Power inequalities and mistrust have characterized many interstate relationships. Yet most international relations theories do not take into account power and mistrust when explaining cooperation. While some scholars argue that power relations inhibit cooperation between states, other scholars expect interstate cooperation regardless of the power relations and level of trust. Strategic Cooperation: Overcoming the Barriers of Global Anarchy argues that although states benefit from cooperation, they are also wary of the power relations between states, making cooperation difficult. Successful and cooperative bilateral relationships are formed between strong and weak states that are power asymmetric and have mistrust of one another, but they are built in such as way as to overcome the problem of power asymmetry and mistrust. This book answers how and why states that are in power asymmetry and have mistrust of one another are able to build a cooperative bilateral relationship. It argues that states forge a relationship due to strategic needs such as economic or security needs. Slobodchikoff has developed a database composed of the whole population of bilateral treaties between Russia and each of the former Soviet republics, and examines all of these bilateral relationships. He finds that Russia indeed forged relationships with the former republics based on its strategic interests. However, despite Russia's strategic interests, it had to build a bilateral relationship that would address the issues of mistrust and power asymmetry between the states. To achieve this, Russia and the former Soviet republics created treaty networks, which served to legitimize as well as legalize the independent status of each of the former republics while also increasing the cost to Russia of violating any of the treaties. This book argues that strong treaty networks account for a more cooperative relationship between states, allowing both states to cooperate by alleviating the problems of mistrust and power asymmetry.

The book refutes the dominant understanding about caste panchayats as mere dispute resolution bodies that are vestiges of the past. In tracing the long career and evolution of intra-caste governance from 300 BC to the present, it challenges several orthodoxies in the caste scholarship. Most prominently, it questions the assumptions of modernization theory that became internalized in the very definition of caste-based political organisations as caste became a subject of study in politics in the 1960s and 70s. In doing this, the book reflects in some detail on the uncomfortable question of the persistence of caste-based conservatism despite the current dominance, so to say, of caste-based democratization in the Indian polity. It tries to make visible the limitations of 'caste politics from below', as it is being imagined today, making a plea for a radical re-imagination of caste as an identity that does not require a self-perpetuation of the primordial aspects of caste to purse the opportunities offered by modern democracy, but one that can facilitate the empowerment of caste through the pursuit of the ameliorations on offer as well as the annihilation of caste, as eventually mutual goals.

We know Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice as two of today's most high-profile African American political figures, but who paved the way for these notable diplomats? More than one hundred and thirty years ago, Ebenezer D. Bassett served as the first black United States ambassador. In the midst of the aftermath of the Civil War, the U.S. government broke the color barrier by naming this leading educator, abolitionist, and activist to the controversial post of ambassador to the hemisphere's Black Republic - Haiti. For the first time, a nation founded on the principle that all men are created equal would have as its representative abroad someone previously less than equal under the law. This movement toward equality proved to be a force impossible to turn back, leading to a wider acceptance of blacks in U.S. foreign policy. This book lays bare the struggles Bassett faced as a pioneer of racial integration, helping to secure Bassett's legacy as the first African American political figure, a man who not only altered the American political structure, but led the way for all future civil rights advocates.

This book highlights Bassett's achievements, which directly contributed to the racial revolution in the U.S. These include being appointed the first African American diplomat and chief of a U.S. diplomatic mission, leading the integration of public schools, and fighting for equal rights alongside revolutionaries such as Frederick Douglass. Bassett played a critical role in foreign affairs during the late 19th century, the formative years of American expansionism in Latin America and the Caribbean. 2008 marks the 100th anniversary of Bassett's death. Though he is long forgotten by history, his legacy as an innovator, activist, and diplomat lives on, and his life story--a tale of intelligence, integrity, and bravery--serves as an inspiration to patriotic Americans of all races and backgrounds. "Hero of Hispaniola" secures Bassett's legacy as the first African American political figure, a man who not only altered the American political structure, but led the way for all future civil rights advocates to follow.

Ethnic Diasporas and the Canada-United States Security Community focuses on three diasporas and their impact on North American security relations, the Irish and Germans, which were mainly in the US, and the Muslim diaspora, which is based in both countries. The book begins by examining the evolution of North America from a zone of war to a zone of peace (i.e., a security community), starting with the debate over the nature and meaning of the Canada-US border. It then assesses the role of ethnic diasporas in North American security, looking as to whether ethnic interest groups have been gaining influence over the shaping of the US foreign policy. This debate is also valid in Canada, especially given the practice of federal political parties of catering to blocs of ethnic voters. The second section of the book focuses on three case studies. The first examines the impact of the Irish Americans on the quality of security relations between the US and the UK, and therefore between the former and Canada. The second looks at an even larger diaspora, the German Americans, whose political agenda by the start of twentieth century attempted to discourage Anglo-American entente and eventual alliance. The final case concentrates on the debates around the North American Muslim diaspora in the past two decades, a time when policy attention turned toward the greater Middle East, which in many ways constitute the "kin community" of this politically active diaspora. This comparative assessment of the three cases provides contextualization for today's discussion of homegrown terrorism and its implication for bilateral security cooperation in North America.

A Vanishing West in the Middle East covers the history of Western cooperation in the Middle East and North Africa since the end of the Cold War. Based on more than fifty interviews with diplomats and experts as well as consultations of the academic literature, it describes the operational and political frameworks through which the United States and European countries have intervened in the Arab world, and how their relations with the region have changed. Practitioner testimonies and detailed case studies illuminate U.S. successes and failures in enlisting allies for campaigns in Iraq, Syria, and Libya. This analysis goes to the heart of the American debate on “endless wars� but also questions the very concept of Western intervention in a region where the Arab Spring and subsequent uprisings have profoundly changed the geopolitical landscape. Today, whereas the United States wishes to pull back from the region, Europe understands it must become more involved. Whatever their particular motivations, both must adapt to an increasingly fragmented Middle East, influenced specifically by more assertive Chinese, Russian, Iranian, Emirati, and Turkish foreign policies.

This book analyses determinants and the evolution of Poland's foreign and security policy in the changing international order. By studying historical, geopolitical and domestic factors, the author offers a better understanding of Poland's national interests and sheds new light on its foreign relations with the USA, Russia and the European Union. Furthermore, the author also discusses Poland's cooperation within international organisations, such as NATO and the EU.

Richard Williamson's First Steps toward Detente provides a history of negotiations conducted from 1958-1963 between the United States, its Western allies in Europe, and the Soviet Union, in order to resolve the Berlin crisis. These negotiations established ongoing patterns of backchannel, ambassadorial, foreign minister and heads of state discussions. From Khrushchev's visit to the United States in 1959 and the difficult Paris 1960 and Vienna 1961 summits to the construction of the Berlin Wall, disarmament remained a parallel concern dependent on Berlin's resolution. Throughout most of 1962, the United States and Soviets made rigorous attempts to break a stalemate at Checkpoint Charlie, though neither side was truly ready to forfeit. Ultimately, the renewal of Berlin harassments and the Cuban missile crisis put an end to these efforts, but the closer relations that had developed through Berlin talks helped to enable the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963. The Berlin Crisis signaled a transition away from multilateral East-West relations to a bilateral U.S.-Soviet relationship, remaining oriented to military positions in Germany. In this book, Williamson explores the significance of these events and shows how the negotiations held between 1958 and 1963 provided the templates for detente.

Kenneth Kaunda, the United States and Southern Africa carefully examines US policy towards the southern African region between 1974, when Portugal granted independence to its colonies of Angola and Mozambique, and 1984, the last full year of the Reagan administration's Constructive Engagement approach. It focuses on the role of Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda, the key facilitator of international diplomacy towards the dangerous neighborhood surrounding his nation. The main themes include the influence of race, national security, economics, and African agency on international relations during the height of the Cold War. Andy DeRoche focuses on key issues such as the civil war in Angola, the fight against apartheid, the struggle for Namibia's independence, the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe, and bilateral US/ Zambian relations. The approach is traditional diplomatic history based on archival research in Zambia and the USA as well as interviews with key players such as Kaunda, Mark Chona, Siteke Mwale, Vernon Mwaanga, Chester Crocker, and Frank Wisner. The result offers an important new insight into the nuances of US policy toward southern Africa during the hottest days of the Cold War.

This book provides an in-depth analysis of EU-Tunisia negotiations during the last three decades to understand what 'joint ownership' means in Euro-Mediterranean relations. The principle of joint ownership often figures in the EU's public discourse of the EU and other international actors. Yet, it has been scarcely conceptualised and there is little research on which factors determine its presence or lack thereof. The book contributes to its definition, highlighting its evolving nature and intersubjective dimension. The author further explains how bargaining rules, practices, and procedures affect joint ownership by constraining or empowering actors, and shaping their expectations about which options they perceive are possible during the negotiations. Negotiation analysis proves useful for showing how, and to what extent, the interests of both sides eventually feature in Euro-Mediterranean agreements and enables scholars to bring back third countries' agency and perceptions into the study of the EU's external relations.

Information overload is something that humans have dealt with for millennia. During different historical eras, massive increases in what was available to know has motivated the creation of systems for sorting, indexing, and compiling information as well as concerns that the abundance of information might cause cultural anxiety or even drive people to madness. The digital age has renewed concerns about information overload and the detrimental effects it has on our ability to sort through the stream of online data, decide what is most important, or even to train our attention on it long enough to make sense of it. In Abundance, Pablo J. Boczkowski builds upon what we know about the historical and contemporary scholarship to develop a novel framework on the experience of living in a society that has more information available to the public than ever before, focusing on the interpretations, emotions, and practices of dealing with this abundance in everyday life. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and survey research conducted in Argentina, Abundance examines the role of cultural and structural factors that mediate between the availability of information and the actual consequences for individuals, media, politics, and society. Providing the first book-length account of information abundance in the Global South, Boczkowski concludes that the experience of information abundance is tied to an overall unsettling of society, a reconstitution of how we understand and perform our relationships with others, and a twin depreciation of facts and appreciation of fictions.

A Sunday Times and FT Book of the Year

When a rising power threatens to displace a ruling one, the most likely outcome is war.

In this razor-sharp analysis, Harvard scholar Graham Allison examines the phenomenon known as Thucydides’s Trap, which is currently playing out between the world’s two biggest superpowers: the US and China.

Through uncanny historical parallels, Destined for War shows how close we are to the unthinkable. Yet, stressing that war is not inevitable, Allison also reveals how clashing powers have kept the peace in the past ― and what painful steps international leaders can and must take to avoid disaster.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and its Eastern European bloc, the reunification of Germany was a major episode in the history of modern Europe - and one widely held to have been opposed by that country's centuries-old enemy, France. But while it has been previously believed that French President Francois Mitterrand played a negative role in events leading up to reunification, this book shows that Mitterrand's main concern was not the potential threat of an old nemesis but rather that a reunified Germany be firmly anchored in a unified Europe. Updated with a new introduction and other materials, the book blends primary research and interviews with key actors in France and Germany to take readers behind the scenes of world governments as a new Europe was formed. Tilo Schabert had unprecedented, exclusive access to French presidential archives and here focuses on French diplomacy not only to dispel the notion that Mitterrand was reluctant to accept reunification but also to show how successful he was in bringing it about.

This book examines media coverage and public diplomacy regarding the North Korea nuclear controversy, with a focus on the history of military and diplomatic efforts to resolve tensions on the Korean Peninsula. Chapters consider both legacy and social media coverage in the United States, South Korea, Japan, and China, as well as the power of visual images and the role of military and hard power in shaping public understanding and events in the region.

This book on Latin American Diasporas in Public Diplomacy explains and illustrates, through case studies, the different strategic roles that diaspora groups play in modern public diplomacy efforts. These are categorized by being participatory, having a strong involvement of non-state actors, involving frequent partnerships, and placing an increased focus on global issues. In particular, this book provides, in its 13 chapters, the perspective of Latin American diasporas and nations, which are severely underrepresented in the public diplomacy literature. Additionally, because it is written from a strategic communication perspective, this book provides insight into a variety of public diplomacy approaches employed by modern-day diasporas from Latin America. It also describes some examples of diaspora-targeted, state-led public diplomacy efforts in the region. Taking a regional focus to the exploration of diasporas in public diplomacy, this edited book facilitates cross-country comparisons and the understanding of the phenomena beyond the country-specific cases.

Conflict resolution, as a defined field of study, has been facing stiff challenges in the post Cold War world. The multipolar setting of the globalised world with rising incidence of intra-state conflicts and growing convergence between security and development issues have generated fresh as well as severely mutated old challenges which most often do not fit well within traditional theoretical explanatory categories evolved within Peace and Conflict Studies. This disjunction is often generated by the fact that the modern conflict zones are mostly located in the developing and underdeveloped parts of the global South whereas the discourses of Conflict resolution continue to be largely western in origin and focus. Dissatisfaction with this process led to the search for alternative values in non-western discourses either philosophical such as Buddhism, or Gandhian methodology of peaceful satyagraha. Attempts made by Peace and Conflict resolution theorists to borrow and integrate non-western concepts within the paradigm, however important, are but small steps which indicate the growing complexities associated with the process as well as academic analyses and discussions related to conflict resolution. More micro-level studies of attempts towards conflict resolution from primarily non-western conflict zones as well as alternative theorisations about no-western norms(if any) and discourses would be necessary to ascertain whether a non-western alternative paradigm for conflict resolution is possible, desirable, and whether it could be integrated and absorbed successfully within the already established theoretical models of conflict. The present edited volume represents some of these viewpoints. It includes nine essays which try to look into the process of conflict resolution from various angles, the primary aim being to discover whether it could be done through non-western prism and would be of interest to both practitioners and academics and, ofcourse, students.

This book explores the effectiveness of the Chinese government's recent public diplomacy efforts aimed at building its national image, and how these efforts may influence foreign public's view of China. Based on in-depth interviews, media-content analysis and public opinion-poll data, the book discusses Chinese leaders' foreign visits, Chinese media's overseas expansion, Confucius institutes, global mega events, and Chinese government's new policies to attract foreign students, providing not only background information, but also insights from scholars and experts. Although intended mainly for students majoring in communications, Chinese studies, public relations and international relations, it is also of interest to anyone studying China or public diplomacy.

Edited by veteran Czech diplomat and senior religion scholar Glenn Hughes, The Presence of the Past presents new insights from a conference hosted by the Vaclav Havel Program for Human Rights and Diplomacy at Florida International University, in cooperation with the Czech non-profit organization Post Bellum and the Vaclav Havel Library. Its fundamental topic is memory, the human capacity to retain its contents in the flux of time, which is explored and discussed both theoretically and in terms of current action-oriented public discourse. The distinguished group of philosophers, theologians, political scientists, historians, journalists, and political activists who contributed to this volume share their perspectives on pressing issues in the modern world, at the nexus of politics and philosophy. This book's most central goal is to bring together those who are used to operating in the realm of ideas, in the so-called "ivory tower," and those who work on the ground-sharp observers of human matters, trained to study them from different perspectives and exposed in their daily lives to the practical problems connected with our capacities of memory, individual or collective. The aim of this dialogue and communication is to open a path to a new beginning. A postscript tries to demonstrate that such an encounter is truly possible; that it can even be productive, and make a good deal of sense.

With the pace of trade and investment picking up, coupled with closer international cooperation with Beijing through the G20, FOCAC and BRICS grouping, South Africa-China ties are assuming a significant position in continental and even global affairs. At the same time, it is a relationship of paradoxes, breaking with many of the assumptions that underpin contemporary analyses of 'China-Africa' ties. This edited volume examines the South Africa-China relationship through a survey of its diplomatic partnership, economic ties, and broader community relations. These important aspects that are often conflated as a single relationship, yet what is important to explore are how these components reflect different China-South Africa relationship(s), and how they intersect.

View the Table of Contents. Read the Introduction.

"This fascinating study uses the tools and sources of diplomatic history to examine a sweep of national and international history far beyond the confines of diplomacya].For Horne, the slave trade, rather than slavery, was an explosive political issue much later in the 19th century that is normally understood. Highly recommended."
--"Choice"

"A well-researched, skillfully-written, and carefully-argued diplomatic history examining connections between the United States, Brazil, Africa, and Europe as they relate to the transatlantic slave trade. Horne sheds considerable light upon the ideas, ruminations, and practices of U.S. nationals in their interactions with and encounters of Brazil over the question of slavery, especially from the mid-nineteenth century on, and makes a valuable and important contribution to our knowledge and understanding of (American) hemispheric relations and trajectories, both eventual and potential."
--Michael A. Gomez, editor of "Diasporic Africa: A Reader"

aAn important study that starts with the proposition that what happens abroad affects developments in the United States. For the first time we are made aware of the extensive contacts between pro-slavery forces in the United States in the years after the abolition of the slave trade and the promoters of slavery in and the slave trade to Brazil and elsewhere.a
--Richard J. M. Blackett author of "Divided Hearts: Britain and the American Civil War"

During its heyday in the nineteenth century, the African slave trade was fueled by the close relationship of the United States and Brazil. The Deepest South tells the disturbing story of how U.S.nationals - before and after Emancipation -- continued to actively participate in this odious commerce by creating diplomatic, social, and political ties with Brazil, which today has the largest population of African origin outside of Africa itself.

Proslavery Americans began to accelerate their presence in Brazil in the 1830s, creating alliances there - sometimes friendly, often contentious - with Portuguese, Spanish, British, and other foreign slave traders to buy, sell, and transport African slaves, particularly from the eastern shores of that beleaguered continent. Spokesmen of the Slave South drew up ambitious plans to seize the Amazon and develop this region by deporting the enslaved African-Americans there to toil. When the South seceded from the Union, it received significant support from Brazil, which correctly assumed that a Confederate defeat would be a mortal blow to slavery south of the border. After the Civil War, many Confederates, with slaves in tow, sought refuge as well as the survival of their peculiar institution in Brazil.

Based on extensive research from archives on five continents, Gerald Horne breaks startling new ground in the history of slavery, uncovering its global dimensions and the degrees to which its defenders went to maintain it.

This highly original new book addresses the mobility of diplomats, an important facet of migration flows in the modern world. Diplomatic mobility has had a profound effect on family arrangements, working lives, and future plans. But despite being one of the earliest forms of expatriation, very little is known about the experiences of wives of diplomats who decided to embark on this journey alongside their husbands. This book gives them a voice by exploring their experiences as "Wives of Diplomats" across diplomatic assignments. Data is collected from eight participants using semi-structured interviews and analyzed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). In light of the rapid growth in globalization, mobility and expatriation, researchers have advocated for the re-examination of personal identity. The concept of frequent relocation has raised many basic questions over the management of identity: Who am I? Which dimensions of my identity do I want to preserve, and which parts can I let go or change? Where do I belong? How do I experience my identity in foreign countries? How can I manage this sense of self and help those whom I love manage their own identities? Real Housewives of Diplomacy sheds new and original light on these issues by focusing on the experiences, feelings, and meanings of women who decided to accompany their spouses on diplomatic assignments. Its main focus is on the implications of multiple relocations for the identities of Wives of Diplomats and their relevance to counseling psychology. It demonstrates that their experiences are a novel but relevant phenomenon that has never before received proper psychological investigation. The book's inquiry will adopt a phenomenological philosophical standpoint that puts human experiences and meaning at the center of understanding, both for psychology and for diplomacy.