This book explores the revival under Edward VII of the ceremonial state visit by British monarchs, showing the impact and importance of active royal diplomacy during his reign. Using the Royal Archives, memoirs and newspapers, it reveals the contribution made by the use of ceremony and public display to popular appreciation of the monarchy.

The 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations has for over 50 years been central to diplomacy and applied to all forms of relations among sovereign States. Participation is almost universal. The rules giving special protection to ambassadors are the oldest established in international law and the Convention is respected almost everywhere. But understanding it as a living instrument requires knowledge of its background in customary international law, of the negotiating history which clarifies many of its terms and the subsequent practice of states and decisions of national courts which have resolved other ambiguities. Diplomatic Law provides this in-depth Commentary. The book is an essential guide to changing methods of modern diplomacy and shows how challenges to its regime of special protection for embassies and diplomats have been met and resolved. It is used by ministries of foreign affairs and cited by domestic courts world-wide. The book analyzes the reasons for the widespread observance of the Convention rules and why in the special case of communications - where there is flagrant violation of their special status - these reasons do not apply. It describes how abuse has been controlled and how the immunities in the Convention have survived onslaught by those claiming that they should give way to conflicting entitlements to access to justice and the desire to punish violators of human rights. It describes how the duty of diplomats not to interfere in the internal affairs of the host State is being narrowed in the face of the communal international responsibility to monitor and uphold human rights.

"Updated through the first term of President George W. Bush, the latest edition of this classic work analyzes how each U.S. president since Lyndon Johnson has dealt with the complex challenge of Arab-Israeli peacemaking. There have been remarkable successes-such as the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty-frustrating failures, and dangerous wars along the way. This book helps to situate the current Middle East crisis in historical context and point to some possible ways out of the impasse between Israelis and Palestinians. Quandt suggests a clear U.S. commitment to a two-state solution-one that would assure Israel of security and peace within the 1967 treaty-established borders, offer the Palestinians an early end to Israeli occupation of Gaza and most of the West Bank, and establish both a Jewish and Arab Jerusalem. Written especially for classroom use, Peace Process is also an invaluable resource for policymakers and anyone interested in this vital region of the world. Praise for previous editions of Peace Process "Clearly written, carefully balanced and comprehensive in scope . . . should prove invaluable to all serious students of American foreign policy."-New York Times Book Review "A major work, whether judged by the standards of classical diplomatic history or modern political science."-Foreign Affairs "Provides fresh insights into the complexities of creating the process and defining the substance of American foreign policymaking."-Survival "While objective to a fault, Quandt writes with an insider's knowledge of policymaking and decisions taken at the highest levels of government."-Middle East Policy "Both a history and analysis of an evolving relationship between Israel and its Arab opponents."-Choice "A major contribution to understanding the complexity of U.S. presidents' handling of the [Arab-Israeli] conflict. It should be compulsory reading for anyone studying the Middle East conflict, peacemaking and conflict resolution."-Journal of Peace Research"

Italy emerged from World War I triumphant but ostracized from the comity of victors, which led to the notion in Italy that a war had been won but a peace lost. The Legend of the Mutilated Victory demonstrates that Italy's conflict with America over the nature of the peace was a direct outgrowth of Italy's ongoing quarrels with the Allies, quarrels that formed the basis of the "mutilated victory." In a clear and cogently argued narrative, Burgwyn reassesses Sidney Sonnino's diplomacy as he lead Italy to victory in the imbroglio of the war and domestic political intrigue. He observes the impact of domestic politics and the Supreme Command on Sonnino's wartime diplomacy, impartially describes Sonnino's efforts at the Paris Peace Conference, and also points out the failures in Sonnino's approach. This is the first book in any language to analyze Italian diplomacy from the outbreak of the war to the Paris Peace Conference.

Regional sub-state diplomacy has come of age. No longer limited to federal states in Europe, today sub-state entities across the world engage in international relations, and conduct a foreign policy parallel to, complementary to or sometimes in conflict with their central governmental counterparts. Since the late 1990s, the spectrum of diplomatic instruments and the strategies that accompany them have become more diverse and complex. "Regional Sub-State Diplomacy Today" offers detailed and recent data on the nature, width and complexity of regions engaging in international relations. It includes cases from all over the world. Next to comparative empirical studies, "Regional Sub-State Diplomacy Today" also offers original theoretical perspectives on the multi-faceted dimensions of regional sub-state diplomacy. It is ideal for both students and practitioners of sub-state diplomacy.

Considering the important impact of Asian cultures on international relations, we conducted a multifaceted analysis and authentic summary of the Asian experiences and patterns of dealing with foreign relations from an Asian insider's perspective, aiming to find out where the diverging or converging diplomatic ways of the West and the East came from and what the positive diplomatic values and practices originated from Asian traditions are. Focusing on China, volume one thoroughly analyses the nature, political culture and mechanism of the tribute system from ancient time to the modern era within and beyond China. Volume two studies the culture and diplomacy of various individual Asian nations except for China, both in general and in particular cases, with an interdisciplinary approach. , , , , . , , . , , , .

A Sunday Times and FT Book of the Year

When a rising power threatens to displace a ruling one, the most likely outcome is war.

In this razor-sharp analysis, Harvard scholar Graham Allison examines the phenomenon known as Thucydides’s Trap, which is currently playing out between the world’s two biggest superpowers: the US and China.

Through uncanny historical parallels, Destined for War shows how close we are to the unthinkable. Yet, stressing that war is not inevitable, Allison also reveals how clashing powers have kept the peace in the past ― and what painful steps international leaders can and must take to avoid disaster.

In January 1986, two working journalists were flying aboard the official jet of Israel's Prime Minister Shimon Peres, as he toured Europe and reactivated his secret diplomacy with Jordan's King Hussein. Within two years Palestinians living under Israeli occupation rose in revolt. The two journalists, Yossi Melman and Dan Raviv, decided the time was ripe to collaborate on Behind the Uprising: Israelis, Jordanians, and Palestinians, the first complete account of the clandestine relationship between Israel and Jordan, two Middle East enemies that have reached a de facto peace without signing a peace treaty. In this extraordinary, exclusive account, Melman and Raviv examine the hostile partnership by focusing on an unacknowledged, but powerful partnership among three key parties in the Middle East dispute: the Israelis, the Jordanians, and the Palestinians. Based on interviews with participants in the secret diplomacy and on documents previously hidden from the public, this work describes Hussein's meetings with Israel's leaders and reveals how Israel and Jordan forged a relationship covering everything from "counter-terrorism to counter-mosquito tactics." The book begins and ends with an explanation of how a quarter of a century of secret contacts led to an explosion of frustration in the occupied territories, resulting in the Palestinian uprising.

In the 21st century, new kinds of challenges resulting from
interdependence among states and globalization have had a determining
impact of the conduct of diplomacy.
Diplomacy has become
multifaceted, pluri-directional, volatile and intensive, due to
the increased complexity in terms of actors, dialogues subjects, modes of
communication, and plurality of objectives. This unique text,
written by a leading scholar and Foreign Service expert, examines all
such factors to provide the definitive guide to diplomacy as it is
practiced today. With a multitude of examples from around the world,
including the US, UK, EU, Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the book
covers the spectrum of diplomacy practice, including regional diplomacy,
diplomacy of small states, performance management, handling of
decisions and crisis, use of information technology, and reform in foreign
ministries. Also included are chapters on craft skills and practical
exercises.
21st Century Diplomacy
will be essential to anyone learning diplomacy, and will also
support courses in international relations, foreign policy, and
intercultural communication.

Recent events have once again focused international attention on the volatile politics of the Gulf region. This new book, by three former British ambassadors - all with long service in the region - demonstrates the importance of the Gulf for Britain from the days of Elizabeth I to the present. It tells the story, through the life and works of the British diplomats and consuls and the missions in which they worked, of Britain's involvement, first for trade and later for strategic purposes, in the four key regional states of Iran, Iraq, Kuwait and Oman. With wit and insight, the book traces the origins of today's problems from the Ottoman and Persian empires to the 1991 Gulf War and its aftermath. Those who know the region will find this a refreshing new slant on an old story, while those new to the subject will enjoy the mixture of politics and personalities ably described and analysed.

With Eyes Toward Zion II is a collection of papers by distinguished scholars who have set out to rediscover the Holy Land and what it means to America. They delve into the hundreds of books and pamphlets that have been written by archaeologists, historians, scientists, Biblical scholars, American consuls, novelists, missionaries, tourists, and, above all, settlers and builders of the land. What results is an overview of the relationship between the American people and the Holy Land until the birth of the State of Israel in 1948.

This book analyzes ways how three fringe players of the modern diplomatic order - the Holy See, the Sovereign Military Order of Malta, and the EU - have been accommodated within that order, revealing that the modern diplomatic order is less state-centric than conventionally assumed and is instead better conceived of as a heteronomy.

Though many historians date the practice of diplomacy to the Renaissance, Pierre Chaplais shows that medieval kings relied on a network of diplomats and special envoys to conduct international relations. War, peace, marriage agreements, ransoms, trade and many other matters all had to be negotiated. To do this a remarkably sophisticated system of diplomacy developed during the Middle Ages. Chaplais describes how diplomacy worked in practice: how ambassadors and other envoys were chosen, how and where they traveled, and how the authenticity of their messages was known in a world before passports and photographs.

Using newly released documents, the author presents an integrated look at American nuclear policy and diplomacy in crises from the Berlin blockade to Vietnam. The book answers the question of why, when the atomic bomb had been used with such devastating effect against the Japanese Empire in 1945, American leaders put this most apocalyptic of weapons back on the shelf, never to be used again in anger. It documents the myopia of Potomac strategists in involving the US in wars of attrition in Korea and Southeast Asia, marginal areas where American vital interests were in no way endangered. Despite the presence of hundreds, then thousands of nuclear bombs and warheads in the nation's stockpile, the greatest military weapon in history became politically impossible to use. And yet overwhelming nuclear superiority did serve its ultimate purpose in the Cold War. When American vital interests were threatened - over Berlin and Cuba - the Soviets backed down from confrontation. Despite errors in strategic judgement brought on by fear of Communist expansion, and in some cases outright incompetence, the ace in the hole proved decisive.

"Statesmen Who Changed the World" provides extensive essays on more than 70 statesmen of the Western world, covering the time period from the 15th century to the present. Some of the statesmen included were heads of state; others held ministerial positions in foreign affairs; a few were neither heads of state nor foreign ministers. All influenced or changed the world in which they lived.

Each essay includes a thorough and insightful biographical sketch covering the subject's life and career with particular emphasis on the subject's involvement in international affairs. In addition, each essay provides a bibliographical essay describing the available archival materials, works written by and about the subject, and the most recent scholarship. It concludes with a bibliographical checklist. Appendixes include glossaries of terms and a listing of heads of state. The book is fully indexed.

This book is a balanced account of the political, diplomatic, and military currents that influenced Japan's attempts to surrender and the United States's decision to drop the atomic bombs. Based on extensive research in both the United States and Japan, this book allows the reader to follow the parallel decision-making in Tokyo and Washington that contributed to lost opportunities that might have allowed a less brutal conclusion to the war. Topics discussed and analyzed include Japan's desperate military situation; its decision to look to the Soviet Union to mediate the conflict; the Manhattan Project; the debates within Truman's Administration and the armed forces as to whether to modify unconditional surrender terms to include retention of Emperor Hirohito and whether to plan for the invasion of Japan's home islands or to rely instead on blockade and bombing to force the surrender.

This collection brings together leading scholars and practitioners to assess the processes, institutions and outcomes of the EU's collective diplomatic engagement in the fields of security, human rights, trade and finance and environmental politics. It analyzes successes and failures in the EU's search for global influence in the post-Lisbon era.

Seib explores the many ways in which news coverage shapes the design and implementation of foreign policy. By influencing the political attitudes of opinion-shaping elites and the public at large, the news media can profoundly affect the conduct of foreign policy. Seib's text analyzes important examples of press influence on foreign affairs: the news media's definition of success and failure, as in reporting the 1968 Tet Offensive in Vietnam; how public impatience, fueled by news reports, can pressure presidents, as happened during the Iran hostage crisis of 1979-81; how presidents can anticipate and control news media coverage, as was done by the Bush administration during the 1991 Gulf War; how press revelation or suppression of secret information affects policy, as in the cases of the Bay of Pigs, the Cuban missile crisis, and various intelligence operations; how coverage of humanitarian crises affects public opinion; the challenges of live TV coverage; and the changing influence of news in the post-Cold War world. By covering a wide range of issues and examples, this important text will stimulate thoughtful appraisal of the relationships between the news media and those who make policy. It will be of interest to students and scholars in journalism, political communication, and international relations.

The book explores the promotion of Europeanness, which aims to arouse feelings of belonging to the European Union. It demonstrates that the promotion of Europeanness at the EU level does not constitute an overarching identity policy that imposes a homogenous interpretation of European identity. Rather, it is a process of negotiation in which various entrepreneurs of Europeanness within and outside the EU institutions invent and communicate representations of Europe. Both the negotiation and the multilayered representations of Europe that it produces are investigated through three case studies: the academia and the historians, European heritage, and the iconography of the euro.

"Memoirs are worthless if their authors attempt to present themselves as angels. I resolutely oppose those of my countrymen who shift responsibility for Soviet evils exclusively to the leaders. It is important that each Soviet citizen realize and admit his or her share of the responsibility." --from On the Battlefields of the Cold War

For more than forty years Victor Israelyan served in the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs, rising through the ranks to become one of the Soviet Union's leading diplomats specializing in disarmament negotiations. He was forced to retire in 1987, a casualty of a system that was about to collapse under the weight of its contradictions. On the Battlefields of the Cold War offers unique insight into the volatile inner workings of the Soviet Foreign Ministry, where the battle lines of the Cold War were often first drawn.

Israelyan has no patience for those of his compatriots who argue that Soviet foreign policy was ultimately just, save for a few "aberrations" such as the invasions of Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Afghanistan. These acts were intrinsic to the system, and without them the mighty Soviet Union would not have existed as long as it did. The very foundation of Soviet foreign policy, therefore, was untenable, and the entire structure it supported was destined to implode.

Israelyan brings to this memoir a wealth of experience, having worked with all the postwar Soviet foreign ministers--from Molotov and Vyshinsky to Gromyko and Shevardnadze--and established diplomatic ties to the West, particularly to the United States. As part of the middle tier of the diplomatic hierarchy, he was privy both to meetings of the Collegium of the Foreign Ministry as well as to the many informal, private discussions among rank-and-file diplomats. Israelyan explains how he and his colleagues, as faithful defenders of Soviet ideology, viewed the United States, the Soviet Union's main adversary and partner. He tells of distinct factions within the Soviet foreign policy apparatus--factions that Soviet leaders sought to hide, fearing that any internal divisions might be interpreted by outsiders as discord. This aging Cold Warrior--one who accepts that he belonged to the party that lost the war--relates a deeply human story whose legacy continues today.

During the early Cold War, the complex relationship between communities in Europe and the United States was of concern to those on both sides of the Atlantic. Using archival research and recorded interviews, this book charts the development of American Studies in Europe during that period. It demonstrates how negotiations took place through a network of relationships among state bureaucracy, philanthropic foundations, and European scholars. Each interaction within this network had the potential to change the odds of a particular outcome occurring. Through analysis of these interactions, the book identifies factors which are influential in the conduct of successful collaborative public diplomacy and draws lessons for public diplomacy in an age when communities are connected through multi-hub, multi-directional networks.