Enforced disarmament has often been ignored by historians, diplomats, and strategic analaysts. Yet the democracies have imposed some measure of disarmament on their enemies after every major victory since 1815. In many cases, forced disarmament was one of the most important, if not the most important, of their war aims. The demilitarization of Germany and Japan, for example, was one of the most significant post-war measures agreed by the Soviet Union, Britain, and the USA in 1945, whilst the debate on the disarmament measures imposed on Iraq after the Gulf War continues to rage. The efficacy and durability of enforced disarmament measures, and the resistance they are likely to encounter are thus issues of central strategic and political importance. Philip Towle examines the most important peace settlements from the time of Napoleon to Saddam Hussein, in the first major history of this fascinating subject.

Proponents of American public diplomacy sometimes find it difficult to be taken seriously. Everyone says nice things about relying less on military force and more on soft power. But it has been hard to break away from the longtime conventional wisdom that America owes its place in the world primarily to its muscle. Today, however, policy makers are recognizing that merely being a "superpower" -- whatever that means now -- does not ensure security or prosperity in a globalized society. "Toward a New Public Diplomacy" explains public diplomacy and makes the case for why it will be the crucial element in the much-needed reinvention of American foreign policy.

The "illuminating" (Los Angeles Times) answer to why Israel and Palestine's attempts at negotiation have failed and a practical, "admirably measured" (The New York Times) roadmap for bringing peace to the Middle East--by an impartial American diplomat experienced in solving international conflicts.George Mitchell knows how to bring peace to troubled regions. He was the primary architect of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement for peace in Northern Ireland. But when he served as US Special Envoy for Middle East Peace from 2009 to 2011--working to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict--diplomacy did not prevail. Now, for the first time, Mitchell offers his insider account of how the Israelis and the Palestinians have progressed (and regressed) in their negotiations through the years and outlines the specific concessions each side must make to finally achieve lasting peace.

Although the Falklands War of 1982 had a decisive outcome in respect to the restoration of British control, it failed to resolve the basic cause of the war: the Anglo-Argentine dispute over sovereignty. Relations between the two countries remain unstable, whilst a series of events throughout the past three decades have emphasised the sensitive and important nature of the international problem. First published in 1988, this book stresses the dispute's significance as both a domestic and an international problem, with important consequences for other governments and such international organisations as the United Nations, as well as the two key players. The book shows an equal concern for the obvious and immediate problem of sovereignty, and for the long term future of the South Atlantic and Antarctic region. Discussing issues that remain of major political relevance, this reissue will be of particular value to students of politics, international relations and diplomatic history with an interest in the key developments within and background to the Anglo-Argentine dispute.

In the 1970s, Henry Kissinger lamented, "When I want to call Europe, I cannot find a phone number." Kissinger's implication was clear: Although Europe was moving towards a union, in reality it was lacking the necessary coherence. Since then, the institutional momentum of the EU towards a common foreign and security policy has increased considerably. Yet, the viability of this institutionalization effort is questionable. This book advances a new perspective on this paradox. It argues that in order to understand institutional success and failure one must investigate the changing cognitive propensities of leaders in key states forming the institution.

This book provides an honest assessment of the contemporary relationship between Western and Islamic cultures and puts forth the cross-cultural idea of tolerance as one invaluable approach for affecting peaceful coexistence.

For a sustainable coexistence to occur between Western and Muslim worlds, a disposition of tolerance toward otherness must be developed that permeates all levels of society, from local to global engagements. This timely comparative study presents a succinct analysis of select writings and practices of tolerance in Western and Islamic histories to show how a mutually esteemed conception of tolerance is discernable and absolutely essential in a world of lasting difference.

This first comprehensive study of the EU's diplomatic representation in the world, the EEAS, this book seeks to understand why it has failed to formulate a centralised policy towards external states. It also analyses why the EEAS has more success in centralising diplomatic structures in developing countries than with some economic partners.

During the first decade of the twenty-first century, the United States increasingly has relaxed its regulatory posture in the face of critical challenges to public health and the environment. This is true for regulation of recycling of end-of-life products, including autos and electronic components; potentially hazardous chemicals; and health claims on food labels. Coincidentally, the European Union has gravitated toward more restrictive regulation in these very same areas. How might we explain these diverging regulatory trajectories of the world's two largest market economies in an era of rising public awareness of dangers to the public and the planet? The explanation derives not from cultural differences in willingness to tolerate risk, but rather from distinctive regulatory tradeoffs--between environment and competitiveness in the United States and environment, competitiveness, and integration in the EU.

Focusing on the 2001-2002 crisis which brought the nuclear rivals to the brink of war, this book explores the dynamics of strategic stability between India and Pakistan. Like the 1999 Kashmir crisis and the 2008 Mumbai crisis, the 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament set in motion events that nearly spun out of control. India's military mobilization raised the specter of full-scale war and the possibility that Pakistan, faced with the defeat of its Army, would resort to nuclear weapons. The contributors focus on five main areas: the political history that led to the crisis; the conventional military environment during the crisis; the nuclear environment during the crisis; coercive diplomacy and de-escalation during the crisis; and arms control and confidence-building measures that can help South Asia to avoid similar crises in the future.

Debates between realists, communitarians, and cosmopolitans about the ethics of intervention in world politics are disciplined by competing models of the public/private distinction. Taking insights and controversies from feminist political theory, Lu focuses on this construct to illuminate alternative images of 'sovereignty as privacy' and 'sovereignty as responsibility', and to identify new ethical challenges arising from the increased agency of private global civil society actors, and their uneasy relationship with the world of states in contexts of 'humanitarian intervention'.

"Richmond... played a significant role in the implementation of the Helsinki accords... His] account of how this was done is useful and peppered with interesting personal details of what it was like to be involved in the day-to-day implementation of the accords. In this respect and others, Richmond has given us an authoritative report of how public diplomacy contributed to the outcome of the Cold War." . Journal of Cold War Studies

"The volume is a useful guide for those who are currently or expecting to be practitioners of public diplomacy and Richmond's experience, particularly in Poland and the former Soviet Union, perhaps provide the answers to how the U.S. State Department and its diplomats should confront the problems of global terrorism and anti-Americanism, especially in the Middle East. Or, as someone suggested, what really is needed is more Yale Richmonds." . The Polish Review

" Richmond] has already contributed a great deal to the history of US public diplomacy through his earlier studies on the practice of dialogue and exchange with the Soviet Union... and] has now compiled his memoirs into a light-hearted but nonetheless highly engaging volume... that is] not just an entertaining chronicle of the Cold War, but also a rich source of comment on issues that continue to plague US public diplomacy today." . Journal of American History

"Richmond's personal account of how public diplomacy was conducted during the Cold War gives the reader a practitioner's perspective on this fascinating period in our history, and underscores public diplomacy's continued importance in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy." . USC Center on Public Diplomacy

"This short, readable volume is a treasure trove of sound advice wrapped in the recollections of one of America's leading public diplomacy practitioners and top Soviet hands whose lengthy US government career spanned 44 years." . WhirledView

"instructive book... is] much more enlightening about down-to-earth public diplomacy than a training manual or abstract academic treatise can ever be...a delightful volume." . AmericanDiplomacy.org

"This book will be a long-term reference source for researchers looking at Cold War history, as the subject goes through its inevitable revisionist cycles...It documents a critical element in U.S. cold-war relations--the effort to reach out ideologically to Soviet and East European audiences in the face of formidable opposition by Communist regimes in the region. The author was involved in this subject more directly and over a longer period of time than any other U.S. government official." . Wilson Dizard, author of Inventing Public Diplomacy, and Member of the Public Diplomacy Council

"It is sometimes said that soft power helped to win the Cold War. To find out what it was like to be on the front lines of these battles, read this fascinating memoir." . Joseph S. Nye, Harvard University and author of Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics

Yale Richmond, a retired cultural officer in the US Foreign Service, practiced public diplomacy for thirty years, including postings abroad in Germany, Laos, Poland, Austria (Vienna), and the Soviet Union. A specialist in intercultural communication, his books have been translated and published in China and Korea.

This book examines the careers of Liao Chengzhi and Takasaki Tatsunosuke, who were not only the architects of Sino-Japanese economic relations, but also pioneers of contemporary Sino-Japanese relations. Their visions and initiatives offer many insights into the current contentious relations among China, Japan, Russia, and the United States.

This text examines Elizabeth's correspondence with several significant rulers, analyzing how her letters were constructed, drafted and presented, the rhetorical strategies used, and the role these letters played in facilitating diplomatic relations.

"The Legacy of Punishment in International Law illustrates how 17th and 18th century rationales for the use of force in support of piracy and colonialism have been transformed into progressive features of contemporary International Law. The classic practice of international punishment was a part of the jus ad bellum, and was the fig leaf for intra-European violence, and for the European conquest of the Americas. It has been transformed, however, into the basis for the assertion of a set of unconditionally, universally binding rules of international law, and for universal jurisdiction over perpetrators of crimes against humanity and war crimes"--

Examining diversity as a fundamental reality of empire, this book explores European colonial empires, both terrestrial and maritime, to show how they addressed the questions of how to manage diversity. These questions range from the local to the supra-regional, and from the management of people to that of political and judicial systems. Taking an intersectional approach incorporating categories such as race, religion, subjecthood and social and legal status, the contributions of the volume show how old and new modes of creating social difference took shape in an increasingly early modern globalized world, and what contemporary legacies these 'diversity formations' left behind. This volume show diversity and imperial projects to be both contentious and mutually constitutive: one the one hand, the conditions of empire created divisions between people through official categorizations (such as racial classifications and designations of subjecthood) and through discriminately applied extractive policies, from taxation to slavery. On the other hand, imperial subjects, communities, and polities within and adjacent to empire asserted themselves through a diverse range of affiliations and identities that challenged any notion of a unilateral, universal imperial authority. This book highlights the multidimensionality and interconnectedness of diversity in imperial settings and will be useful reading to students and scholars of the history of colonial Empires, global history, and race.

In 60 years the nuclear tipped South Asian enduring rivals, India and Pakistan have fought four wars and were close to a fifth one in 2001. Indo-Pak dyad has been the focal point of countless studies and while discord and conflict are the focus of most studies there have been periods of cooperation that have not been given enough attention. This book is an attempt to dig out the positive aspects of past Indo-Pak engagements and explore the relevant lessons to help resolve the pending issues. The book argues that both came to terms with each after 50 years and created the composite dialogue process in 1997 and by extracting lessons from the history they can resolve their differences even if their overall relations remain hostile.

First published in 1989, this title explores the nature and dimensions of the U.S. strategy in the Gulf in the formative years that followed the fall of the Shah, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war. It describes the formation of the U.S. Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force and the U.S. Central Command, their force structure and the network of U.S. bases and facilities in the region. The role of pro-Western countries in the wider region, in particular Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, and Israel, in the formulation of strategy is discussed in detail, along with a more general assessment of the achievements and failures of U.S. strategy in the Gulf towards the end of the 1980s. In light of the persistent struggle for peace within the Middle East, this is a timely reissue, which will be of great interest to students researching U.S. military strategy over the past thirty years.

Exchange programs are often considered to create goodwill for host countries among foreign citizens - yet is this the case? Drawing on a wealth of research with participants and alumni of exchange programs, Iain Wilson shows that the pursuit of goodwill receives little return and distracts these programs from the benefits they are able to deliver.

In the late 1990s NATO dropped bombs and supported armed insurgencies in Yugoslavia while insisting that its motives were purely humanitarian and that its only goal was peace. However, George Szamuely argues that NATO interventions actually prolonged conflicts, heightened enmity, increased casualties, and fueled demands for more interventions.
Eschewing the one-sided approach adopted by previous works on the Yugoslavian crisis, Szamuely offers a broad overview of the conflict, its role in the rise of NATO's authority, and its influence on Western policy on the Balkans. His timely, judicious, and accessible study sheds new light on the roots of the contemporary doctrine of humanitarian intervention.

This book examines the strategic implications of Iran's nuclear programme, providing an inventory of the negotiations and a discussion of possible solutions to this pressing international security issue. The Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear programme has been the cause of one of the most extended international crises of the past decade. Multilateral institutions have been unable to resolve the issue, which has the potential to derail the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. Recent failures of diplomatic offers for an extended Iran-EU cooperation and projected US arms sales to Iran's neighbours suggest an imminent escalation of the issue, which has been simmering since first reports about Iranian nuclear fuel-enrichment activities emerged in 2002. Since then, the topic has been the subject of intense media coverage as well as academic and diplomatic debate. This volume brings together analysts and authors with diverse backgrounds, including international diplomats formerly involved in negotiations with Iranian officials. The various chapters bring together different perspectives and empirical analyses, and include detailed assessments of both US and European efforts in diplomatic relations with Iran, as well as of the domestic politics in Iran itself. This book will be of interest to students of Iranian politics, Middle Eastern politics, strategic studies, nuclear proliferation, international security, foreign policy and IR in general.

This volume explores the role of soft power in US foreign policy past, present and future. It addresses vital issue areas - including terrorism threats, foreign economic policy and cultural diplomacy - as well as crucial bilateral relations - including Sino-American, Russian-American and transatlantic. In so doing, it offers an assessment of Joe Biden's first year in office as well as future perspectives and recommendations regarding the role of soft power in US foreign policy. The book is an essential and unique resource for understanding how soft power informs US foreign policy and diplomatic practice today and how it will continue to do so in the years to come. -- .

Lord D'Abernon was the first British ambassador to Berlin after the First World War. This study, which challenges his positive historical reputation, assesses all the key aspects of Anglo-German relations in the early 1920s. Particular attention is paid to the reparations question and to issues of international security. Other topics include D'Abernon's relationship with the principal British and German politicians of the period and his attitude towards American involvement in European diplomacy.

This book is a revealing insiders' account of the deteriorating special relationship between the United States and Romania in the last years of the Ceausescu dictatorship. The authors were the two chief diplomatic actors in the drama, on opposite sides of the dialogue in Bucharest: Roger Kirk as U.S. ambassador to Romania, Mircea Raceanu as the Romanian Foreign Ministry's chief of U.S. and Canadian affairs. They document the tangled web of state-to-state relations in a way few others could and personalize otherwise impersonal diplomacy, offering vivid portraits of the major players and an invaluable historical record.

Cultural diversity, because it is perceived to have significant security, developmental, and social implications, is fast becoming one of the major political issues of the day. At the international level, it overlaps with the now extensive debates on multiculturalism within states. This work shows how cultural diversity challenges the understanding of international relations as relations between states and, by looking at the issue through the magnifying glass of an international organization, offers innovative insights into the interplay between various levels of international society. The book examines in particular the role of UNESCO, the only United Nations agency responsible for culture and the main forum for international diplomacy on the issue of cultural diversity.