A revealing memoir by the Israeli leader who almost made peace with the Palestinians. Written almost entirely from inside a prison cell, Rise and Fall is the compelling memoir of former Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert. The child of parents who were members of the Irgun, the paramilitary group that fought for the establishment of Israel, Olmert became the youngest member of the Israeli Knesset in 1973, serving in the right-wing Likud party. He rose quickly in the party, serving in national government before being elected mayor of Jerusalem in 1993. As mayor he overcame decades of municipal malaise, inertia, and waves of terror attacks to bring huge improvements in the city's infrastructure, education, and welfare. Although a child of the Israeli right, it was during his mayoralty that he realized the inevitability of compromise and the need to divide the city in any future peace agreement with the Palestinians. Olmert rejoined the national government in 2003 as a top aide to then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. After Sharon suffered a debilitating stroke in 2006, Olmert took over as acting prime minister, then led Sharon's new centrist party Kadima to victory in elections. Heading a coalition government, Olmert led Israel through the war with Lebanon in July 2006 and approved the dramatic strike on Syria's nuclear reactor the following year. From late 2006 through 2008, Olmert engaged in some three dozen negotiations with Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas. The talks, Olmert says, came "within a hair's breadth" of reaching a comprehensive peace deal. At the same time, Olmert was fighting allegations that he had illegally accepted large sums of money from a well-connected American businessman. He was acquitted of all but a minor charge against him, but in 2014 he was convicted on charges of taking $15,000 in bribes involving the construction of an industrial park while he served as Minister of Industry and Trade. He served 16 months in prison, using his time to write these memoirs. Rise and Fall offers a riveting political story and an unparalleled window into Israeli history, peacemaking, politics, U.S.-Israel relations, and the future of the Middle East.

As a bridge between Europe and Asia, the West and the Middle East, Turkey sees its influence increasing. Its foreign policy is becoming more complex, making sophisticated public diplomacy an essential tool. This volume - the first in English about the subject - examines this rising power's path toward being a more consequential global player.

The surprising story of how Algeria joined and then left the postwar European Economic Community and what its past inclusion means for extracontinental membership in today's European Union. On their face, the mid-1950s negotiations over European integration were aimed at securing unity in order to prevent violent conflict and boost economies emerging from the disaster of World War II. But French diplomats had other motives, too. From Africa to Southeast Asia, France's empire was unraveling. France insisted that Algeria-the crown jewel of the empire and home to a nationalist movement then pleading its case to the United Nations-be included in the Treaty of Rome, which established the European Economic Community. The French hoped that Algeria's involvement in the EEC would quell colonial unrest and confirm international agreement that Algeria was indeed French. French authorities harnessed Algeria's legal status as an official departement within the empire to claim that European trade regulations and labor rights should traverse the Mediterranean. Belgium, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany conceded in order to move forward with the treaty, and Algeria entered a rights regime that allowed free movement of labor and guaranteed security for the families of migrant workers. Even after independence in 1962, Algeria remained part of the community, although its ongoing inclusion was a matter of debate. Still, Algeria's membership continued until 1976, when a formal treaty removed it from the European community. The Seventh Member State combats understandings of Europe's "natural" borders by emphasizing the extracontinental contours of the early union. The unification vision was never spatially limited, suggesting that contemporary arguments for geographic boundaries excluding Turkey and areas of Eastern Europe from the European Union must be seen as ahistorical.

In the wake of its creation in 1948, the state of Israel was confronted with the challenge of establishing foreign relations with key players in the region, in the face of opposition from most of the Arab states. Howard Patten explores the genesis and development of Israel's foreign relations with Iran, Turkey and Ethiopia, known as the 'Policy of the Periphery'. Highlighting the pragmatism and Realpolitik at the heart of this policy, Israel and the Cold War analyses the national interests and mutual concerns which shaped relations and strategy at the United Nations during the critical moments of the establishment of the State of Israel and the following forty years, before the ramifications of the Iranian Revolution became apparent. During this period, Israel made efforts to create pragmatic alliances behind closed doors at the UN, even as ambivalence and hostility reigned in the public sphere. Patten thus examines the implications that the Cold War system of ideological combat had on these attempts to maintain implicit, yet cordial understandings, as world events - such as the Suez Crisis of 1956, successive crises over Cyprus and the Ethiopian and Iranian Revolutions - tested the 'Policy of the Periphery'. 'Israel and the Cold War' traces the development of Israel's relations with these three states, from their initial beginnings to consolidation, then rejection and subsequent efforts to realign. Patten highlights the extensive diplomatic and military reverberations that occurred throughout the region, and the way in which these were played out at the UN. Based primarily on UN documents, this book is a vital primary resource for those researching the period in question and the formulation of foreign policy in the Middle East.

This book investigates the determinants of leadership in East Asia, emphasizing the significance of followership in the success and failure of leadership projects proposed by China, Japan, and the United States. While doing so, it answers a central question in the field of international relations: Why do potential leader countries succeed in obtaining potential followers in some instances, but fail to do so in other instances? Employing an inclusive leadership and societal approach, the book investigates how the leading countries motivate followership in East Asian economic and security dynamics. It analyzes how Chinese, Japanese and American leadership obtained acceptance from potential followers, focusing on the significance of domestic politics of potential follower countries in shaping their governmental preferences and generating followership. The book features empirical evidence in six case studies, covering topics such as the successful Chinese endeavor of South Korea joining the Chinese initiative for the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), the failed US attempt to prevent South Korea from doing so, the US's success to convince Japan to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the failed Japanese strive for winning South Korea's support for Japan's bid for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council (UNSC), the Chinese failure at obtaining the Philippines' backing of the Chinese aspirations in the South China Sea (SCS) during the Aquino Presidency, and, finally, the Chinese success one the same effort during the Duterte presidency. The book will appeal to students, scholars, and researchers of international relations interested in a better understanding of leadership determinants in East Asia, Global Power Shift, foreign policy, as well as East Asian economic and security dynamics.

This book examines Sato Naotake's remarkable and long career at the crossroads of Imperial Japan, emphasizing his integrity and realistic approach to diplomacy, which were particularly evident in his role in maintaining the Neutrality Pact with the Soviet Union and in promoting the United Nations.

This book evaluates the potential for the transformative mediation framework to be adopted in a non-western context. Inspired by the premise that mediator ideology exists and has deep impact on process, Robert A. Baruch Bush and Joseph P. Folger articulated the transformative mediation model which itself evolved from a culture of individualism and problem-solving. This theory of conflict transformation has engaged scholars and practitioners across North America, Europe and Australia. The question remains: is the Transformative Mediation Framework relevant outside of the "West"? Through qualitative interviewing with Palestinian practitioners of the traditional conflict resolution process sulha and in-depth research analysis, this study outlines what distinguishes the ideologies and practices of transformative mediation and Palestinian sulha.

This book explores the possibility and feasibility of building a new model of major-country relations between China and the United States, which is of great significance to the sound interaction between the two countries and the preservation of peace and stability of the world. In early June 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping and US President Barack Obama reached a consensus on building a new model of major-country relations at the historical Sunny lands meeting in California. In the years that followed, the two leaders were committed to that goal despite the different interpretations in its substance. How is the new model of major-country relations conceptualized and developed? What renders it possible? Is the major-country conflict inevitable? These are the basic issues addressed in this book. Now, China-US relations are at a critical juncture. The international community is watching the world's two largest economies and is quite concerned about the future of one of the world's most complicated bilateral relationships. This timely publication of Professor Tao Wenzhao provides us with a realistic approach to managing this vital relationship in a candid and balanced way.

This book charts the progress of American diplomacy in the Middle East, from the end of World War II to the administration of Ronald Reagan.;As the Arab-Israeli dispute came to dominate Middle East affairs, the Americans had to reconcile their wide-ranging strategic and economic interests with the domestic pressures to support Israel. The author analyzes and illustrates the decisions reached in Washington and examines their impact on the region's quarrels.;T.Fraser is also author of " Partition in Ireland, India and Palestine: Theory and Practice" and is editor of "The Middle East, 1914-1979".

Relations between Iran and the US have been strained for over 30 years. The US frequently seems either unwilling or unable to develop policies that may alleviate the problems. Cook and Roshandel provide unbiased discussions of key issues such as: the historical relations between the US and Iran; modern Iranian Government; the impacts the US and Iran have on Middle East security; Iranian support for organizations the US calls terrorists; and the Iranian nuclear program. The authors then identify a wide range of possible US policy solutions and select the one(s) that offers the best chance to improve relations.

This book reviews bureau-type organizations delivering network goods, documenting how most global institutions greatly improved their effectiveness during the last few decades. In the current globalized world, the design and choice of appropriate institutional rules and procedures can result in effective and democratic global government.

Tracing the cultural interactions between South and Southeast Asia since prehistoric times, the book critically scrutinizes the current cultural diplomacy initiatives of India´s Look-Act East Policy. Reminding the need to look at culture as a two-way process and the need to re-define the understanding of culture in its Space Age setting, the author emphasizes on India realising its unique multicultural potentiality to broaden the outlook and parameters of cultural diplomacy to suit the unfolding World Order in the region. The nature and composition of the demography of Southeast Asia and its Indian diaspora calls for a balanced approach in covering the land and maritime sectors, the book further observes. Adopting a peoples-centric approach, the author argues for cultural interactions to go beyond the union government and its agencies and advocates for the role of state governments, non-governmental actors, and other community initiatives as well. 

This book introduces a new perspective on risk seeking behaviour, developing a framework based on various cognitive theories, and applying it to the specific case-study of Turkey's foreign policy toward Syria. The author examines why policy makers commit themselves to polices that they do not have the capacity to deliver, and develops an alternative theoretical model to prospect theory in explaining risk taking behaviour based on the concept of overconfidence. The volume suggests that overconfident individuals exhibit risk seeking behaviour that contradicts the risk averse behaviour of individuals in the domain of gain, as predicted by prospect theory. Using a set of testable hypothesis deduced from the model, it presents an empirical investigation of the causes behind Turkish decision makers' unprecedented level of risk taking toward the uprising in Syria and the consequences of this policy.

This is a unique and definitive study to reassess the complex dynamics of US-Korea diplomatic relations during the Reagan presidency. It examines the goals, methods, and legacy of Reagan's policy toward Korea with emphasis on the realities of alliance politics and the tactics of quiet diplomacy. It questions a widely held view that Reagan showed simplistic, inattentive, and rigid approaches toward foreign affairs, arguing that his actual policy, as demonstrated in the Korea case, was more sophisticated, nuanced, and pragmatic than commonly assumed. Based on a vast amount of confidential diplomatic documents, especially in Korean, and interviews the author has conducted with US and Korean leaders, Lee sheds new light on Reagan's role in promoting democratization in South Korea as well as his engagement with North Korea.

This book studies the reactions of India, Brazil, and South Africa the three main non-proliferation actors of the Global South to Iran's nuclear program. Their responses are explained and situated in wider foreign policy context.

A growing interest in the oeuvre of Hans J. Morgenthau and in re-readings of 'classical realism' increases the significance of his European, pre-emigration writings in order to understand the work of one of the founding figures of IR. This book is the first English translation of Morgenthau's French monograph La notion du politique from 1933 (translated by Maeva Vidal).

This book demonstrates that the Balfour Declaration--the British decision to establish a Jewish homeland in postwar Palestine made on November 2, 1917 -- was the culmination of over 60 years of active preoccupation with Jewish culture and history among the British elite. Among these activists were the social reformer Lord Shaftesbury, the statesman Benjamin Disraeli, the novelist George Eliot, the archaeologist Charles Warren, and the romantic adventurer Laurence Oliphant. This study demonstrates how admiration for Judaism among the British elite influenced their actions and even their view of the world.

Offering a detailed historical reconstruction of the origins of Jewish political thought, this volume traces the development of socialist Zionism and revisionism in the years prior to Israel's independence. It demonstrates how the political, social and economic foundations of the future state of Israel were negotiated in this period and how these ideologies have endured and are reflected in present-day Israeli diplomacy. In this respect, the comprehensive analysis is key to an understanding of the basis of Israeli international relations and the fragmentary nature of its politics. The book aims to serve as a reference for students of Zionist and Israeli politics, as well as appealing those interested in the contemporary Middle East generally.

This original contribution largely based on unpublished material to the biography of an American president and to the diplomatic history of the United States traces Franklin Roosevelt's contacts with the French from his childhood until the end of his life. It necessarily concentrates on the years after he ascended the presidency--the pre-war years of the 1930s and the war years from 1939 to 1944. Especially knotty were the war years when Roosevelt had to deal with two French governments--the Vichy government and the Free French government of Charles de Gaulle--as well as their representatives and supporters.

National intelligence agencies have long adjusted to the opportunities and threats from new technologies. From spy planes and satellites to the internet, they have created structures, concepts, and practices to best apply these new capabilities. But recent technological developments are different in kind. Increasingly affordable to non-governmental actors, they are powerful enough to overwhelm and marginalize much of what agencies do. So far, the large intelligence agencies have been too slow to recognize the need for transformation. They believe they can work emerging technologies into the current paradigm just as they have with other advances. This book argues that only with a new paradigm can they take up this fundamentally new technological challenge. The book explores this fast-developing world for intelligence agencies and offers a path for maintaining their effectiveness and centrality. Along the way it analyzes the emerging technologies and explains how these will likely affect intelligence work. The Future of National Intelligence: How Emerging Technologies Reshape Intelligence Communities draws on a broad review of the academic literature, a deep familiarity with the relevant technologies, and extensive interviews and surveys with both intelligence practitioners and technology entrepreneurs. It lays out the principles for agency leaders to consider as they work on this essential transformation.

Written by international practitioners and scholars, this pioneering work offers important insights into peace mediation practice today and the role of third parties in the resolution of armed conflicts. The authors reveal how peace mediation has developed into a complex arena and how multifaceted assistance has become an indispensable part of it. Offering unique reflections on the new frameworks set out by the UN, they look at the challenges and opportunities of third-party involvement. With its policy focus and real-world examples from across the globe, this is essential reading for researchers of peace and conflict studies, and a go-to reference point for advisors involved in peace processes.

This book brings together social psychology understandings with grassroots peace-building initiatives in the Israeli-Palestinian context. For 40 years, researchers have explored the reasons for the conflict and its impacts, while Israeli and Palestinian civil society actors have undertaken joint peace-building activities. "Peace-Building in Israel and Palestine" offers an in-depth look at psycho-social research on the conflict and presents and analyzes diverse grassroots activities: joint research, women's social-economic empowerment, dialogue groups, political tourism, and peace-building efforts between Israelis and Palestinians from Gaza. The book offers new conceptualizations concerning the co-creation of a socially just Israeli-Palestinian grassroots peace process.

Robert Dallek, a luminary in the field of political biography-author of the Pulitzer Prize finalist Nixon and Kissinger and the New York Times bestselling biography of John F. Kennedy-offers here a look at the life of William Dodd, an American diplomat stationed in Nazi Germany. An insightful historical account, Democrat and Diplomat exposes the dark underbelly of 1930s Germany and explores the terrible burden of those who realized the horror that was to come. Dodd was the U.S. Ambassador to Germany from 1933 to 1937, arriving in Berlin with his wife and daughter just as Hitler assumed the chancellorship. An unlikely candidate for the job-and not President Roosevelt's first choice-Dodd quickly came to realize that the situation in Germany was far grimmer than was understood in America. His early optimism was soon replaced by dire reports on the treatment of Jewish citizens and his pessimism about the future of Germany and Europe. Finding unwilling listeners back in the U.S., Dodd clashed repeatedly with the State Department, as well as the Nazi government, during his time as ambassador. He eventually resigned and returned to America, despairing and in ill-health. Dodd's story was brought into public prominence last year by Erik Larsen's New York Times bestseller The Garden of Beasts. Dallek's biography, first published in 1968 and now in paperback for the first time, tells the full story of the man and his doomed years in the darkness of pre-War Berlin.