This book examines the strategic implications of Iran's nuclear programme, providing an inventory of the negotiations and a discussion of possible solutions to this pressing international security issue. The Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear programme has been the cause of one of the most extended international crises of the past decade. Multilateral institutions have been unable to resolve the issue, which has the potential to derail the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. Recent failures of diplomatic offers for an extended Iran-EU cooperation and projected US arms sales to Iran's neighbours suggest an imminent escalation of the issue, which has been simmering since first reports about Iranian nuclear fuel-enrichment activities emerged in 2002. Since then, the topic has been the subject of intense media coverage as well as academic and diplomatic debate. This volume brings together analysts and authors with diverse backgrounds, including international diplomats formerly involved in negotiations with Iranian officials. The various chapters bring together different perspectives and empirical analyses, and include detailed assessments of both US and European efforts in diplomatic relations with Iran, as well as of the domestic politics in Iran itself. This book will be of interest to students of Iranian politics, Middle Eastern politics, strategic studies, nuclear proliferation, international security, foreign policy and IR in general.

Focusing on two of the most fraught and intractable public debates of the present time: human-induced climate change and the human rights of refugees, asylum seekers, immigrants and the stateless, this book raises critical questions about the role and relationship of public relations in weakening democratic political systems. It shows a clear, but often indirect, link between PR and a neoliberal agenda that has been vastly underestimated and oversimplified as "spin." This comes at a great cost for society. Public Relations and Neoliberalism provides a panoramic view of public relations from the post-war period, when a powerful communication template propelled by the PR industry served the neoliberal agenda to create political diversion, division, and hegemony at the same time. But today, public relations is not just a tool of industry or government. Rather, it has become the default mode and style of being and relating in the world, that seeps into and affects all areas of life: professional, corporate, domestic, political, activist, and technological. And the metastasis of neoliberal meaning into so many realms has important ramifications for society and individuals. Looking at the confluences and contradictions within the logic of public relations both as a practice and in terms of how it has been theorized and understood, this book provides an important contribution to critical work in the communicative field.

First published in 1989, this title explores the nature and dimensions of the U.S. strategy in the Gulf in the formative years that followed the fall of the Shah, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war. It describes the formation of the U.S. Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force and the U.S. Central Command, their force structure and the network of U.S. bases and facilities in the region. The role of pro-Western countries in the wider region, in particular Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, and Israel, in the formulation of strategy is discussed in detail, along with a more general assessment of the achievements and failures of U.S. strategy in the Gulf towards the end of the 1980s. In light of the persistent struggle for peace within the Middle East, this is a timely reissue, which will be of great interest to students researching U.S. military strategy over the past thirty years.

This book is a revealing insiders' account of the deteriorating special relationship between the United States and Romania in the last years of the Ceausescu dictatorship. The authors were the two chief diplomatic actors in the drama, on opposite sides of the dialogue in Bucharest: Roger Kirk as U.S. ambassador to Romania, Mircea Raceanu as the Romanian Foreign Ministry's chief of U.S. and Canadian affairs. They document the tangled web of state-to-state relations in a way few others could and personalize otherwise impersonal diplomacy, offering vivid portraits of the major players and an invaluable historical record.

Cultural diversity, because it is perceived to have significant security, developmental, and social implications, is fast becoming one of the major political issues of the day. At the international level, it overlaps with the now extensive debates on multiculturalism within states. This work shows how cultural diversity challenges the understanding of international relations as relations between states and, by looking at the issue through the magnifying glass of an international organization, offers innovative insights into the interplay between various levels of international society. The book examines in particular the role of UNESCO, the only United Nations agency responsible for culture and the main forum for international diplomacy on the issue of cultural diversity.

American and Japanese experts provide a concise and clearly written survey of Japan's relationships around the world and the foreign policy perspectives in Tokyo today based on lively interviews with key policymakers and new research there. The study offers a short background history of Japanese perceptions of the international system from the mid-19th century to the end of the Cold War and considers Japan's role in the post-Cold War world. This brief analysis concludes with views about the future possible relationships with Asian neighbors, Europe, the Russian Republic, and the United States. This study defines the bilateral and global dimensions of Japanese foreign policy. Recommended for general readers and as a text for undergraduate and graduate students in courses in comparative politics, U.S. foreign policy, and world history.

"Diplomatic Interventions" argues that war is a social construction. In so doing, it unsettles the definition of intervention, as a coercive interference by one state in the affairs of another, to examine the range of communicative or 'diplomatic' practices which through their presence modify the experience of war. The tension between claims that war is pervasive and that war is a social construct is analysed in relation to a range of moral, legal, military, economic, cultural, and therapeutic interventions. The concluding chapter highlights how the book itself is a critical intervention that requires us look at again from a new angle at international practice.

This book examines the concept of new public diplomacy against empirical data derived from three country case studies, in order to offer a systematic assessment of policy and practice in the early 21st century. The new public diplomacy (PD) is a major paradigm shift in international political communication. Globalisation and a new media landscape challenge traditional foreign ministry 'gatekeeper' structures, and foreign ministries can no longer lay claim to being sole or dominant actors in communicating foreign policy. This demands new ways of elucidating foreign policy to a range of nongovernmental international actors, and new ways of evaluating the influence of these communicative efforts. The author investigates the methods and strategies used by five foreign ministries and cultural institutes in three countries as they attempt to adapt their PD practices to the demands of the new public diplomacy environment. Drawing upon case studies of US, British, and Swedish efforts, each chapter covers national policy, current activities, evaluation methods, and examples of individual campaigns. This book will be of much interest to students of public diplomacy, foreign policy, political communication, media studies and international relations in general.

In the years before the Russian Revolution, diplomats across Europe were widely condemned for lacking the skills needed to cope in the international environment. They were also frequently criticized for being out of touch with public opinion and too ready to clothe their activities in a veil of secrecy. This book suggests that these charges were unfair and that in both Britain and Russia the role of diplomats and foreign ministry officials was governed by changes in the domestic political environment. While they played an important part in determining the foreign policy of their countries, their influence was often much weaker than their critics assumed.

Since the Gulf War, Iraq has attempted to win through confrontation, diplomacy, and bluster what it could not achieve on the battlefield. Defense analyst Anthony Cordesman suggests that this "war of sanctions" may be a struggle that Iraq has begun to win. Saddam Hussein's regime remains aggressive and ambitious, and its military capabilities cannot be judged solely by the current state of Iraq's armed forces. Most dangerous of all is Iraq's continuing effort to build an arsenal of weapons of mass destruction. Cordesman analyzes Iraqi strategic intentions and diplomatic opportunities, and assesses the options available to the international community to counter the Iraqi threat. Iraq has effectively used diplomatic means to divide the United Nations and exploit Arab sympathies, while using its oil wealth as an incentive to win support for an easing of sanctions. The military potential of Iraq, and especially its development of weapons of mass destruction, must be considered as much for its intimidation value as for any actual utility in a possible war. A realistic assessment of Iraq's future capabilities, says Cordesman, must take into account these political and strategic factors as purely military considerations.

Positive Diplomacy draws on the author's experience from his distinguished diplomatic career in the Foreign Service and his lectures at the Diplomatic Academy of London for those contemplating, or at the outset of, a diplomatic career. Its focus is eminently practical. It concentrates on how junior diplomats can assist in making and carrying out foreign policy. It analyses what diplomats have to deal with and the skills they need to operate effectively as individuals and as members of a diplomatic service.

During his thirty-five years as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, John Marshall wrote the opinions in 80 cases involving international law issues. But unlike other scholars who have claimed that Marshall's education in international law came from these cases, Frances Howell Rudko argues that Marshall was intensively schooled in international law issues in the period between 1793 and 1801. In this work, she explores these crucial years in Marshall's life, and demonstrates that most of the key principles he applied in his international law cases were learned during his pre-Court days.

Rudko focuses her study on Marshall's experiences in the eight years prior to his appointment to the Supreme Court, when the events following the Proclamation of Neutrality ushered him into the national political arena. Four episodes from this period are carefully examined and are shown to have provided the foundation for his understanding of international law. They are his appearance before the Supreme Court as debtors' counsel in the case against pre-Revolutionary British creditors; his role in representing the United States in a critical diplomatic mission to France; his time spent in the House of Representatives; and his direction of U.S. foreign policy during his tenure as Secretary of State. These experiences presented Marshall with a daily look at both the realities of international relations and the specifics of international law, and introduced him to many of the issues he would later face as Chief Justice. Students and scholars of American history, the Supreme Court, and political science will find this to be an indispensable work, as will most public, college, and university libraries.

This book begins by discussing the problems of non-recognition and breaches in diplomatic relations, and then considers the advantages and disadvantages of the different methods which states, not in diplomatic relations, employ when they nevertheless need to communicate. These include intermediaries, disguised embassies, ceremonial occasions such as working funerals, the diplomatic corps in third states and at the seat of international organisations, special envoys, and joint commissions. In short, it is concerned with the kind of diplomacy which produced the rapprochement between Israel and the PLO in September 1993.

This book examines the strategic implications of Iran's nuclear programme, providing an inventory of the negotiations and a discussion of possible solutions to this pressing international security issue. The Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear programme has been the cause of one of the most extended international crises of the past decade. Multilateral institutions have been unable to resolve the issue, which has the potential to derail the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. Recent failures of diplomatic offers for an extended Iran-EU cooperation and projected US arms sales to Iran's neighbours suggest an imminent escalation of the issue, which has been simmering since first reports about Iranian nuclear fuel-enrichment activities emerged in 2002. Since then, the topic has been the subject of intense media coverage as well as academic and diplomatic debate. This volume brings together analysts and authors with diverse backgrounds, including international diplomats formerly involved in negotiations with Iranian officials. The various chapters bring together different perspectives and empirical analyses, and include detailed assessments of both US and European efforts in diplomatic relations with Iran, as well as of the domestic politics in Iran itself. This book will be of interest to students of Iranian politics, Middle Eastern politics, strategic studies, nuclear proliferation, international security, foreign policy and IR in general.

When and why do powerful countries seek to enact major changes to international order, the broad set of rules that guide behavior in world politics? This question is particularly important today given the Trump administration's clear disregard for the reigning liberal international order in the United States. Across the globe, there is also uncertainty over what China might seek to replace that order with as it continues to amass power and influence. Together, these developments mean that what motivates great powers to shape and change order will remain at the forefront of debates over the future of world politics. Prior studies have focused on how the origins of international orders have been consensus-driven and inclusive. By contrast, Kyle Lascurettes argues in Orders of Exclusion that the propelling motivation for great power order building has typically been exclusionary. Dominant powers pursue fundamental changes to order when they perceive a major new threat on the horizon. Moreover, they do so for the purpose of targeting this perceived threat, be it another powerful state or a foreboding ideological movement. The goal of order building, then, is blocking that threatening entity from amassing further influence, a motive Lascurettes illustrates at work across more than three hundred years of international history. Far from falling outside of the bounds of traditional statecraft, order building is the continuation of power politics by other means.

This book takes a somewhat different view of international or diplomatic history by concentrating on the more profound elements of sino-foreign relations, namely the economic and the commercial, especially with regard to Britain and France. The immediate post-revolutionary period in China is viewed here in the wider context of Britain and France's post-imperial decline and expressions such as 'imperialism imprisoned' and 'captive capitalism' are some new and interchangeable terms employed in this context. In contrast to the traditional interpretation that Chinese policies regarding the old imperial powers involved nationalization of foreign companies through the expropriation of their property, this study shows that almost no such practice took place. Rather, instances of appropriation only occurred following an indirect, subtle and protracted process. It is precisely because of the uniqueness of the process and its relatively long duration that the new regime in China succeeded in achieving its goals, perhaps even exceeding them. This study is based on hitherto inaccessible public, private and company archives in Britain, France and China.

Leading scholars examine China's global strategic plans, from Hong Kong to military power, to economic dominance Over the past few decades, China has increasingly challenged the global influence of the United States. In China's Grand Strategy, David B. H. Denoon brings together a group of eminent scholars to explain China's rapid ascendance on the world stage, as well as its future implications for global politics. Contributors address the military, economic, diplomatic, and internal political factors shaping China's strategy, in addition to highlighting Beijing's objectives in different parts of the world, such as Central Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. Ultimately, they explore the promise and perils of China's rapidly changing political ambitions, showing how the country has made its mark on the twenty-first century. China's Grand Strategy provides insight into China's quest to become a global leader, particularly at a time when the future of both China and the US remain uncertain in the context of current crises like the coronavirus pandemic, the ongoing protests in Hong Kong, and escalating tension between top leaders and officials. This book cannot predict the future for China or the US, but the insights offered can help make sense of where we have been and where we are going.

Public diplomacy has never been more important in international relations. Yet, public diplomacy s future as a valued national resource and a respected profession is far from certain. Lingering historical misperceptions and contemporary debate regarding public diplomacy s role and value in protecting and advancing national and international interests threaten public diplomacy s advancement on both fronts. Grounded in public relations theory and steeped in common sense, this book advances the global debate on public diplomacy s future by documenting the intellectual and practical development of public diplomacy in the United States and analyzing key challenges ahead. The author s fresh perspective provides compelling insights into public diplomacy's purpose and value, the conceptual foundations of the discipline, and principles of strategic practice. Based on extensive primary and secondary research, including a comprehensive survey of veteran U.S. public diplomats, the book reveals lessons learned from the U.S. experience in public diplomacy that will be critical in determining public diplomacy's fate in the United States and throughout the world.

Considered "among the most important Cold War records to emerge thus far" by the former Beijing bureau chief of the "New York Times, The Kissinger Transcripts" gives readers the unvarnished record of Henry Kissinger's diplomacy during the Nixon years.

Helen Lyman writes about the more humorous incidents she witnessed as the wife of an American diplomat, including incidents with the famous-Nelson Mandela, Al and Tipper Gore, Hillary Clinton-and the not so famous.Helen Lyman began writing in 2001 about the more humorous incidents she witnessed as the wife of an American diplomat. She saw the overseas life through the prism of someone who never thought of herself as being born to the trappings of diplomatic life. Her essays recount incidents from South Korea, Ethiopia, Nigeria, South Africa, and Washington. They include incidents with the famous - Nelson Mandela, Al and Tipper Gore, Hillary Clinton -- and the not so famous whom she loved, like her first grade students in Nigeria. From housewife to family counselor, to teacher, to computer trainer for the State Department, she records the human touches of each of those and in the process her own development. Just as she was looking forward to a rich retirement life, illness struck. In those later years she wrote more about her early life, her family, the loss of a child, and her dreams for herself and for her country. The final work is thus not a traditional memoir. It is a rich journey. Near the end of her life, she turned to poetry and recorded her final thoughts in that way.

An examination of how American newspaper articles on Muslims are strikingly negative by any measure. For decades, scholars and observers have criticized negative media portrayals of Muslims and Islam. Yet most of these critiques are limited by their focus on one specific location, a limited time period, or a single outlet. In Covering Muslims, Erik Bleich and A. Maurits van der Veen present the first systematic, large-scale analysis of American newspaper coverage of Muslims through comparisons across groups, time, countries, and topics. The authors demonstrate conclusively that coverage of Muslims is remarkably negative by any measure. They show that American newspapers have been consistently negative across the two-decade period between 1996 and 2016 and that articles on Muslims are more negative than those touching on groups as diverse as Catholics, Jews, Hindus, African Americans, Latinos, Mormons, or atheists. Strikingly, even articles about mundane topics tend to be negative. The authors suggest that media outlets both within and outside the United States may contribute to pervasive Islamophobia and they encourage readers and journalists to "tone check" the media rather than simply accepting negative associations with Muslims or other marginalized groups.

This study presents an in-depth survey of the principal policies and personalities of American diplomacy of the era, together with a discussion of recent historiography in the field. For two decades between the two world wars, America pursued a foreign policy course that was, according to Rhodes, shortsighted and self-centered. Believing World War I had been an aberration, Americans na DEGREESDively signed disarmament treaties and a pact renouncing war, while eschewing such inconveniences as enforcement machinery or participation in international organizations. Smug moral superiority, a penurious desire to save money, and naivete ultimately led to the neglect of America's armed forces even as potential rivals were arming themselves to the teeth.

In contrast to the dynamic drive of the New Deal in domestic policy, foreign policy under Franklin D. Roosevelt was often characterized by a lack of clarity and, reflecting Roosevelt's fear of isolationists and pacifists, by presidential explanations that were frequently evasive, incomplete, or deliberately misleading. One of the period's few successes was the bipartisan Good Neighbor policy, which proved far-sighted commercially and strategically. Rhodes praises Cordell Hull as the outstanding secretary of state of the time, whose judgment was often more on target than others in the State Department and the executive branch.

This volume analyzes the early period of the Arab-Israeli conflict (1897-1948), which encompasses the emergence of the Zionist movement and the end of the First World War. Zionism and Western colonialism continue to play a definitive role in shaping the fate of the Palestinian cause. The author argues that it is possible to understand the existence of such a relationship between Zionism and Western colonialism by looking at the unity of purpose of both approaches and the international circles in which Zionism has been supported from the very beginning. Zionism does not correspond to a natural course of national development, such as the origin, language, and cultural unity of a nation residing in lands where its ancestors lived but is an international idea that transcends territoriality. Similarly, Western colonialism, which aims to design an extra territorial framework, follows the same path as Zionism in this framework.