Debates between realists, communitarians, and cosmopolitans about the ethics of intervention in world politics are disciplined by competing models of the public/private distinction. Taking insights and controversies from feminist political theory, Lu focuses on this construct to illuminate alternative images of 'sovereignty as privacy' and 'sovereignty as responsibility', and to identify new ethical challenges arising from the increased agency of private global civil society actors, and their uneasy relationship with the world of states in contexts of 'humanitarian intervention'.

"Richmond... played a significant role in the implementation of the Helsinki accords... His] account of how this was done is useful and peppered with interesting personal details of what it was like to be involved in the day-to-day implementation of the accords. In this respect and others, Richmond has given us an authoritative report of how public diplomacy contributed to the outcome of the Cold War." . Journal of Cold War Studies

"The volume is a useful guide for those who are currently or expecting to be practitioners of public diplomacy and Richmond's experience, particularly in Poland and the former Soviet Union, perhaps provide the answers to how the U.S. State Department and its diplomats should confront the problems of global terrorism and anti-Americanism, especially in the Middle East. Or, as someone suggested, what really is needed is more Yale Richmonds." . The Polish Review

" Richmond] has already contributed a great deal to the history of US public diplomacy through his earlier studies on the practice of dialogue and exchange with the Soviet Union... and] has now compiled his memoirs into a light-hearted but nonetheless highly engaging volume... that is] not just an entertaining chronicle of the Cold War, but also a rich source of comment on issues that continue to plague US public diplomacy today." . Journal of American History

"Richmond's personal account of how public diplomacy was conducted during the Cold War gives the reader a practitioner's perspective on this fascinating period in our history, and underscores public diplomacy's continued importance in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy." . USC Center on Public Diplomacy

"This short, readable volume is a treasure trove of sound advice wrapped in the recollections of one of America's leading public diplomacy practitioners and top Soviet hands whose lengthy US government career spanned 44 years." . WhirledView

"instructive book... is] much more enlightening about down-to-earth public diplomacy than a training manual or abstract academic treatise can ever be...a delightful volume." . AmericanDiplomacy.org

"This book will be a long-term reference source for researchers looking at Cold War history, as the subject goes through its inevitable revisionist cycles...It documents a critical element in U.S. cold-war relations--the effort to reach out ideologically to Soviet and East European audiences in the face of formidable opposition by Communist regimes in the region. The author was involved in this subject more directly and over a longer period of time than any other U.S. government official." . Wilson Dizard, author of Inventing Public Diplomacy, and Member of the Public Diplomacy Council

"It is sometimes said that soft power helped to win the Cold War. To find out what it was like to be on the front lines of these battles, read this fascinating memoir." . Joseph S. Nye, Harvard University and author of Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics

Yale Richmond, a retired cultural officer in the US Foreign Service, practiced public diplomacy for thirty years, including postings abroad in Germany, Laos, Poland, Austria (Vienna), and the Soviet Union. A specialist in intercultural communication, his books have been translated and published in China and Korea.

This book examines the careers of Liao Chengzhi and Takasaki Tatsunosuke, who were not only the architects of Sino-Japanese economic relations, but also pioneers of contemporary Sino-Japanese relations. Their visions and initiatives offer many insights into the current contentious relations among China, Japan, Russia, and the United States.

This text examines Elizabeth's correspondence with several significant rulers, analyzing how her letters were constructed, drafted and presented, the rhetorical strategies used, and the role these letters played in facilitating diplomatic relations.

"The Legacy of Punishment in International Law illustrates how 17th and 18th century rationales for the use of force in support of piracy and colonialism have been transformed into progressive features of contemporary International Law. The classic practice of international punishment was a part of the jus ad bellum, and was the fig leaf for intra-European violence, and for the European conquest of the Americas. It has been transformed, however, into the basis for the assertion of a set of unconditionally, universally binding rules of international law, and for universal jurisdiction over perpetrators of crimes against humanity and war crimes"--

Exchange programs are often considered to create goodwill for host countries among foreign citizens - yet is this the case? Drawing on a wealth of research with participants and alumni of exchange programs, Iain Wilson shows that the pursuit of goodwill receives little return and distracts these programs from the benefits they are able to deliver.

In 60 years the nuclear tipped South Asian enduring rivals, India and Pakistan have fought four wars and were close to a fifth one in 2001. Indo-Pak dyad has been the focal point of countless studies and while discord and conflict are the focus of most studies there have been periods of cooperation that have not been given enough attention. This book is an attempt to dig out the positive aspects of past Indo-Pak engagements and explore the relevant lessons to help resolve the pending issues. The book argues that both came to terms with each after 50 years and created the composite dialogue process in 1997 and by extracting lessons from the history they can resolve their differences even if their overall relations remain hostile.

This volume explores the role of soft power in US foreign policy past, present and future. It addresses vital issue areas - including terrorism threats, foreign economic policy and cultural diplomacy - as well as crucial bilateral relations - including Sino-American, Russian-American and transatlantic. In so doing, it offers an assessment of Joe Biden's first year in office as well as future perspectives and recommendations regarding the role of soft power in US foreign policy. The book is an essential and unique resource for understanding how soft power informs US foreign policy and diplomatic practice today and how it will continue to do so in the years to come. -- .

This book examines the strategic implications of Iran's nuclear programme, providing an inventory of the negotiations and a discussion of possible solutions to this pressing international security issue. The Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear programme has been the cause of one of the most extended international crises of the past decade. Multilateral institutions have been unable to resolve the issue, which has the potential to derail the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. Recent failures of diplomatic offers for an extended Iran-EU cooperation and projected US arms sales to Iran's neighbours suggest an imminent escalation of the issue, which has been simmering since first reports about Iranian nuclear fuel-enrichment activities emerged in 2002. Since then, the topic has been the subject of intense media coverage as well as academic and diplomatic debate. This volume brings together analysts and authors with diverse backgrounds, including international diplomats formerly involved in negotiations with Iranian officials. The various chapters bring together different perspectives and empirical analyses, and include detailed assessments of both US and European efforts in diplomatic relations with Iran, as well as of the domestic politics in Iran itself. This book will be of interest to students of Iranian politics, Middle Eastern politics, strategic studies, nuclear proliferation, international security, foreign policy and IR in general.

Lord D'Abernon was the first British ambassador to Berlin after the First World War. This study, which challenges his positive historical reputation, assesses all the key aspects of Anglo-German relations in the early 1920s. Particular attention is paid to the reparations question and to issues of international security. Other topics include D'Abernon's relationship with the principal British and German politicians of the period and his attitude towards American involvement in European diplomacy.

First published in 1989, this title explores the nature and dimensions of the U.S. strategy in the Gulf in the formative years that followed the fall of the Shah, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war. It describes the formation of the U.S. Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force and the U.S. Central Command, their force structure and the network of U.S. bases and facilities in the region. The role of pro-Western countries in the wider region, in particular Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, and Israel, in the formulation of strategy is discussed in detail, along with a more general assessment of the achievements and failures of U.S. strategy in the Gulf towards the end of the 1980s. In light of the persistent struggle for peace within the Middle East, this is a timely reissue, which will be of great interest to students researching U.S. military strategy over the past thirty years.

This book is a revealing insiders' account of the deteriorating special relationship between the United States and Romania in the last years of the Ceausescu dictatorship. The authors were the two chief diplomatic actors in the drama, on opposite sides of the dialogue in Bucharest: Roger Kirk as U.S. ambassador to Romania, Mircea Raceanu as the Romanian Foreign Ministry's chief of U.S. and Canadian affairs. They document the tangled web of state-to-state relations in a way few others could and personalize otherwise impersonal diplomacy, offering vivid portraits of the major players and an invaluable historical record.

Cultural diversity, because it is perceived to have significant security, developmental, and social implications, is fast becoming one of the major political issues of the day. At the international level, it overlaps with the now extensive debates on multiculturalism within states. This work shows how cultural diversity challenges the understanding of international relations as relations between states and, by looking at the issue through the magnifying glass of an international organization, offers innovative insights into the interplay between various levels of international society. The book examines in particular the role of UNESCO, the only United Nations agency responsible for culture and the main forum for international diplomacy on the issue of cultural diversity.

American and Japanese experts provide a concise and clearly written survey of Japan's relationships around the world and the foreign policy perspectives in Tokyo today based on lively interviews with key policymakers and new research there. The study offers a short background history of Japanese perceptions of the international system from the mid-19th century to the end of the Cold War and considers Japan's role in the post-Cold War world. This brief analysis concludes with views about the future possible relationships with Asian neighbors, Europe, the Russian Republic, and the United States. This study defines the bilateral and global dimensions of Japanese foreign policy. Recommended for general readers and as a text for undergraduate and graduate students in courses in comparative politics, U.S. foreign policy, and world history.

"Diplomatic Interventions" argues that war is a social construction. In so doing, it unsettles the definition of intervention, as a coercive interference by one state in the affairs of another, to examine the range of communicative or 'diplomatic' practices which through their presence modify the experience of war. The tension between claims that war is pervasive and that war is a social construct is analysed in relation to a range of moral, legal, military, economic, cultural, and therapeutic interventions. The concluding chapter highlights how the book itself is a critical intervention that requires us look at again from a new angle at international practice.

This book examines the concept of new public diplomacy against empirical data derived from three country case studies, in order to offer a systematic assessment of policy and practice in the early 21st century. The new public diplomacy (PD) is a major paradigm shift in international political communication. Globalisation and a new media landscape challenge traditional foreign ministry 'gatekeeper' structures, and foreign ministries can no longer lay claim to being sole or dominant actors in communicating foreign policy. This demands new ways of elucidating foreign policy to a range of nongovernmental international actors, and new ways of evaluating the influence of these communicative efforts. The author investigates the methods and strategies used by five foreign ministries and cultural institutes in three countries as they attempt to adapt their PD practices to the demands of the new public diplomacy environment. Drawing upon case studies of US, British, and Swedish efforts, each chapter covers national policy, current activities, evaluation methods, and examples of individual campaigns. This book will be of much interest to students of public diplomacy, foreign policy, political communication, media studies and international relations in general.

Since the Gulf War, Iraq has attempted to win through confrontation, diplomacy, and bluster what it could not achieve on the battlefield. Defense analyst Anthony Cordesman suggests that this "war of sanctions" may be a struggle that Iraq has begun to win. Saddam Hussein's regime remains aggressive and ambitious, and its military capabilities cannot be judged solely by the current state of Iraq's armed forces. Most dangerous of all is Iraq's continuing effort to build an arsenal of weapons of mass destruction. Cordesman analyzes Iraqi strategic intentions and diplomatic opportunities, and assesses the options available to the international community to counter the Iraqi threat. Iraq has effectively used diplomatic means to divide the United Nations and exploit Arab sympathies, while using its oil wealth as an incentive to win support for an easing of sanctions. The military potential of Iraq, and especially its development of weapons of mass destruction, must be considered as much for its intimidation value as for any actual utility in a possible war. A realistic assessment of Iraq's future capabilities, says Cordesman, must take into account these political and strategic factors as purely military considerations.

In the years before the Russian Revolution, diplomats across Europe were widely condemned for lacking the skills needed to cope in the international environment. They were also frequently criticized for being out of touch with public opinion and too ready to clothe their activities in a veil of secrecy. This book suggests that these charges were unfair and that in both Britain and Russia the role of diplomats and foreign ministry officials was governed by changes in the domestic political environment. While they played an important part in determining the foreign policy of their countries, their influence was often much weaker than their critics assumed.

Positive Diplomacy draws on the author's experience from his distinguished diplomatic career in the Foreign Service and his lectures at the Diplomatic Academy of London for those contemplating, or at the outset of, a diplomatic career. Its focus is eminently practical. It concentrates on how junior diplomats can assist in making and carrying out foreign policy. It analyses what diplomats have to deal with and the skills they need to operate effectively as individuals and as members of a diplomatic service.

During his thirty-five years as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, John Marshall wrote the opinions in 80 cases involving international law issues. But unlike other scholars who have claimed that Marshall's education in international law came from these cases, Frances Howell Rudko argues that Marshall was intensively schooled in international law issues in the period between 1793 and 1801. In this work, she explores these crucial years in Marshall's life, and demonstrates that most of the key principles he applied in his international law cases were learned during his pre-Court days.

Rudko focuses her study on Marshall's experiences in the eight years prior to his appointment to the Supreme Court, when the events following the Proclamation of Neutrality ushered him into the national political arena. Four episodes from this period are carefully examined and are shown to have provided the foundation for his understanding of international law. They are his appearance before the Supreme Court as debtors' counsel in the case against pre-Revolutionary British creditors; his role in representing the United States in a critical diplomatic mission to France; his time spent in the House of Representatives; and his direction of U.S. foreign policy during his tenure as Secretary of State. These experiences presented Marshall with a daily look at both the realities of international relations and the specifics of international law, and introduced him to many of the issues he would later face as Chief Justice. Students and scholars of American history, the Supreme Court, and political science will find this to be an indispensable work, as will most public, college, and university libraries.

This book begins by discussing the problems of non-recognition and breaches in diplomatic relations, and then considers the advantages and disadvantages of the different methods which states, not in diplomatic relations, employ when they nevertheless need to communicate. These include intermediaries, disguised embassies, ceremonial occasions such as working funerals, the diplomatic corps in third states and at the seat of international organisations, special envoys, and joint commissions. In short, it is concerned with the kind of diplomacy which produced the rapprochement between Israel and the PLO in September 1993.

This book examines the strategic implications of Iran's nuclear programme, providing an inventory of the negotiations and a discussion of possible solutions to this pressing international security issue. The Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear programme has been the cause of one of the most extended international crises of the past decade. Multilateral institutions have been unable to resolve the issue, which has the potential to derail the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. Recent failures of diplomatic offers for an extended Iran-EU cooperation and projected US arms sales to Iran's neighbours suggest an imminent escalation of the issue, which has been simmering since first reports about Iranian nuclear fuel-enrichment activities emerged in 2002. Since then, the topic has been the subject of intense media coverage as well as academic and diplomatic debate. This volume brings together analysts and authors with diverse backgrounds, including international diplomats formerly involved in negotiations with Iranian officials. The various chapters bring together different perspectives and empirical analyses, and include detailed assessments of both US and European efforts in diplomatic relations with Iran, as well as of the domestic politics in Iran itself. This book will be of interest to students of Iranian politics, Middle Eastern politics, strategic studies, nuclear proliferation, international security, foreign policy and IR in general.