When and why do powerful countries seek to enact major changes to international order, the broad set of rules that guide behavior in world politics? This question is particularly important today given the Trump administration's clear disregard for the reigning liberal international order in the United States. Across the globe, there is also uncertainty over what China might seek to replace that order with as it continues to amass power and influence. Together, these developments mean that what motivates great powers to shape and change order will remain at the forefront of debates over the future of world politics. Prior studies have focused on how the origins of international orders have been consensus-driven and inclusive. By contrast, Kyle Lascurettes argues in Orders of Exclusion that the propelling motivation for great power order building has typically been exclusionary. Dominant powers pursue fundamental changes to order when they perceive a major new threat on the horizon. Moreover, they do so for the purpose of targeting this perceived threat, be it another powerful state or a foreboding ideological movement. The goal of order building, then, is blocking that threatening entity from amassing further influence, a motive Lascurettes illustrates at work across more than three hundred years of international history. Far from falling outside of the bounds of traditional statecraft, order building is the continuation of power politics by other means.

Helen Lyman writes about the more humorous incidents she witnessed as the wife of an American diplomat, including incidents with the famous-Nelson Mandela, Al and Tipper Gore, Hillary Clinton-and the not so famous.Helen Lyman began writing in 2001 about the more humorous incidents she witnessed as the wife of an American diplomat. She saw the overseas life through the prism of someone who never thought of herself as being born to the trappings of diplomatic life. Her essays recount incidents from South Korea, Ethiopia, Nigeria, South Africa, and Washington. They include incidents with the famous - Nelson Mandela, Al and Tipper Gore, Hillary Clinton -- and the not so famous whom she loved, like her first grade students in Nigeria. From housewife to family counselor, to teacher, to computer trainer for the State Department, she records the human touches of each of those and in the process her own development. Just as she was looking forward to a rich retirement life, illness struck. In those later years she wrote more about her early life, her family, the loss of a child, and her dreams for herself and for her country. The final work is thus not a traditional memoir. It is a rich journey. Near the end of her life, she turned to poetry and recorded her final thoughts in that way.

This book takes a somewhat different view of international or diplomatic history by concentrating on the more profound elements of sino-foreign relations, namely the economic and the commercial, especially with regard to Britain and France. The immediate post-revolutionary period in China is viewed here in the wider context of Britain and France's post-imperial decline and expressions such as 'imperialism imprisoned' and 'captive capitalism' are some new and interchangeable terms employed in this context. In contrast to the traditional interpretation that Chinese policies regarding the old imperial powers involved nationalization of foreign companies through the expropriation of their property, this study shows that almost no such practice took place. Rather, instances of appropriation only occurred following an indirect, subtle and protracted process. It is precisely because of the uniqueness of the process and its relatively long duration that the new regime in China succeeded in achieving its goals, perhaps even exceeding them. This study is based on hitherto inaccessible public, private and company archives in Britain, France and China.

Public diplomacy has never been more important in international relations. Yet, public diplomacy s future as a valued national resource and a respected profession is far from certain. Lingering historical misperceptions and contemporary debate regarding public diplomacy s role and value in protecting and advancing national and international interests threaten public diplomacy s advancement on both fronts. Grounded in public relations theory and steeped in common sense, this book advances the global debate on public diplomacy s future by documenting the intellectual and practical development of public diplomacy in the United States and analyzing key challenges ahead. The author s fresh perspective provides compelling insights into public diplomacy's purpose and value, the conceptual foundations of the discipline, and principles of strategic practice. Based on extensive primary and secondary research, including a comprehensive survey of veteran U.S. public diplomats, the book reveals lessons learned from the U.S. experience in public diplomacy that will be critical in determining public diplomacy's fate in the United States and throughout the world.

Leading scholars examine China's global strategic plans, from Hong Kong to military power, to economic dominance Over the past few decades, China has increasingly challenged the global influence of the United States. In China's Grand Strategy, David B. H. Denoon brings together a group of eminent scholars to explain China's rapid ascendance on the world stage, as well as its future implications for global politics. Contributors address the military, economic, diplomatic, and internal political factors shaping China's strategy, in addition to highlighting Beijing's objectives in different parts of the world, such as Central Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. Ultimately, they explore the promise and perils of China's rapidly changing political ambitions, showing how the country has made its mark on the twenty-first century. China's Grand Strategy provides insight into China's quest to become a global leader, particularly at a time when the future of both China and the US remain uncertain in the context of current crises like the coronavirus pandemic, the ongoing protests in Hong Kong, and escalating tension between top leaders and officials. This book cannot predict the future for China or the US, but the insights offered can help make sense of where we have been and where we are going.

Considered "among the most important Cold War records to emerge thus far" by the former Beijing bureau chief of the "New York Times, The Kissinger Transcripts" gives readers the unvarnished record of Henry Kissinger's diplomacy during the Nixon years.

Today's analysts of world affairs are often loosely referring to 'geopolitics', but do not always clearly define it. This book therefore offers a necessary introduction into the main components of geopolitical analysis, an overview of the main geopolitical schools of thought, as well as reflections on technology and geopolitics. In addition, empirical studies showcase innovative approaches.

This study presents an in-depth survey of the principal policies and personalities of American diplomacy of the era, together with a discussion of recent historiography in the field. For two decades between the two world wars, America pursued a foreign policy course that was, according to Rhodes, shortsighted and self-centered. Believing World War I had been an aberration, Americans na DEGREESDively signed disarmament treaties and a pact renouncing war, while eschewing such inconveniences as enforcement machinery or participation in international organizations. Smug moral superiority, a penurious desire to save money, and naivete ultimately led to the neglect of America's armed forces even as potential rivals were arming themselves to the teeth.

In contrast to the dynamic drive of the New Deal in domestic policy, foreign policy under Franklin D. Roosevelt was often characterized by a lack of clarity and, reflecting Roosevelt's fear of isolationists and pacifists, by presidential explanations that were frequently evasive, incomplete, or deliberately misleading. One of the period's few successes was the bipartisan Good Neighbor policy, which proved far-sighted commercially and strategically. Rhodes praises Cordell Hull as the outstanding secretary of state of the time, whose judgment was often more on target than others in the State Department and the executive branch.

This volume analyzes the early period of the Arab-Israeli conflict (1897-1948), which encompasses the emergence of the Zionist movement and the end of the First World War. Zionism and Western colonialism continue to play a definitive role in shaping the fate of the Palestinian cause. The author argues that it is possible to understand the existence of such a relationship between Zionism and Western colonialism by looking at the unity of purpose of both approaches and the international circles in which Zionism has been supported from the very beginning. Zionism does not correspond to a natural course of national development, such as the origin, language, and cultural unity of a nation residing in lands where its ancestors lived but is an international idea that transcends territoriality. Similarly, Western colonialism, which aims to design an extra territorial framework, follows the same path as Zionism in this framework.

Information overload is something that humans have dealt with for millennia. During different historical eras, massive increases in what was available to know has motivated the creation of systems for sorting, indexing, and compiling information as well as concerns that the abundance of information might cause cultural anxiety or even drive people to madness. The digital age has renewed concerns about information overload and the detrimental effects it has on our ability to sort through the stream of online data, decide what is most important, or even to train our attention on it long enough to make sense of it. In Abundance, Pablo J. Boczkowski builds upon what we know about the historical and contemporary scholarship to develop a novel framework on the experience of living in a society that has more information available to the public than ever before, focusing on the interpretations, emotions, and practices of dealing with this abundance in everyday life. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and survey research conducted in Argentina, Abundance examines the role of cultural and structural factors that mediate between the availability of information and the actual consequences for individuals, media, politics, and society. Providing the first book-length account of information abundance in the Global South, Boczkowski concludes that the experience of information abundance is tied to an overall unsettling of society, a reconstitution of how we understand and perform our relationships with others, and a twin depreciation of facts and appreciation of fictions.

Examining diversity as a fundamental reality of empire, this book explores European colonial empires, both terrestrial and maritime, to show how they addressed the questions of how to manage diversity. These questions range from the local to the supra-regional, and from the management of people to that of political and judicial systems. Taking an intersectional approach incorporating categories such as race, religion, subjecthood and social and legal status, the contributions of the volume show how old and new modes of creating social difference took shape in an increasingly early modern globalized world, and what contemporary legacies these 'diversity formations' left behind. This volume show diversity and imperial projects to be both contentious and mutually constitutive: one the one hand, the conditions of empire created divisions between people through official categorizations (such as racial classifications and designations of subjecthood) and through discriminately applied extractive policies, from taxation to slavery. On the other hand, imperial subjects, communities, and polities within and adjacent to empire asserted themselves through a diverse range of affiliations and identities that challenged any notion of a unilateral, universal imperial authority. This book highlights the multidimensionality and interconnectedness of diversity in imperial settings and will be useful reading to students and scholars of the history of colonial Empires, global history, and race.

The revival of authoritarianism is one of the most important forces reshaping world politics today. However, not all authoritarians are the same. To examine both resurgence and variation in authoritarian rule, Karrie J. Koesel, Valerie J. Bunce, and Jessica Chen Weiss gather a leading cast of scholars to compare the most powerful autocracies in global politics today: Russia and China. The essays in Citizens and the State in Authoritarian Regimes focus on three issues that currently animate debates about these two countries and, more generally, authoritarian political systems. First, how do authoritarian regimes differ from one another, and how do these differences affect regime-society relations? Second, what do citizens think about the authoritarian governments that rule them, and what do they want from their governments? Third, what strategies do authoritarian leaders use to keep citizens and public officials in line and how successful are those strategies in sustaining both the regime and the leader's hold on power? Integrating the most important findings from a now-immense body of research into a coherent comparative analysis of Russia and China, this book will be essential for anyone studying the foundations of contemporary authoritarianism.

Andrew Mumford challenges the notion of a "special relationship" between the United States and United Kingdom in diplomatic and military affairs, the most vaunted and, he says, exaggerated of associations in the post-1945 era. Though they are allies to be sure, national self-interest and domestic politics have often undercut their relationship. This book combines for the first time a history of the US-UK interaction during major counterinsurgency campaigns since 1945, from Palestine to Iraq and Afghanistan, with a critical examination of the widely perceived special relationship that has been tested during these frequently difficult, protracted, and costly conflicts. An assessment of each nation's respective internal political discussions and diplomatic exchanges about the other's conflicts reveals that in actuality there is only a thin layer of specialness at work in wars that shaped the postcolonial balance of power, the fight against Communism in the Cold War, and the twenty-first-century "war on terror." This work is especially timely given that the US-UK relationship is once again under scrutiny because of the Trump administration's "America First" rhetoric and Britain's changing international relations as a result of Brexit. Counterinsurgency Wars and the Anglo-American Alliance will interest scholars and students of history, international relations, and security studies as well as policy practitioners in the field.

Like all professions, diplomacy has spawned its own specialized terminology, and it is this lexicon which provides A Dictionary of Diplomacy's thematic spine. However, the dictionary also includes entries on legal terms, political events, international organizations and major figures who have occupied the diplomatic scene or have written influentially about it over the last half millennium. All students of diplomacy and related subjects and especially junior members of the many diplomatic services of the world will find this book indispensable.

This is the first book-length study of the role that friendship plays in diplomacy and international politics. Through an examination of a vast amount of sources ranging from diplomatic letters and bilateral treaties, to poems and philosophical treatises, it analyses how friendship has been talked about and practised in pre-modern political orders and modern systems of international relations. The study highlights how instrumental friendship was for describing and legitimising a range of political and legal engagements with foreign countries and nations. It emphasises contractual and political aspects in diplomatic friendship based on the idea of utility. It is these functions of the concept that help the world stick together when collective institutions are either embryonic or no more. -- .

In Symbolic Insult in Diplomacy: A Subtle Game of Diplomatic Slap, Alisher Faizullaev describes how states and their representatives may use manipulative practices for influencing the opponent. The author distinguishes three forms of using symbolic insult in diplomacy: by misrecognition ("diplomatic bypassing"), direct confrontation ("diplomatic punch"), and concealed verbal or nonverbal actions ("diplomatic slap"). The book focuses on "diplomatic slap" - employing obscure symbolic insult as a means of tacit manipulation. Analyzing historical and modern cases, Alisher Faizullaev shows that implicit symbolic insult usually appears ambiguously, and allows the offender to stay engaged with the victim. This work reveals vailed aspects of diplomatic practices and represents a valuable source for students and practitioners of international politics and diplomacy.

Diplomacy at the Highest Level provides the first comprehensive analysis of the theory and practice of international summitry. The implications of the increased involvement of political leaders in international diplomacy is analyzed through case-studies of specific meetings and types of summit representing a broad historical, geographic and political spectrum. The volume also explains the development of high-level meetings from pre-modern times until the present day, the increase in summitry in the twentieth century and the advantages and disadvantages of summits for international politics and diplomacy.

This book looks at U.S.-Korea relations and argues that the durability of military alliances depends upon a combination of power distribution, material assets, and identities. The author asserts that military alliances, beyond being mere tools of power balancing, are also engaged in material, representational, and institutional practices that constitute the identity of allies and adversaries.

In the 1980s, Britain actively engaged with China in order to promote globalisation and manage Hong Kong’s decolonisation. Influenced by neoliberalism, Margaret Thatcher saw Britain as a global trading nation, which was well placed to serve China’s reform. During the negotiations over Hong Kong’s future, British diplomats aimed to educate the Chinese in free-market capitalism. Nevertheless, Deng Xiaoping held an alternative vision of globalisation, one that privileged sovereignty and socialism over market liberalism and democracy. By drawing extensively upon the declassified British archives along with Chinese sources, this book explores how Britain and China negotiated for Hong Kong’s future, and how Anglo-Chinese relations flourished after 1984 but suffered a setback as a result of the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown. This original study argues that Thatcher was a pragmatic neoliberal, and the British diplomacy of ‘educating’ China yielded mixed results. -- .

Since the early 2000s, Turkey has shown an unprecedented interest in its diaspora. This book provides the first in-depth examination of the institutionalisation of Turkey's diaspora engagement policy since the Justice and Development Party's rise to power in 2002, the Turkish diaspora's new role as an agent of diplomatic goals, and how Turkey's growing sphere of influence affects intra-diaspora politics and diplomatic relations with Europe. The book is based on fieldwork in Turkey, France and Germany, and interviews conducted with diaspora organisation leaders and policymakers. Diasporas have become transformative for relations at the state-to-state level and blur the division between the domestic and the foreign. A case study of Turkey's diasporas is significant at a time when emigrants from Turkey form the largest Muslim community in Europe and when issues of diplomacy, migration and citizenship have become more salient than ever. -- .

Valone has selected 71 documents that have either defined America's place in the world or reflected a significant episode in the history of U.S. foreign affairs. Each selection is prefaced by brief introductory remarks, that place the document in context, and is followed by a short list of suggested readings for those interested in pursuing the topic further. Designed primarily to supplement a one-semester introductory level course covering U.S. diplomatic history from its origins to the present, this collection can, because of the large number of 20th century documents, also be used in a variety of upper-level undergraduate courses in U.S. history.

First Published in 2004. Throughout the half-century between the Crimean War and the outbreak of the First World War, few countries confronted successive British governments with the complexity of problems posed by the Ottoman Empire. This study attempts to attain three main objectives. The first is an analysis of the growth and development of British policy at two levels: the Embassy and the Foreign Office. The second is an assessment of the influence of various embassies on decision-making in the Foreign Office. The third is an estimate of the influence of European and Imperial considerations upon the formulation of Britain's policy towards the Ottoman Empire.