The book explores the promotion of Europeanness, which aims to arouse feelings of belonging to the European Union. It demonstrates that the promotion of Europeanness at the EU level does not constitute an overarching identity policy that imposes a homogenous interpretation of European identity. Rather, it is a process of negotiation in which various entrepreneurs of Europeanness within and outside the EU institutions invent and communicate representations of Europe. Both the negotiation and the multilayered representations of Europe that it produces are investigated through three case studies: the academia and the historians, European heritage, and the iconography of the euro.

The South China Sea dispute not only involves the sovereignty and security interests of the countries concerned, but also the stability and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region. As the South China Sea dispute has evolved, the United States, with its continuous engagement, has played a vital role in contributing to the complexity and internationalization of the dispute. This book summarizes American strategies in the South China Sea, and comprehensively examines the role of the United States in this maritime dispute from both historical and realistic perspectives. It argues that the U.S. policy towards the South China Sea dispute is highly skillful and targeted. The degree of the U.S. involvement in the disputes mainly depends on three factors, namely its Asia-Pacific strategy and interest demand, its strategy towards China, and the speed of China's rise and how the United States perceives it. This book will be of great interest to those who study or focus on international relations, China-U.S. relations, maritime affairs, U.S. foreign policy, and East Asian security studies. University libraries, public libraries, think tanks, institutes for marine affairs, and engaged private individuals who are interested in international relations, China-U.S. relations, maritime disputes, South China Sea issues, etc., will also be interested in this book.

The US's once-enthusiastic commitment to restore trustworthy relations with the Muslim world has dwindled considerably since Barack Obama's 2009 "New Beginning" address in Cairo. Beyond Cairo examines US diplomacy in the years following this speech and explores Washington's lagging engagement with the Muslim world. This book tackles the problems with public diplomacy as the US has been practicing it and provides a roadmap for the US to re-engage the Muslim world over the coming years.

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Japan's Asian diplomacy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Under the Kantei-centred policymaking system, Shinzo Abe has implemented assertive foreign policies with a slogan of 'diplomacy taking a panoramic perspective of the world'. The analyses in the book cover the traditional and emerging fields of national security and international political economy. While its empirical examination is based on field-specific research, it also incorporates the analysis of Japan's bilateral relations with China, the US, India, and others. In addition, the book provides a solid, theory-driven analysis of Japan's external policy and relations. In an independent chapter, this work sets up integrative theoretical frameworks for empirical analyses by relying on key concepts drawn from the three international relations theories of realism, liberalism and constructivism. Going forward, research in this book also explores the development of key regional affairs. Maritime security and space security are two of major security-related affairs, in which the states in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific have to engage, including the development of the TPP (TPP-11) and RCEP, as well as infrastructure development and development cooperation, which are crucial in relation to China's initiatives in the BRI and AIIB. Lastly, the book provides valuable references to regionalism in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific by analyzing regional integration/cooperation through free trade agreements and the development of regional connectivity. This includes the evolution of cooperation and conflict within key regional frameworks such as the East Asia Summit and APEC, as well as key regional visions such as the Free and Open Indo-Pacific. It also takes into account the possible influence of ideational factors such as norms, principles, and rules on the development of regional cooperation.

As a young republic, an emerging imperial power, a combatant in the Cold War, or the world's last remaining superpower, America has exercised a pivotal influence on world affairs throughout its history. Through documents drawn from every period of American history, this book offers a comprehensive examination of American diplomacy from its revolutionary roots to the present day. It includes both classic statements, such as Washington's Farewell Address and the Monroe Doctrine, and other lesser known but critical documents. From the post-Cold War era, it includes Bill Clinton's, Madeline Albright's, and other leaders' statements addressing terrorism, instability in eastern Europe, and nuclear proliferation.

In one comprehensive volume, this book examines the entire evolution of U.S. diplomacy. Addressing every major period of American history from the late 18th century to the post-Cold War era, it includes major American policy decisions regarding Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America. The book affords the reader a complete overview of more than two centuries of American diplomatic decisions from the Declaration of Independence to the October 2000 outbreak of violence between Palestinians and Israelis. The volume is a valuable resource for any student or instructor interested in a comprehensive, comparative study of U.S. diplomacy.

The AWACS debate represents one of the most critical and controversial events in the history of American diplomacy and legislative politics. It locked the Reagan administration and opponents of the AWACS sale in a fierce and pitched battle over American policy in the most economically and strategically vital region in the world: the Middle East.

Accordingly, Laham finds there are at least five political lessons to be drawn from the debate. First, contrary to the arguments of its critics in Congress, the pro-Israel lobby does not control American policy in the Middle East. Second, the Senate tends to defer to the authority of the president on matters of foreign policy and national security. Third, while remaining a passive president overall, Reagan was among the most active of chief executives on issues involving the economy and national security. Fourth, given the enormous contribution the AWACS sale made to the vital economic and national security interests of the United States, Reagan's masterful handling of this politically explosive issue provides evidence that he displayed attributes of presidential greatness, but much further study of the other major foreign and domestic policy issues Reagan confronted during his tenure in office will be required before any definitve judgment can be rendered concerning where he stands in the ranking of America's 42 presidents. Fifth, the AWACS debate shows that the United States need not sacrifice its special relationship with Israel in order to forge stronger ties with Saudi Arabia. This analysis will be of particular interest to scholars, students, and policy makers involved with national security issues, presidential politics, interest groups, and Middle East studies.

This book is a critical study of the concept of sovereignty and its relationship to responsibility. It establishes a clear distinction between empirical and normative definitions of sovereignty and examines the implications of these concepts in relation to intervention, international law, and the world state.

Set against the backdrop of tensions in East Asia, this book analyzes how East Asia's "new middle powers" and emerging powers employ public diplomacy as a key element of their foreign policy strategy and in so doing influence regional power dynamics. The volume brings together contributions from an international and influential group of scholars, who are leading debates on public diplomacy within East Asia. Where the study of public diplomacy has so far focused primarily on the West, the essays in this book highlight the distinct strategies of East Asian powers and demonstrate that understanding public diplomacy requires studying its strategies and practices outside as much as within the Western world. A focus on public diplomacy likewise gives us a more varied picture of state-to-state relations in East Asia.

This book is about the status of political equality under global political conditions. If political equality generally is considered a core feature of democracy, it has received little attention among theorists concerned with global governance. Given the enormous emphasis on democracy as legitimizing factor in global politics, this neglect is noteworthy. This book sets out to address what accounts for the neglect, on the one hand, and how it may be remedied, on the other. The overall aim is to revitalize the debate on the status of political equality in transnational democracy.

Indispensable for students of diplomacy and junior members of diplomatic services, this dictionary not only covers diplomacy's jargon but also includes entries on legal terms, political events, international organizations, e-Diplomacy, and major figures who have occupied the diplomatic scene or have written about it over the last half millennium.

"In his account of the relationship between France, the UK and the US Andrew Williams successfully intertwines diplomatic history with international thought. We are presented with a historical stage that includes both the doers and the thinkers of the age, and as a result this is a must read for both diplomatic historians and historians of international thought. The second in a multivolume study, this volume takes the story beyond the fall of France into the war years, the period of post-war reconstruction, and the Cold War. As with the first volume, Williams is an excellent guide, stepping over the ruins of past worlds, and introducing us to an epoch with more than its fair share of both visionaries and villains. Yet in this second volume the stakes are higher, as the United States comes to terms with its role as the paramount world power, Britain faces a world that challenges its imperial order, and France is picking up the pieces from its defeat." Lucian Ashworth, Memorial University, Canada "Following on from his outstanding first volume reviewing the complex interwar relationships between France, Britain and the United States, Williams' second volume is an indispensable and lucid overview of the vitally important era of post-war reconstruction. From national post-war developments to institutional structures and superpower shifts, Williams examines clearly and engagingly the final passing of pre-modern power structures and the emergence of a new Europe." Amelia Hadfield, University of Surrey, UK "At a time of intense debates about Europe, the 'Anglosphere' and empires old and new, Andrew Williams's book is a timely demonstration that the weight of emotion in the shaping of foreign policy and its makers should not be forgotten. Unearthing some of the 'forces profondes' in diplomacy and reflecting on feelings of humiliation and liberation in national constructs, Andrew Williams discusses the cultural conceptions and misconceptions that French, American and British diplomats had of each other, thereby revisiting the reasons why the 'special relationship' was largely a myth - but one which had tangible consequences on French and British policies in their retreat from empire. By connecting the personal and the national, the structural and accidental, Williams offers essential insights into the major conflicts of the period and their impact on diplomatic cultures across the Atlantic." Melanie Torrent, Universite Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens, France The second volume of this study of France's unique contribution to the international relations of the last century covers the period from the Fall of France in 1940 to Charles de Gaulle's triumphant return to power in the late 1950s. France had gone from being a victorious member of the coalition with Britain and the United States that won the First World War to a defeated nation in a few short weeks. France then experienced the humiliation of collaboration with and occupation by the enemy, followed by resistance and liberation and a slow return to global influence over the next twenty years. This volume examines how these processes played out by concentrating on France's relations with Britain and the United States, most importantly over questions of post-war order, the integration of Europe and the withdrawal from Empire.

Even after its decisive Cold War victory and resounding anti-terrorism military campaigns, why is the United States unable to tackle soft security border threats? Five authors who examine illegal US immigration (Schiavon), Mexico's similar predicament (Gonzalez-Murphy), the conjunction of both (Hussain), a failed 43-year anti-drug war (Dominguez and Velazquez), and the threat expanding to Canada (Hussain), fault policy unilateralism and explore collective action. Utilizing multilateral security governance theory (Kirchner/Sperling, 2007), they propose a post-Westphalian outlet to better help (a) policy-makers control problems, (b) the academic community to solve puzzles, and (c) the public to feel secure.

China's exponential rise and America's relative decline have led to a transition of power in contemporary Asia. The US pivot towards Asia is the most evident manifestation of such a transition, and Indian foreign policy shows signs of a hedging strategy, with attempts to strengthen ties with both China and the US.

At the end of the Cold War, the determination of both superpowers to withdraw from Central America gave space to the Salvadoran government and the Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional (FMLN) to seek peace. For close to two years, they fought and talked under strong external pressure. The UN played a central mediating role, a first for the organization within the American hemisphere. Negroponte here analyzes the peace process in Washington, Moscow, and El Salvador, examining the work of Alvaro de Soto, the establishment of a UN Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and the peace keeping role of ONUSAL. She scrutinizes the ramifications of this process: in 1992, the protagonists reached a peace accord, but El Salvador has not been able to create strong democratic institutions that an withstand further violence. After two years of negotiations and a decade-long effort to implement the peace accords, this work examines how peace was made and questions whether it has endured. Are the current levels of criminal violence a consequence of that civil war?

This book explores the history of Mongolia's relations with external powers via the prism of the relationship with the UK, drawing on archival documents and other historical resources in different languages such as Russian, Chinese and Mongolian. From the early history of the Mongolian state as part of the socialist alliance, Mongolia has had relations with the UK, which was the first western nation to recognize Mongolian independence in 1963. The evolving political situation in Mongolia and the world is here refracted through the relationship with the UK. Further, it introduces readers to the cultural and ideological differences between Mongolian foreign relations belong to different historical periods. This book will be of interest to scholars of Asia, of the post-socialist world, and of the role of the UK in the world.

Today's embassy blends tradition and change. It accommodates multiple state and non-state actors who jostle on the international stage. This innovative study considers why embassies today are especially relevant to the international system, examining the new representation options and global diplomacy techniques in an information age.Located at the cutting edge of sustaining relations with foreign countries, the embassy plays an expanded role of in bilateral, regional and multilateral affairs, as a promoter of national interests. As foreign ministries and diplomatic networks are expected to deliver more whilst material and human resources in public services are shrinking, this text addresses how embassies can improve their functioning, working in an enlightened, empowered and effective manner. Supported by empirical research and interviews with diplomats and other professionals, alongside unique insights into the experiences of developing countries, The Contemporary Embassy will be a valuable resource for diplomacy scholars and practitioners alike.

Examining how leading developing countries are increasingly shaping international economic negotiations, this book uses the case studies of India and South Africa to demonstrate the ability of states to exert diplomatic influence through different bargaining strategies and represent the interests of the developing world in global governance.

This book investigates the economic, political and cultural factors that influence regional economic integration processes as well as international political cooperation in the area of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The authors analyze market integration manifested in interregional trade, investment and service connections. Taking a constructivist approach, they shed new light on how national, ethnic, religious and linguistic factors as well as systems of government, political regimes and models of leadership shape foreign-policy decision-making in various post-Soviet countries.

The importance of soft power is one of the most striking features of contemporary international relations. The concept of soft power has a strong appeal outside the Western world, most countries now make serious business of developing their public diplomacy, and the challenge of engaging with overseas audiences is under close scrutiny in foreign ministries everywhere. Soft power possesses an almost magical attractive quality in East Asia, to a degree that it never attained in the United States or Europe. This study shows the continuing importance of empirical measurement and critical examination of this analytical concept. The awareness of public diplomacy's centrality in international relations is also shared in East Asia and recent experience has something to offer to current thinking. "Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East Asia" helps to fill in empirical gaps and informs broader conceptual and theoretical debates.

This book examines how international order at sea is challenged, changed and maintained. The book surveys challenges to the international order at sea in the Asia-Pacific, the Indian Ocean Region, the Atlantic Ocean and the Arctic Ocean. It explores the interaction between and cooperation among leading, emerging and smaller naval powers, both naval and coastguard responses, required for the maintenance of good order at sea. Six broad and interlinked issues are identified that will influence the future international order at sea: the balance between the maritime and the continental domains; the balance between great power rivalry and cooperation; the contest between access and denial; the operational balance between preparing; building and training for warfighting as opposed to operations other than war; how to manage 'disorder' security challenges that very often transcends territorial waters and national boundaries, and finally, the balance between safeguarding national interests and contributing to collective efforts preserving the international order at sea.

This book examines Republican China's diplomatic strategies and engagement, and power reconfiguration in East Asia after 1914. Drawing on a vast trove of primary sources, including newly declassified archival materials, the book offers not only a richly-informed account of how the Beiyang government conducted diplomacy at the Paris Peace Conference but also new insights into why. Calling into question such long-held beliefs that the Beiyang government was inadequately prepared for the Conference, was treasonous in urging the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, and that its behavior at the Conference amounted to a thorough failure of diplomacy, the author tries to make a case for a much more nuanced re-interpretation and re-evaluation of this critical period in the country's diplomatic history.

This book uncovers how US-India relations have changed and intensified during the administrations of Bill Clinton, George Bush Jr., and Barack Obama. Throughout the Cold War, US-India relations were often distant and volatile as India mostly received attention at times of grave international crises, but from the late 1990s onwards, the US showed a more sustained interest in India. How was this shift possible? While previous scholarship has focused on the civilian nuclear deal as a turning point, this book presents an alternative account for this change by analyzing how India's identity has been constructed in different terms after the Cold War. It examines the underlying discourse and explains how this enables or constrains US foreign policymakers when they establish security policies with India and improve US-India relations.