Nazi Germany and Southern Europe, 1933-45 is about transnational fascist discourse. It addresses the cultural and scientific links between Nazi Germany and Southern Europe focusing on a hybrid international environment and an intricate set of objects that include individual, social, cultural or scientific networks and events.

How do American citizens become ambassadors, and how do they serve as U.S. representatives overseas during such troubled times? What is embassy life really like? How do ambassadors deal with host governments and with officials back in Washington and conduct operations during emergencies and serious crises? Seventy-four senior diplomats give us personal and insider accounts of important experiences. Their comments provide useful insights into the business of diplomacy and will interest students, teachers, practitioners in international affairs, not to mention the general public. Following a brief historical introduction, the interviewees describe their reasons for becoming ambassadors, the appointment process, their training, the management of an embassy, problems in dealing with heads of state and officials at home. They discuss troubles in Korea and Laos, the Six-Day War in 1967, the Jonestown Affair, hostilities in Cyprus, the Fall of Saigon, civil strife in Nicaragua, along with terrorism, coups, and other demonstrations of violence in the 1970s and 1980s. They point to the future role of ambassadors.

Studies of the history of international relations traditionally have focused on the decisions made by those at the highest levels of government. In more recent years, scholars have expanded their attention to cover economic, cultural, or social interactions among nations. What has remained largely ignored, however, is the impact of an increasingly-interdependent world upon the environment and, conversely, how environmental concerns have affected the ecology, social relationships, economics, and politics at national, regional, and global levels. The Environment and International History fills this gap, looking at the interrelationship between international politics and the environment. Using a transnational and interdisciplinary approach, this book examines how imperialism, war, and a divergence of interests between the developed and underdeveloped world all have had implications for plants, animals, and humans worldwide.

Decisive rejection by French and Dutch voters in 2005 forced the EU to abandon the Constitutional Treaty agreed the previous year. Yet by the end of the 2007, contrary to all expectations and after an intergovernmental conference essentially devoid of substantive negotiation, EU leaders had agreed and signed the Treaty of Lisbon containing the bulk of the Constitutional Treaty's substantive reforms. How did this latest treaty come about? Why did events move so quickly in 2007? Who were the key actors and what methods did they use to enable a treaty to be drawn up and agreed in such a short period of time? This book explores the unique process that saw EU leaders hastily agree a lengthy and detailed mandate for the intergovernmental conference. In doings so, it highlights the pivotal roles played by the German Council Presidency and key institutional actors in paving the way for and securing agreement among EU leaders on the new treaty.

Leading scholars explore the role played by the American Embassy in London and the US Ambassador to the Court of St James's, not only in bilateral UK-US relations, but also in wider international issues over the years the Embassy has been in Grosvenor Square. This volume covers the period from 1938 to 2008, effectively the lifespan of what has often been termed "the special relationship," from its birth in the Second World War, through the challenges of the Cold War to the present day.
Debates about the "specialness" of the relationship in the post-war context are key, as are discussions about the impact of the development and demise of the "Cold War," the ongoing impact of European integration, the influence of nuclear weapons and NATO, and wider economic, cultural, demographic and environmental forces that have shaped the transatlantic relationship to arguably form the basis of a new model of "transatlantic diplomacy."

This book examines the growing interest by Asian states, which are normally considered as 'outsiders' in the Arctic governance system. Whilst existing research asserts that Asian states are mostly interested in the economic aspect of the changing Arctic, including its mineral and fossil sources and the opening up of new sea routes, the book argues that the relation between Asian states and the Arctic is much more complex and dynamic, grounded in their unique perspective on national security and the role of economic development in securing their national interests.

Designed as a companion to the acclaimed "Spain in the Twentieth-Century World" (Greenwood Press, 1980), this volume is a survey of 19th-century Spanish diplomacy. Although the 19th century is often considered highly fragmented in Spanish history, this distinguished set of writers shows that insofar as diplomacy goes, Spain has followed very consistent lines of activities throughout the century. Spaniards have attempted to use diplomacy to further national and international objectives with mixed results. This study adds insight into the national political affairs of Spain while dealing directly with the events of such regions as North Africa, Santo Domingo, Mexico, the United States, Portugal, France, Great Britain, Chile, and Peru. It is also an important contribution to the diplomacy of the 19th-century, post-Napoleonic Mediterranean world.

The first book focused on diplomacy from a psychological perspective, this work features 12 top diplomats and psychologists examining issues and approaches. Factors considered include the implicit and explicit ground rules for the interaction of diplomats, and their assumptions about their own roles and those of their counterparts. The book explores the vital question: Do diplomats meet to work out agreements and solutions for the common benefit of humanity, or is it the responsibility of a diplomat to seek advantage for his or her own nation at the expense of others? The topics include ethnic rivalry, water resources, and financial issues. In some cases in this text, the views of psychologists and diplomats are consistent. But there is a gap between the two disciplines. Psychologists tend to be more idealistic, egalitarian, and theory-based, while the diplomats most often focus on the practical realities of dealing with their counterparts and issues where opposing nations seek divergent outcomes. The actual implementation of diplomacy, and the psychology of diplomacy, takes place not at the global or macro levels, but instead at the one-on-one, micro level. This volume will appeal to students and scholars in students, scholars, and practitioners in psychology, international relations, peace studies, and political science.

Addressing the impact of the Russian Revolution and change and continuity in diplomacy during the transition from Empire to Soviet Union, this book examines how Russia's diplomacy was conducted, the diplomats behind it, the establishment of the Soviet diplomatic corps and the steps taken to integrate the Soviets into the diplomatic world.

This book provides the reader with a broad overview of the current debate on the evaluation of transnational NGOs, combining the academic with the practitioners perspectives. The contributions to this edited volume deal with the key concepts of legitimacy, accountability and representation, covering a variety of issue areas and NGOs.

CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title 2016 This book examines six summits spanning the beginning and the end of the Cold War. Using declassified documents from U.S., British, and other archives, Chris Tudda shows how the Cold War developed from an ideological struggle between capitalism and communism into a truly global struggle. From Potsdam in 1945, to Malta in 1989, the nuclear superpowers met to determine how to end World War II, manage the arms race, and ultimately, end the Cold War. Meanwhile, the newly independent nations of the "Third World," including the People's Republic of China, became active and respected members of the international community determined to manage their own fates independent of the superpowers. The six summits - Potsdam (1945), Bandung (1955), Glassboro (1967), Beijing (1972), Vienna (1972), and Malta (1989) - are here examined together in a single volume for the first time. An introductory essay provides a historiographical analysis of Cold War summitry, while the conclusion ties the summits together and demonstrates how the history of the Cold War can be understood not only by examining the meetings between the superpowers, but also by analyzing how the developing nations became agents of change and thus affected international relations.

This volume affords a fascinating and rare look at the sensitive issue of nuclear diplomacy between two critical Cold War allies, the United States and Japan, during the 1960s. Challenging the silence of the official bureaucracies in Washington and Tokyo, Wakaizumi Kei reveals the truth behind the secret 1969 agreement that ensured the eventual reversion of Okinawa to Japanese jurisdiction in 1972. Revelation of this secret accord created considerable controversy in Japan when Wakaizumi's memoir was first published in 1994. With the publication of this translation, his description of the events leading up to the closed-door agreement is available to an English-language audience for the first time.

At a time when security matters are once again predominant in the U.S. -- Japan alliance, Professor Wakaizumi's account is a timely reminder of the gap between official, media-filtered descriptions of diplomatic relations and the private discussions of national leaders. The long-standing reluctance of the Japanese government to declassify its postwar diplomatic records has meant that Japan's side of its relationship with the U.S. has been only partially revealed. The Best Course Available attempts to correct this shortcoming and at the same time provides insight into the complicated and arcane process of foreign policymaking, national leadership, and domestic politics in Japan after 1945.

Laurence Pope describes the contemporary dysfunction of the State Department and its Foreign Service. He contends that in the information age diplomacy is more important than ever, and that, as President Obama has stressed, without a "change of thinking" the U.S. may be drawn into more wars it does not need to fight.

This book investigates China's foreign policy concerning the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs of other states in the post-Cold War period. The principle of non-intervention has traditionally been central to Chinese foreign policy, but as China's economy has boomed, international attention to her foreign policy has been increasingly hostile. Accordingly, an exploration of China's non-intervention policy is worthwhile to understand China's foreign policy and its international behavior. This book will be of interest to China watchers, scholars of geopolitics, and Asian historians.

This volume examines British and US attitudes towards the means and mechanisms for the facilitation of an Arab-Israeli reconciliation, focusing specifically on the refugee factor in diplomatic initiatives. It explains why Britain and the US were unable to reconcile the local parties to an agreement on the future of the Palestinian refugees.

"Richmond... played a significant role in the implementation of the Helsinki accords... His] account of how this was done is useful and peppered with interesting personal details of what it was like to be involved in the day-to-day implementation of the accords. In this respect and others, Richmond has given us an authoritative report of how public diplomacy contributed to the outcome of the Cold War." . Journal of Cold War Studies

"The volume is a useful guide for those who are currently or expecting to be practitioners of public diplomacy and Richmond's experience, particularly in Poland and the former Soviet Union, perhaps provide the answers to how the U.S. State Department and its diplomats should confront the problems of global terrorism and anti-Americanism, especially in the Middle East. Or, as someone suggested, what really is needed is more Yale Richmonds." . The Polish Review

" Richmond] has already contributed a great deal to the history of US public diplomacy through his earlier studies on the practice of dialogue and exchange with the Soviet Union... and] has now compiled his memoirs into a light-hearted but nonetheless highly engaging volume... that is] not just an entertaining chronicle of the Cold War, but also a rich source of comment on issues that continue to plague US public diplomacy today." . Journal of American History

"Richmond's personal account of how public diplomacy was conducted during the Cold War gives the reader a practitioner's perspective on this fascinating period in our history, and underscores public diplomacy's continued importance in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy." . USC Center on Public Diplomacy

"This short, readable volume is a treasure trove of sound advice wrapped in the recollections of one of America's leading public diplomacy practitioners and top Soviet hands whose lengthy US government career spanned 44 years." . WhirledView

"instructive book... is] much more enlightening about down-to-earth public diplomacy than a training manual or abstract academic treatise can ever be...a delightful volume." . AmericanDiplomacy.org

"This book will be a long-term reference source for researchers looking at Cold War history, as the subject goes through its inevitable revisionist cycles...It documents a critical element in U.S. cold-war relations--the effort to reach out ideologically to Soviet and East European audiences in the face of formidable opposition by Communist regimes in the region. The author was involved in this subject more directly and over a longer period of time than any other U.S. government official." . Wilson Dizard, author of Inventing Public Diplomacy, and Member of the Public Diplomacy Council

"It is sometimes said that soft power helped to win the Cold War. To find out what it was like to be on the front lines of these battles, read this fascinating memoir." . Joseph S. Nye, Harvard University and author of Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics

Yale Richmond, a retired cultural officer in the US Foreign Service, practiced public diplomacy for thirty years, including postings abroad in Germany, Laos, Poland, Austria (Vienna), and the Soviet Union. A specialist in intercultural communication, his books have been translated and published in China and Korea.

The interactions between popular culture and public policy in general, and foreign policy in particular, have always been an important area of scholarly enquiry and popular interest. However with the end of the bipolar world system and the emergence of a single world superpower in the form of the United States of America, which is waging a War Against Terror, this nexus has become critical. This is especially true because of the almost Manichean tendency of the United States to see other countries in terms of "good" or "evil." Indeed President Bush himself has coined the term "The Axis of Evil" for states, which in a kinder age were simply referred to by his predecessors as being "Rogue States."

This book draws together elements from several academic disciplines - politics, international relations, psychology, film and cultural studies and examines US foreign policy toward the so-called "rogue states" and the products of the Hollywood film industry in relation to these states, which promises to make a significant contribution to our understanding of the 'soft power' that is popular culture.

The authors of this book investigate one of the mostly hotly debated and significant questions of our times 'what role will China be playing in world politics over the next twenty years' by asking another controversial question 'is China's 'new' diplomacy a tactical or fundamental change?' Bringing together Chinese and Western scholars of diplomacy the book highlights the view that diplomacy is both an instrument of foreign policy and a learning and socialising process that fosters both positive and negative change and is an important indicator of China's future role. It further argues that there is little to suggest that China's new diplomacy has a tactical revisionist agenda; however it is too early to be sure that China's changed diplomacy is a fundamental one. Moreover, much will depend on the diplomacy of other major powers towards China and on China's domestic politics.

The rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union intensified as Dwight D. Eisenhower entered the White House. However, the burning question for the vast majority of the world's population was not whether they would join the 'Free World' or the Soviet bloc, but whether they could achieve meaningful self-determination. Nowhere did the answer to that question loom larger than in Africa. The Eisenhower administration's confrontation with Africa demonstrates the significance of race in the creation and execution of American foreign policy. In this new work, historian George White, Jr. explores the ways in which Eisenhower diplomacy, influenced by America's racialized fantasies, fears, and desires, turned the Cold War into a global sanctuary for the rehabilitation of Whiteness. In turn, American statesmen and bureaucrats justified the undermining of democracy and freedom by stuffing the multi-faceted realities of African aspirations and Western privileges into the straitjacket of a bi-polar worldview. Using as its foundation American relations with Ethiopia, Ghana, South Africa, and the Congo, Holding the Line demonstrates the power of race to warp perception and to severely limit the parameters and possibilities of human engagement. Holding the Line provides a fresh perspective on 1950s era U.S. foreign relations that remain salient in American diplomacy today. This is a book that will be of interest to students of American diplomatic history, Critical Race and Whiteness studies, American studies, and international relations.

This book traces the development of Oman's inclusive agreements and highlights their importance for international negotiations, dealing with issues most relevant to humanity's own survival today, nuclear weapons or climate change. In Oman, a historical seafaring nation on the south-eastern corner of the Arabian Peninsula, a culture of agreement that accommodates the interests of everyone has developed around the division of scarce water resources. Life in the arid inland of the Omani Hajar mountains would not have been possible without water. Irrigation channel (falaj) construction is extremely old and skilful therein. Local practices evolved around the division of water and land on the basis of fairness. The community would be best served by inclusion and the avoidance of conflict. A specific Islamic school called Ibadi arrived at Oman early on in the eighth century. Ibadi scholars conserved local practices. Consultation and mediation by sheikhs and the religious leader, Imam, became the law of the land. The Omanis were known as the People of Consultation, Ahl Al Shura. In time, the practice of inclusive agreements would extend far beyond the village level, affecting Omans foreign policy under Sultan Qaboos. Omans water diplomacy succeeded in uniting the contestants of the Middle East Peace Process in the 1990s to work together on common problems of water desalination.

This book examines humanitarian interventions in the post-Cold War era within the context of the development of global capitalism. It argues that protection of human rights is a noble idea and it is often our duty to use force to uphold these rights. However, Ivan Manokha shows that within the context of the late-modern world characterised by a global form of capitalism such attempts to promote and protect human rights have an unintended consequence of contributing to the perpetuation of poverty and poverty-related problems resulting from the functioning of the global political economy.

A critical examination of the origins of today's anti-Islamic rhetoric in Europe, this book focuses specifically on representations of Turkey. Applying a novel theoretical framework that understands collective identities as dramaturgical achievements, it shows that stereotypes of Turks continue to provide an important "Other" against which a supposed European "Self" is contrasted. The book identifies two competing meta-narratives that have long vied for the right to define Christendom and later Europe, and argues that the struggle over these narratives--one tragic, the other comic--have come to a head in Turkey's current bid for EU membership.

The idea of soft power figures crucially in the story of China's re-emergence as a global power. While the debate on the intentions and merits of its global outreach continues, China has embarked on its quest for an image makeover. "Soft Power in China" describes and explains the scope of the country's pursuit of soft power through public diplomacy and international communication. What kinds of images does China want to refashion and project? What is the role of the government "vis-a-vis "that of other institutional and social actors in these efforts? What kinds of tensions and pressures has China experienced? Where do the programs stand in terms of their impact on the country's image? What do all these efforts mean to the broader discussion on the study and practice of public diplomacy and national image management? This book represents a collaborative effort to address these questions.

Based on newly declassified documents, this book offers a provocative new analysis of President Jimmy Carter's political role in Arab-Israeli diplomacy. It analyzes the reflexive relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy, especially the roles played by the media, public opinion and pro-Israel lobby groups.