamas provides researchers with a thorough tour of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The documents making up that tour include not just reports on Hamas and Israeli military action but also analyses of such topics as the Palestinian economy, the EU's relationship with the Palestinian Authority, and, most especially, the construction and consequences of the Security Wall. Although Volume 93 presents the Israeli government's view of Hamas violence, the volume also provides Hamas's own charter and third-party statements on how some of Israel's policies have harmed Palestinians. Volume 93 also gives researchers, in addition to the opinions of government agencies and international bodies, the viewpoints of both U.S. and international courts. This balanced presentation of documents will allow readers to rely primarily on this book for the most common Palestinian-related research questions. Volume 93 provides researchers with a thorough tour of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The documents making up that tour include not just reports on Hamas and Israeli military action but also analyses of such topics as the Palestinian economy, the EU's relationship with the Palestinian Authority, and, most especially, the construction and consequences of the Security Wall. Although Volume 93 presents the Israeli government's view of Hamas violence, the volume also provides Hamas's own charter and third-party statements on how some of Israel's policies have harmed Palestinians. Volume 93 also gives researchers, in addition to the opinions of government agencies and international bodies, the viewpoints of both U.S. and international courts. This balanced presentation of documents will allow readers to rely primarily on this book for the most common Palestinian-related research questions.

Previously published as Peacemakers Between January and July 1919, after the war to end all wars, men and women from all over the world converged on Paris for the Peace Conference. At its heart were the leaders of the three great powers - Woodrow Wilson, Lloyd George and Clemenceau. Kings, prime ministers and foreign ministers with their crowds of advisers rubbed shoulders with journalists and lobbyists for a hundred causes - from Armenian independence to women's rights. Everyone had business in Paris that year - T.E. Lawrence, Queen Marie of Romania, Maynard Keynes, Ho Chi Minh. There had never been anything like it before, and there never has been since. For six extraordinary months the city was effectively the centre of world government as the peacemakers wound up bankrupt empires and created new countries. They pushed Russia to the sidelines, alienated China and dismissed the Arabs, struggled with the problems of Kosovo, of the Kurds, and of a homeland for the Jews. The peacemakers, so it has been said, failed dismally; failed above all to prevent another war. Margaret MacMillan argues that they have unfairly been made scapegoats for the mistakes of those who came later. They tried to be evenhanded, but their goals - to make defeated countries pay without destroying them, to satisfy impossible nationalist dreams, to prevent the spread of Bolshevism and to establish a world order based on democracy and reason - could not be achieved by diplomacy. Paris 1919 (originally published as Peacemakers) offers a prismatic view of the moment when much of the modern world was first sketched out.

The usual phrase for the aims of foreign policy from the Peace of Westphalia to 1918 was 'interests and honor.' In the Age of the Dictators and the Cold War, 'honor' was derided or perverted but the underlying human concern persisted in the policies of the West, erupted in the revolt against the Empires, and healed every international dispute down to our day. This book offers a history and discussion of this, beginning with persons, social organizations, and business corporations, and then telling the story in international politics from the early modern period to the present.

An exploration of the individual work of ten diplomats who were charged with negotiating conclusions to intractable conflicts in the Middle East and Balkans, this book is the first study to combine the outlooks of practitioners and academics on new forms of war, especially asymmetrical warfare between state and non-state actors.

This volume is the result of a 2013 conference held by the Asan Institute for Policy Studies (South Korea) on the 'middle power' countries of Mexico, Indonesia, the Republic of Korea, Turkey and Australia (MIKTA). Experts and policymakers discussed how members of the MIKTA can work to advance global governance in emerging global issue areas.

This book examines the crisis in Ukraine through the lens of "triangular diplomacy," which focuses on the multiple interactions among the European Union, the United States and Russia. It is explicitly comparative, considering how the US and EU responded to ostensibly the same crisis. It also adopts a "360-degree" perspective, focusing on how the US and EU interacted in their dealings with Russia, and how Russia and Ukraine have responded. Chapters focus on each of the four protagonists - the EU, the US, Russia and Ukraine - and on key, cross-cutting aspects of the crisis - sanctions, international law and energy. The book thus contrasts a conventional, if exceptional, great power - the US - with a very non-traditional foreign policy actor - the EU. It would be suitable for both undergraduate and graduate courses on the EU's external policies and engagement in world affairs, EU-US relations, EU-Russia interactions, or regional security issues.

Eurasia remains a zone of confrontation between the United States and Russia. Over the last decade, this confrontation has reached the Middle East, and, extending through Central Asia to China and points further afield, it has acquires global dimensions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Eurasia and the territories on Russia's periphery acquired increased geopolitical importance. After a decade of euphoria at what seemed to be new freedoms and another decade adjusting to new realities, the last ten years have witnessed a struggle between Putin's Russia and America of Cold War proportions. Gradually, Moscow redefined its geopolitical priorities and reclaimed a sphere of influence over the newly independent countries of Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova and has projected power into Ukraine and the three Caucasian republics. This is now a battleground between Russia and the United States. Since the end of the Cold War, relations between Washington and Moscow fluctuated from open and amicable to cool and suspicious. Presently, they seem to be contradictory and difficult to grasp, though it is certain that Russia is doing everything to keep the "Near Abroad" under its control while harassing American interests globally wherever it can. As of 2019, Russia has just won a new battle in Syria that may reconfigure the geopolitical balance of the entire Middle East. What we need the most in this situation is honest and competent leaders capable of wrestling with politics as well as with ethical and moral issues that both influence and reflect international politics.

Russia's place in the world as a powerful regional actor can no longer be denied; the question that remains concerns what this means in terms of foreign policy and domestic stability for the actors involved in the situation, as Russia comes to grips with its newfound sources of might.

"The editors have assembled an outstanding group of scholars in this very welcome addition to our understanding of Latin American external relations and British foreign policy towards the region in the 20th century."- Victor Bulmer-Thomas, Honorary Professor, Institute of the Americas, University College London & Former Director, Chatham House "This is an important and timely book, reappraising the UK's role in Latin America in the 20th century. What emerges is far more interesting than the usual narrative of linear UK decline in the face of growing US predominance."- Peter Collecott, CMG, UK Ambassador to Brazil, 2004-2008 This book explores the role of Great Britain in twentieth-century Latin America, a period dominated by the growing political and economic influence of the United States. Focusing on three broad themes-war and conflict; commercial and business rivalries; and responses to economic nationalism, revolution, and political change-the individual chapters cover a number of countries and issues from 1914 to 1970, stressing the reluctance with which Britain ceded hegemony in the region. An epilogue focuses on Anglo-American relations and concerns in Latin America in the more recent past. The chapters, all written by leading scholars on their particular subjects, are based on original research in a wide variety of archives, going beyond the standard Foreign Office and State Department sources to which most earlier scholars were confined.