Edvard Benes was a key figure in the history of Czechoslovakia in the first three decades of her existence. He helped Thomas Masaryk to found the state in World War I; and in the 1920s he worked on foreign policy and was briefly prime minister before being elected president in 1935. His presidency saw the loss of the Sudetenland at Munich in 1938, followed by the German occupation in 1939, which forced Benes to form a London-based government-in-exile for the duration of the war. He lived to see a brief period of restored independence (1945-48), and died in 1948, in the year when Czechoslovakia became another satellite state in Stalin's Soviet Union. Benes was an awkwardly successful politician, with a controversial reputation at home and abroad. His loyalty to the first Czech President, Masaryk, was absolute. In return, Masaryk supported Benes' political ambitions, and between them, the two men shaped the domestic and foreign policies of the new state and the ways in which it was run. Benes regarded himself as having been supremely successful in World War I and during the peace conference. After such a surfeit of personal and political success, he never again recovered his composure. He was a fair-weather politician, at his best when things were going well for him. Munich was a blow which deeply upset him, though he staged a remarkable come-back for himself and Czechoslovakia in World War II. After the conclusion of the treaty with Moscow in 1943, Benes briefly recovered his self-confident optimism, only to lose it gradually in the subsequent years. President of a country he'd helped to create, Benes was finally broken by the stresses imposed on him by international circumstances in a central Europe dominated first by Hitler and then by Stalin. He died a disappointed, broken man in 1948.

The normative power of the European Union has historically been a key element of its foreign policy. This study considers the EU's Central Asia policy, questioning whether the EU's normative power can work in this remote region.

1. This book provides a comprehensive overview of the Falkland/Malvinas War. 2. It is written by both Argentinian and Australian (one British born Australian) Scholars and rich in archival resources. 3. With the 40th Anniversary of the Falkland/Malvinas War in 2022 this book will be of interest to departments of Military history and British and Latin American History across UK.

This book discusses the role of selective identities in shaping China's position in regional and global affairs. It does so by using the concept of the political transition of power, and argues that by taking on different types of identities-of state, ideology and culture-the Chinese government has adjusted China's identity to different kinds of audiences. By adopting different kinds of "self", China has secured its relatively peaceful transition within the existing system and, in the meantime, strengthened its capacity to place its principles within that system. To its immediate neighbors, China presents itself as a state that needs clearcut borders. In relation to the developing world (Global South), the PRC narrates "self" as an ideology with the banner of materialism, equality and justice. To its third "audience", the developed world (mainly Europe), China presents itself as a peaceful, innocent cultural construct based primarily on Confucius' passive approach. By bringing these three identities into "one Chinese body" ( , sanwei yiti), China's policymakers skillfully maneuver and build the country's position in the arena of global affairs.

Examining diversity as a fundamental reality of empire, this book explores European colonial empires, both terrestrial and maritime, to show how they addressed the questions of how to manage diversity. These questions range from the local to the supra-regional, and from the management of people to that of political and judicial systems. Taking an intersectional approach incorporating categories such as race, religion, subjecthood and social and legal status, the contributions of the volume show how old and new modes of creating social difference took shape in an increasingly early modern globalized world, and what contemporary legacies these 'diversity formations' left behind. This volume show diversity and imperial projects to be both contentious and mutually constitutive: one the one hand, the conditions of empire created divisions between people through official categorizations (such as racial classifications and designations of subjecthood) and through discriminately applied extractive policies, from taxation to slavery. On the other hand, imperial subjects, communities, and polities within and adjacent to empire asserted themselves through a diverse range of affiliations and identities that challenged any notion of a unilateral, universal imperial authority. This book highlights the multidimensionality and interconnectedness of diversity in imperial settings and will be useful reading to students and scholars of the history of colonial Empires, global history, and race.

The late Israeli Foreign Minister, Prime Minister and President Shimon Peres was a towering figure in Israeli and Middle Eastern politics. But what drove the hawkish statesman behind Israel's nuclear deterrence and early settlement policy to stake his political reputation on peace negotiations with the Arab world and the PLO, Israel's sworn enemy? In this insider's account, written by Avi Gil, Peres's close confidant over almost 30 years, we witness firsthand the tense moments during the historic Oslo talks, kept under the strictest secrecy, when the explosive revelation that Peres was directing direct communications with Yasser Arafat's representatives for the first time threatened to leak to the press. We also see the fervent discussions and arguments between the personalities involved in the peace process, including Peres's rivalries with the Prime Ministers he served under, including Rabin, Sharon and Netanyahu. Although one of Peres's most trusted colleagues, Gil offers a frank assessment of his mentor, recounting his foibles and failures as consistently as he does his victories. We are shown Peres's unique energy and optimism for Israel and its Arab neighbors in his vision of a 'New Middle East'. But most valuable of all, we gain unique insight into the actual thought processes, conversations and decisions of Peres and his colleagues and adversaries as they initiated, processed and reacted to events in real time, shedding new light on a historic period in Israeli and Middle Eastern History. Of unique value to all those interested in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the book is also an insightful meditation on the inner-workings of all high-level government and diplomatic negotiations.

A guide to the practice of mediation as a means of resolving conflict, this short how-to manual includes all the resources needed to teach and train mediators in the skills of conflict resolution. It explains the conceptual framework of conflict and peacemaking, the stages and steps of the mediation process, and the resources necessary to conduct mediation sessions, including practice through role-playing. The book is divided into three parts: Theory, Process, and Practice. Part I provides a conceptual framework for understanding conflict and mediation. It discusses the sources of conflict, the dynamics of power imbalances, how mediation counteracts them, and familiar styles for managing conflicts. Part II describes the stages of the mediation process. It begins with orientation and preparation for the mediation session before outlining each of the five stages of the mediation process along with a range of communication skills crucial to the success of each stage. Part III focuses on several familiar areas of human experience in which the practice of mediation is common, such as family and domestic mediation, business and organizational mediation, international mediation, and education. These chapters include customary forms and techniques used in resolving conflicts. The final chapter includes materials to manage and conduct mediation role-playing exercises.

Effective diplomacy remains fundamental to the conduct of international relations in the twenty-first century, as we seek to define and manage a challenging new world order peacefully. New Perspectives on Diplomacy highlights the importance of diplomacy in political and military crises, featuring details of life as a diplomat, the importance of alliance building, managing failure and diplomatic negotiations with armed groups. Using regional case studies from Africa, Europe, the Middle East, Russia and Asia, the second volume demonstrates that the importance of diplomacy and diplomats remains undiminished.

"This book is a timely reminder of the ties that join Russia and the European Union and the opportunities that still exist to improve a troubled relationship. The book does not shy away from the difficulties that the relationship currently faces, but seeks to find opportunities in these obstacles that could lead to improvements. With the voice of Russian scholars fully audible in this excellent collection of essays, this book provides an excellent opportunities for English-speaking audiences to learn more about this complex relationship."Victor Bulmer-Thomas, Chatham House, UK "The thinking of Evgeny Pashentsev in this volume presents an enlightening analysis and synthesis of the integration of the political, social, cultural and technological advances around the globe with respect to their impact on EU-Russia relations. His chapters are a must read for both scholars and strategic consultants who seek to understand the future of the paradigm shift taking place in these countries."Bruce I. Newman, DePaul University, USA, and Founding Editor-in-Chief, Journal of Political Marketing In this book the international team of EU, Russian and US researchers focus on the dangerous challenges of the current unstable international equilibrium and opportunities of the breakthrough for a better future. Eight chapters engage with a variety of issues, ranging from general tendencies and controversies in EU-Russia strategic communication and its political and economic aspects to reputation management of Russian companies in the EU and the psychological aspect of US sanctions in EU-Russia relations. Analyzing the security dimension, the authors focus on the geopolitical threats, opportunities and risks of advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence, robotics, cyborgization and human genetics.

This book carries out a comprehensive analysis of the Maria Luz incident, a truly significant episode in Japanese and world history, from a legal perspective. In July 1872, the Maria Luz, a barque flying the Peruvian flag, carried Chinese indentured servants from Macau to Peru. After the ship stopped for repairs in Kanagawa Bay, a number of legal issues arose that were destined to change the perception and use of the law in Japan forever. The case had a tremendous impact on the collective imagination, both Japanese and international: it is one of the first occurrences in which an Asian country decided to resist the pressure of a Western nation, and responded using the most refined tools of domestic and international law. Moreover, the final outcome of the case (arbitration in front of the Czar of Russia) marks the debut of Japan on the stage of international arbitration. While historians have written widely on the subject, the legal importance of this event has been relatively neglected. This book uses the case to explore the technical legal issues Japan was facing in its transition from pre-modernity to modernity. These include unequal treaties, extraterritoriality clauses, the need to establish an updated judicial system, and a delicate balance between asserting sovereignty and resorting to diplomacy in solving disputes involving foreigners. Based on original documents, this book is an invaluable resource for researchers and academics in the fields of legal history, dispute resolution, international law, Japanese history and Asian studies.

In a series of short stories that both inform and amuse, this book transports the reader to the windswept shores of the Caspian Sea and provides a provocative glimpse at the wars, reconciliations, intrigues, and betrayals that have shaped the political geography of this region since the 1720s. With the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991-1992 and the dismantling of the old Iranian-Soviet regime of the sea, the Caspian littoral faces new challenges, as the regional actors and outside players seek unprecedented opportunities to exploit the area's enormous oil and gas resources. This book explores the historical themes that inform and animate the more immediate and familiar discussions about petroleum, pipelines, and ethnic conflict in the region.

Hasbara (explaining), the Israeli variant of public diplomacy, is the subject of endless domestic debate. Israel in the 1960s and 1970s saw many changes in its political and military international stage. This was a period of unusually intensive attention to the problems of hasbara, beginning with the appointment of Yisrael Galili as minister with responsibility for government communications and ending with the dismantling of the Ministry of Information in 1974, less than a year after it had been created. Israel had only been able to "muddle through," and, at the end, there was no greater sophistication in Israeli thinking and no stronger administrative structure in spite of many organizational changes. Accessible to anyone interested in the history of Israel as well as political history and diplomacy, the book serves as a case study of how entrenched political culture can limit policy options and casts light on the emergence of public diplomacy as a feature of foreign policy.

This book aims to identify what components are needed for economic diplomacy in today's rapidly changing world, looking at the nature, focus and tenets of economic diplomacy, and the differences between economic diplomacy and commercial diplomacy. Further, it considers the new kind of diplomacy that will be required for emerging markets, in contrast to maintaining the traditional techniques used for economic diplomacy between states. The author emphasises the negotiating techniques necessary for successfully engaging in economic diplomacy in the current diplomatic atmosphere. Importantly, it also discusses how to pursue economic diplomacy at international fora and with regard to private foreign investments. Lastly, it addresses the role of non-governmental organisations in economic diplomacy. Given its scope, the book will benefit not only practicing diplomats, but also graduate students.

This book provides a comprehensive overview of the evolution and particularities of regional organizations across Africa, the Americas, Asia and Europe since 1945. The authors analyze the membership dynamics and policy scopes of 76 organizations, and compare their opportunities and challenges in regional governance. They consider organizations' competencies in eleven different policy areas, including trade, security and environment, and trace patterns in their development. For those with interests in comparative regionalism, international relations, political science and international law, this is an essential companion to some of the world's most significant organizations.

The subject of the publication is the European Union's (EU) policy towards the countries of the Global South. The book focuses on the EU's external response to COVID-19 intentionally ignoring the topic of pandemic management in relation to Member States and the EU's single market. The publication aims to validate the hypothesis that the European Union has tapped into the pandemic to increase its role in international relations and influence the countries of the Global South. The goal of the publication was to highlight EU actions supporting Global South countries in combating the pandemic regionally dimension. Research methods characteristic of social studies were applied in the publication, including observation, source and statistical methods.

Hartenian's history of George W Bush propaganda for an invasion of Iraq returns the administration's approach to its conceptual origins. Hartenian places "evidence" in the center of his analysis, showing that Rumsfeld's "the absence of evidence is not evidence of absence" meant that no evidence was necessary to justify an invasion. The 9/11 attacks, indeed, "changed everything" for the Bush administration and in its aftermath the time for regime change in Iraq had simply come. With no good evidence to support its fears, the administration was certain of a post-9/11-conceived Iraq-al Qaeda "nexus," just as with no evidence except the "absence of evidence" it was certain of Iraqi mastery of "denial and deception" that hid "Saddam's" "evil" activities. Resting on Cheney's "one percent doctrine," administration "certainty" of the threat from Iraq required a US invasion. The policy offices of Douglas Feith at the Pentagon, with the help of George Tenet at CIA, would generate a case of such fright and enormity-the "mushroom cloud"-that required administration action. Manipulating intelligence and ignoring the growing body of evidence undermining its case, the Bush administration invaded Iraq to bring about "regime change."

In the sixteenth century, the Ottoman court in Constantinople emerged as the axial centre of early modern diplomacy in Eurasia. Diplomatic Cultures at the Ottoman Court, c.1500-1630 takes a unique approach to diplomatic relations by focusing on how diplomacy was conducted and diplomatic cultures forged at a single court: the Sublime Porte. It unites studies from the perspectives of European and non-European diplomats with analyses from the perspective of Ottoman officials involved in diplomatic practices. It focuses on a formative period for diplomatic procedure and Ottoman imperial culture by examining the introduction of resident embassies on the one hand, and on the other, changes in Ottoman policy and protocol that resulted from the territorial expansion and cultural transformations of the empire in the sixteenth century. The chapters in this volume approach the practices and processes of diplomacy at the Ottoman court with special attention to ceremonial protocol, diplomatic sociability, gift-giving, cultural exchange, information gathering, and the role of para-diplomatic actors.

This book holistically covers the issue of environmental diplomacy by building a firm foundation for readers to understand the different dimensions of the topic. The book begins by exploring the progress the world community has made in understanding the importance of diplomacy in preserving the environment for humankind's survival, peace, and security. Then, it critically analyses the existing system of international environmental treaties and highlights its political and legal gaps. It further examines specific case studies on multilateral diplomacy as well as both formal and informal diplomacy in cases from Europe and the United States to evaluate the diplomatic models followed by different stakeholders in the field. Through this case study analysis, the book develops theoretical and empirical frameworks that can be applied to study how international and regional organisations and NGOs maintain and put forward environmental agendas at an international level. It also examines the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on the environment to highlight the challenges to reach an effective and equitable environmental governance and draw conclusions around effective versus ineffective forms and tools of environmental diplomacy. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of environmental diplomacy and environmental law and governance, as well as practitioners working in this important field.

1. This book provides a comprehensive overview of the Falkland/Malvinas War. 2. It is written by both Argentinian and Australian (one British born Australian) Scholars and rich in archival resources. 3. With the 40th Anniversary of the Falkland/Malvinas War in 2022 this book will be of interest to departments of Military history and British and Latin American History across UK.

This book examines how intangible aspects of international relations - including identity, memory, representation, and symbolic perception - have helped to shape the development and contribute to the endurance of the Anglo-American special relationship. Challenging traditional interpretations of US-UK relations and breaking new ground with fresh analyses of cultural symbols, discourses, and ideologies, this volume fills important gaps in our collective understanding of the special relationship's operation and exposes new analytical spaces in which we can re-evaluate its strengths and weaknesses. Designed to breathe new life into old debates about the relationship's purported specialness, this book offers a multidisciplinary exploration of literary representations, screen representations, political representations, representations in memory, and the influence of cultural connections and constructs which have historically animated Anglo-American interaction. -- .

The Limits to Power (1979) analyses the spectrum of Soviet interests and policies in the Middle East following the Yom Kippur War of October 1973: how the Soviets handled the oil question, military and economic aid, policy toward Egypt, Syria, Iraq, the Palestinian organisations - and toward Israel itself. The Soviet position in the Middle East in 1970 was as the dominant foreign power in the region, and this book examines the events and actions that resulted, under a decade later, in such a sharp reversal in Soviet fortunes. The ebb-and-flow of Soviet diplomacy, as it emerges from the wealth of official statements and press material, is examined in detail.

Commonwealth and Independence in Post-Soviet Eurasia (1998) examines the various attempts to create new forms of integration by the new states of Eurasia. The contributors to this volume analyse in detail how the national elites in the independent states conceived their regional policies. It looks in particular at the Russian-led Commonwealth of Independent States, feared by many of the newly-independent nations as being the Soviet Union Mark II.

This book is a diplomatic history of Europe and the wider world over a period of 500 years, from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the early twenty-first century - with a crucial aspect. The book reflects upon the development of diplomacy and diplomats in changing from acting solely in the national interests of their respective countries to increasingly engaging in international conflict resolution and peace-making. It will be an invaluable reading for students and practitioners of international history, international relations and international security.

Offering an alternative and a complement to existing histories of diplomacy, this book discusses change in the form of 'tipping points', which it understands as the culmination of long-term trends. Part I discusses social evolution on the general level of institutions. It argues that in cases where a diplomatic institution's tipping points are defined by the types of entities that make it up, the consular institution has evolved from concerning polities of independent traders to becoming ever more of a state concern. Part II challenges the existing literature's treatment of diplomacy as an elite, textual affair. It lays the groundwork for studying visual diplomacy and observes that the increasingly marginal vision of diplomacy as a confrontation between good and evil survives in popular culture. The book concludes by identifying the future of diplomacy as a struggle between state-to-state based diplomacy and diplomacy as networked global governance. -- .

In contrast to most works of international history, which dwell on particular relationships, strategies, wars or crises, the questions in this 2008 book are about how diplomacy was actually conducted. The period 1963 76 saw significant changes in diplomatic practice globally. It was particularly a time of change for Britain as the country negotiated its declining world power and joined the European Community and economic problems forced spending cuts. Looking at the reform of the British Diplomatic Service and Foreign Office as well as the role of ambassadors, the use of 'special' envoys, summits and state visits, John Young sheds light on how diplomacy was organised in order to put into effect the country's foreign policy and on how diplomatic practice changed over time to make it more effective. Drawing comparisons with other countries, especially the United States, this study focuses on the means of diplomacy rather than the ends.