Written in a lively and readable style by the world's leading authority on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and US-European relations, Defense of the West is the history of a transatlantic security relationship that has endured for over seventy years. This latest edition of a classic work looks at how developments inside NATO and European Union member states affect their ability to defend against external threats while preserving Western values, in the era of Trump and Brexit. Sloan frankly addresses the failures and shortcomings of Western institutions and member states. But the book emphasizes the continuing importance of value-based transatlantic security cooperation as a vital element of the defense and foreign policies of NATO and EU member states. At a time of heightened tension and political turmoil, at home and abroad, Stan Sloan's lucid and far-sighted analysis is more necessary than ever. -- .

This book explores a new way of doing diplomacy through the engagement with non-governmental organizations, here referred to as hybrid diplomacy. Today's global politics is played out most successfully by the combined actions of different actors. A specific type of partnership is that between governments (namely Ministries of Foreign Affairs) and civil society organizations. While not the only type of global partnership at work, this is particularly effective in advancing new issues and promoting the norm changes that have been discussed at length in international relations and sociological literature. The author has chosen Italy as a case study because of the country's prolonged deployment of such policy. Being a middle power, with a strong non-profit sector, and hosting the central node of catholic global network, Italy is well positioned to take advantage of this new diplomatic mode. Through presenting a new reading of the Italian contribution to international affairs, this book contributes to broadening the scholarship in foreign policy analysis and transnational activism.

This original contribution largely based on unpublished material to the biography of an American president and to the diplomatic history of the United States traces Franklin Roosevelt's contacts with the French from his childhood until the end of his life. It necessarily concentrates on the years after he ascended the presidency--the pre-war years of the 1930s and the war years from 1939 to 1944. Especially knotty were the war years when Roosevelt had to deal with two French governments--the Vichy government and the Free French government of Charles de Gaulle--as well as their representatives and supporters.

This book explores the possibility and feasibility of building a new model of major-country relations between China and the United States, which is of great significance to the sound interaction between the two countries and the preservation of peace and stability of the world. In early June 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping and US President Barack Obama reached a consensus on building a new model of major-country relations at the historical Sunny lands meeting in California. In the years that followed, the two leaders were committed to that goal despite the different interpretations in its substance. How is the new model of major-country relations conceptualized and developed? What renders it possible? Is the major-country conflict inevitable? These are the basic issues addressed in this book. Now, China-US relations are at a critical juncture. The international community is watching the world's two largest economies and is quite concerned about the future of one of the world's most complicated bilateral relationships. This timely publication of Professor Tao Wenzhao provides us with a realistic approach to managing this vital relationship in a candid and balanced way.

The book refutes the dominant understanding about caste panchayats as mere dispute resolution bodies that are vestiges of the past. In tracing the long career and evolution of intra-caste governance from 300 BC to the present, it challenges several orthodoxies in the caste scholarship. Most prominently, it questions the assumptions of modernization theory that became internalized in the very definition of caste-based political organisations as caste became a subject of study in politics in the 1960s and 70s. In doing this, the book reflects in some detail on the uncomfortable question of the persistence of caste-based conservatism despite the current dominance, so to say, of caste-based democratization in the Indian polity. It tries to make visible the limitations of 'caste politics from below', as it is being imagined today, making a plea for a radical re-imagination of caste as an identity that does not require a self-perpetuation of the primordial aspects of caste to purse the opportunities offered by modern democracy, but one that can facilitate the empowerment of caste through the pursuit of the ameliorations on offer as well as the annihilation of caste, as eventually mutual goals.

Bringing armed conflicts to an end is difficult; restoring a lasting peace can be considerably harder. Reclaiming Everyday Peace addresses the effectiveness and impact of local level interventions on communities affected by war. Using an innovative methodology to generate participatory numbers, Pamina Firchow finds that communities saturated with external interventions after war do not have substantive higher levels of peacefulness according to community-defined indicators of peace than those with lower levels of interventions. These findings suggest that current international peacebuilding efforts are not very effective at achieving peace by local standards because disproportionate attention is paid to reconstruction, governance and development assistance with little attention paid to community ties and healing. Firchow argues that a more bottom up approach to measuring the effectiveness of peacebuilding is required. By finding ways to effectively communicate local community needs and priorities to the international community, efforts to create an atmosphere for an enduring peace are possible.

Robert Dallek, a luminary in the field of political biography-author of the Pulitzer Prize finalist Nixon and Kissinger and the New York Times bestselling biography of John F. Kennedy-offers here a look at the life of William Dodd, an American diplomat stationed in Nazi Germany. An insightful historical account, Democrat and Diplomat exposes the dark underbelly of 1930s Germany and explores the terrible burden of those who realized the horror that was to come. Dodd was the U.S. Ambassador to Germany from 1933 to 1937, arriving in Berlin with his wife and daughter just as Hitler assumed the chancellorship. An unlikely candidate for the job-and not President Roosevelt's first choice-Dodd quickly came to realize that the situation in Germany was far grimmer than was understood in America. His early optimism was soon replaced by dire reports on the treatment of Jewish citizens and his pessimism about the future of Germany and Europe. Finding unwilling listeners back in the U.S., Dodd clashed repeatedly with the State Department, as well as the Nazi government, during his time as ambassador. He eventually resigned and returned to America, despairing and in ill-health. Dodd's story was brought into public prominence last year by Erik Larsen's New York Times bestseller The Garden of Beasts. Dallek's biography, first published in 1968 and now in paperback for the first time, tells the full story of the man and his doomed years in the darkness of pre-War Berlin.

Amongst British diplomats there's a rather poignant joke that 'Iran is the only country in the world that still regards the United Kingdom as a superpower'. But for many Iranians, it's not a joke at all. Scratch the surface, and Iranians of all political persuasions will remind you that it was Britain, with the US, who removed the democratically elected Prime Minister of Iran, Mohammad Mossadegh. The coup against Mossadegh may have been in 1953, but for Iranians that feels like yesterday. Rather as we in the United Kingdom continue to define ourselves by what happened nearly eighty years ago at the start of the Second World War, modern Iranians define themselves by their bloody experience of the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-88, when the country stood alone against Iraq. The conflict was an act of unprovoked aggression by Saddam Hussein, leader of Iraq. The rest of the world - France, the Soviet Union and later the US and the UK - all piled in to support Iraq, with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states bankrolling Saddam. It was this experience that has helped define Iran's view of the world, and its attitudes to both its local rivals for power and those further afield. This book seeks to illuminate Britain's difficult relationship with Iran, and in doing so provide anyone interested in Iran with a better understanding of this extraordinary country.

This book analyses determinants and the evolution of Poland's foreign and security policy in the changing international order. By studying historical, geopolitical and domestic factors, the author offers a better understanding of Poland's national interests and sheds new light on its foreign relations with the USA, Russia and the European Union. Furthermore, the author also discusses Poland's cooperation within international organisations, such as NATO and the EU.

This book brings together social psychology understandings with grassroots peace-building initiatives in the Israeli-Palestinian context. For 40 years, researchers have explored the reasons for the conflict and its impacts, while Israeli and Palestinian civil society actors have undertaken joint peace-building activities. "Peace-Building in Israel and Palestine" offers an in-depth look at psycho-social research on the conflict and presents and analyzes diverse grassroots activities: joint research, women's social-economic empowerment, dialogue groups, political tourism, and peace-building efforts between Israelis and Palestinians from Gaza. The book offers new conceptualizations concerning the co-creation of a socially just Israeli-Palestinian grassroots peace process.

This book provides an in-depth analysis of EU-Tunisia negotiations during the last three decades to understand what 'joint ownership' means in Euro-Mediterranean relations. The principle of joint ownership often figures in the EU's public discourse of the EU and other international actors. Yet, it has been scarcely conceptualised and there is little research on which factors determine its presence or lack thereof. The book contributes to its definition, highlighting its evolving nature and intersubjective dimension. The author further explains how bargaining rules, practices, and procedures affect joint ownership by constraining or empowering actors, and shaping their expectations about which options they perceive are possible during the negotiations. Negotiation analysis proves useful for showing how, and to what extent, the interests of both sides eventually feature in Euro-Mediterranean agreements and enables scholars to bring back third countries' agency and perceptions into the study of the EU's external relations.

The coral atoll of Diego Garcia (British Indian Ocean Territory) today is a pivotal US naval and air base for all Middle East operations (Afghanistan, Iraq, and potentially, Iran). This book, largely based on hitherto unpublished source material, describes the build-up of the base - starting with a secret US-UK bilateral deal in 1966; the deportation of the native island population in the 1970s; the clouded new role of Diego Garcia as a destination for Guantanamo-style 'renditions'; and the impacts of military construction on the environment of the island - which because of its average elevation of 4 ft above sea-level is at direct risk from climate change

Face-to-face diplomacy has long been the lynchpin of world politics, yet it is largely dismissed by scholars of International Relations as unimportant. Marcus Holmes argues that dismissing this type of diplomacy is in stark contrast to what leaders and policy makers deem as essential and that this view is rooted in a particular set of assumptions that see an individual's intentions as fundamentally inaccessible. Building on recent evidence from social neuroscience and psychology, Holmes argues that this assumption is problematic. Marcus Holmes studies some of the most important moments of diplomacy in the twentieth century, from 'Munich' to the end of the Cold War, and by showing how face-to-face interactions allowed leaders to either reassure each other of benign defensive intentions or pick up on offensive intentions, his book challenges the notion that intentions are fundamentally unknowable in international politics, a central idea in IR theory.

This is a completely revised and updated edition of the standard textbook on diplomatic theory and practice. It includes comprehensive coverage of the main issues, from telecommunications to summitry. With new sections on the importance of following up agreements and the adaptability of the resident embassy, this third edition of Diplomacy offers the most up-to-date information about the real-world practice of international relations. It will be essential reading for students and professionals alike.

This book explores the relationship between diplomatic discourse and the Olympic Movement, charting its continuity and change from an historical perspective. Using the recent body of literature on diplomacy it explores the evolution of diplomatic discourse around a number of themes, in particular the increasing range of stakeholders engaged in the Olympic bid, disability advocacy and the mainstreaming of the Paralympic Games and the evolution of the Olympic boycott. The work addresses the increasing engagement of a number of non-state actors, in particular the IOC and the IPC, as indicative of the diffusion of contemporary diplomacy. At the same time it identifies the state as continuing in the role of primary actor, setting the terms of reference for diplomatic activity beyond the pursuit of its own policy interests. Its historical investigation, based around a UK case study, provides insights into the characteristics of diplomatic discourse relating to the Games, and creates the basis for mapping the future trajectory of diplomacy as it relates to the Olympic Movement.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and its Eastern European bloc, the reunification of Germany was a major episode in the history of modern Europe - and one widely held to have been opposed by that country's centuries-old enemy, France. But while it has been previously believed that French President Francois Mitterrand played a negative role in events leading up to reunification, this book shows that Mitterrand's main concern was not the potential threat of an old nemesis but rather that a reunified Germany be firmly anchored in a unified Europe. Updated with a new introduction and other materials, the book blends primary research and interviews with key actors in France and Germany to take readers behind the scenes of world governments as a new Europe was formed. Tilo Schabert had unprecedented, exclusive access to French presidential archives and here focuses on French diplomacy not only to dispel the notion that Mitterrand was reluctant to accept reunification but also to show how successful he was in bringing it about.

In this major new study, Nicolas Tackett proposes that the Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127) witnessed both the maturation of an East Asian inter-state system and the emergence of a new worldview and sense of Chinese identity among educated elites. These developments together had sweeping repercussions for the course of Chinese history, while also demonstrating that there has existed in world history a viable alternative to the modern system of nation-states. Utilising a wide array of historical, literary, and archaeological sources, chapters focus on diplomatic sociability, cosmopolitan travel, military strategy, border demarcation, ethnic consciousness, and the cultural geography of Northeast Asia. In this ground breaking new approach to the history of the East Asian inter-state system, Tackett argues for a concrete example of a pre-modern nationalism, explores the development of this nationalism, and treats modern nationalism as just one iteration of a phenomenon with a much longer history.

This is the first published study of the political negotiations in Ireland in 1992. Based on interviews with many of the participants and on unprecedented access to confidential talks documents, David Bloomfield examines the important events in this early but crucial stage of the Irish peace process, highlighting the significance of these early talks as a vital precursor to the Good Friday Agreement of 1998.

This book examines media coverage and public diplomacy regarding the North Korea nuclear controversy, with a focus on the history of military and diplomatic efforts to resolve tensions on the Korean Peninsula. Chapters consider both legacy and social media coverage in the United States, South Korea, Japan, and China, as well as the power of visual images and the role of military and hard power in shaping public understanding and events in the region.

This book explores the effectiveness of the Chinese government's recent public diplomacy efforts aimed at building its national image, and how these efforts may influence foreign public's view of China. Based on in-depth interviews, media-content analysis and public opinion-poll data, the book discusses Chinese leaders' foreign visits, Chinese media's overseas expansion, Confucius institutes, global mega events, and Chinese government's new policies to attract foreign students, providing not only background information, but also insights from scholars and experts. Although intended mainly for students majoring in communications, Chinese studies, public relations and international relations, it is also of interest to anyone studying China or public diplomacy.

Tracing the cultural interactions between South and Southeast Asia since prehistoric times, the book critically scrutinizes the current cultural diplomacy initiatives of India´s Look-Act East Policy. Reminding the need to look at culture as a two-way process and the need to re-define the understanding of culture in its Space Age setting, the author emphasizes on India realising its unique multicultural potentiality to broaden the outlook and parameters of cultural diplomacy to suit the unfolding World Order in the region. The nature and composition of the demography of Southeast Asia and its Indian diaspora calls for a balanced approach in covering the land and maritime sectors, the book further observes. Adopting a peoples-centric approach, the author argues for cultural interactions to go beyond the union government and its agencies and advocates for the role of state governments, non-governmental actors, and other community initiatives as well. 

Providing perspectives from five Western capitals, this multinational study examines the formidable political and structural conditions for effective collaboration between NATO and the United Nations in performing peace-making and peacekeeping missions. The diplomatic and military requirements for operating principles of collective security in post-Cold War Europe are illuminated by contrasting the policies of major NATO governments. Candid assessments of the differing national attitudes that lie behind them are offered by an international team of scholars. Their analyses are set against the backdrop of the experience in Yugoslavia, and the momentous decisions on NATO's structural reform and enlargement.

Previously published as Peacemakers Between January and July 1919, after the war to end all wars, men and women from all over the world converged on Paris for the Peace Conference. At its heart were the leaders of the three great powers - Woodrow Wilson, Lloyd George and Clemenceau. Kings, prime ministers and foreign ministers with their crowds of advisers rubbed shoulders with journalists and lobbyists for a hundred causes - from Armenian independence to women's rights. Everyone had business in Paris that year - T.E. Lawrence, Queen Marie of Romania, Maynard Keynes, Ho Chi Minh. There had never been anything like it before, and there never has been since. For six extraordinary months the city was effectively the centre of world government as the peacemakers wound up bankrupt empires and created new countries. They pushed Russia to the sidelines, alienated China and dismissed the Arabs, struggled with the problems of Kosovo, of the Kurds, and of a homeland for the Jews. The peacemakers, so it has been said, failed dismally; failed above all to prevent another war. Margaret MacMillan argues that they have unfairly been made scapegoats for the mistakes of those who came later. They tried to be evenhanded, but their goals - to make defeated countries pay without destroying them, to satisfy impossible nationalist dreams, to prevent the spread of Bolshevism and to establish a world order based on democracy and reason - could not be achieved by diplomacy. Paris 1919 (originally published as Peacemakers) offers a prismatic view of the moment when much of the modern world was first sketched out.