There is an apparent global power shift from the West to the East, essentially due to the rise of India and China and, as a consequence, the US has called for greater presence in the East in the midst of a major economic crisis and huge defence cuts. Many, after the Cold War, considered the international order to be unipolar; however, the rise of India and China, with Russia, Japan and South Korea assuming significant roles, appears to indicate a shift to a polycentric global order. Hence, the Indo-Russia dialogue assumes critical importance in the 21st century as a result of new evolving power centres and the relative decline of some older ones. The proceedings of the seminar highlight the requirement of a new relationship based on the Indo-Russia framework rather than on the earlier Indo-Soviet model in the midst of the changing regional strategic landscape. The book also draws attention to the shift in the US policy in East Asia. The economic and military rise of China and India; the lacklustre economic performance of Japan; the emergence of India as a nuclear weapon power; and the relative decline of US credibility as a security provider have altered the strategic landscape of the region. China's assertiveness and North Korea's emergence as a nuclear power are challenging the US presence in the region and, therefore, forcing the US defence policy to 'Look East'. .is book brings out an exciting analysis of future Indo-Russia relations based on defence, civil nuclear energy, space and science and technology.

Russian public diplomacy attracts growing attention in the current global climate of tension and competition. However, it is often not understood or is misunderstood. Although some articles and book chapters exist, there are almost no books on Russian public diplomacy neither in Russian, nor in English. This edited collection is an in-depth and broad analysis of Russian public diplomacy in its conceptual understanding and its pragmatic aims and practice. Various aspects of Russian public diplomacy - from cultural to business practices - will interest professors, students and practitioners from various countries. Written by a diverse collection of the most prominent and capable scholars, from academia to international organizations, with a wealth of knowledge and objective experience, this book covers the vital topics and thoroughly analyzes the best practices and mistakes within the broad understanding of public diplomacy conducted by the Russian Federation.

Viewing the rise of China from Japan's perspective, the author elucidates Japanese policy responses and their implications for regional institution building. It fills a gap in knowledge about the development of East Asian regional institutions and Sino-Japanese relationships.

This book examines the functions of conferences within Arctic governance, as a third dimension between sovereign states and formalized cooperative arrangements. It analyzes conferences against the background of three main empirical topics. Firstly, the functions of conferences for different actor groups, both Arctic rights holders and emerging non-Arctic state actors claiming stakeholder status. From this, the book also analyzes how conferences contribute to altering the actor composition of Arctic governance as a whole. Secondly, conferences as agenda setting arenas - whether conference activities can contribute to influencing the broader agenda in the region, and conferences as arenas for agenda setting - whether participants can bring with them topics that are picked up and brought into other processes. Thirdly, the book considers the space for conferences within broader governance architectures, as links between units in the regime complex. The book further presents an in-depth case study of the two largest conferences on Arctic issues: the Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly. It illustrates the diverse functions conferences can have for elements within a broader governance system, beyond serving as meeting places and networking arenas. Therefore, it is a must-read for researchers, students, and policy-makers interested in a better understanding of Arctic governance in particular, and International Relations in general.

This book takes an in-depth look at China's diplomacy in the New Era under the leadership of Xi Jinping. It begins with the analysis of China's rise and world transformation, the connotations of China's New Era and its new world ideal as "Community of Shared Future for Mankind" and then presents Xi Jinping's grand strategy by analyzing his new ideas on the governance of China and global governance, theory and practice of China's diplomacy in the New Era. Key concepts and innovation cases in China's diplomacy around security, BRI, opening-up strategy, and its strategic approach to the USA are introduced as well, which builds an overview of China's diplomacy.

The legacy of World War II and the division of Eastern and Western Europe produced a radical asymmetry, and a variety of misgivings and misunderstandings, in French and German experiences of the nuclear age. At the same time, however, political actors in both nations continually labored to reconcile their differences and engage in productive strategic dialogue. Grounded in cutting-edge research and freshly discovered archival sources, France, Germany, and Nuclear Deterrence teases out the paradoxical nuclear interactions between France and Germany from 1954 to the present day.

This book examines the history of Belgium's annexation of the former German territories of Eupen and Malmedy during the interwar period. Focusing on Herman Baltia's transitory regime and Belgium's ambivalence about the fate of its new territories, the book charts the strained relations between Baltia's regime and Brussels, the regime's path to dissolution, and the failed retrocession of the territory to Germany. Through close analysis of primary source material, Vincent O'Connell investigates the efforts of Baltia's provisional government to assimilate the region's inhabitants into Belgium. The ultimate failure of that assimilation, he argues, may be traced back not only to incessant pro-German agitation, but to flawed Belgian policy from the outset. Framed in the context of a post-Versailles Europe, the book offers an interesting case study not only of the ebbs and flows of international politics across the frontier zones of Europe in the interwar years, but of how populations react to changes in national sovereignty.

This book exclusively addresses the political, historical and important contemporary strategic implications of the decades-long Socotra Rock dispute between China and South Korea. It is one of several maritime disputes involving China and a smaller state, and for which maritime law offers no apparent remedy. There is little doubt it will continue to be a problem in the future and should no longer be overlooked. The submerged rock, located between mainland China and the Korean Peninsula, straddles the Yellow Sea and the East China Sea. As China continues asserting its sovereignty and jurisdiction in maritime areas, this book will provide food for thought for scholars, think-tank researchers, and policymakers.

This study examines the history and politics of Turkey-EU relations since 1959, exploring the complex interaction of geostrategic and normative concerns which have resulted in the current lack of accession progress and Turkey's slide to authoritarianism.

This volume discusses digital diplomacy and artificial intelligence within the context of global governance and international security. Rapid digitalization has changed the way international actors interact, offering new opportunities for international and bilateral cooperation and reinforcing the role of the emergent actors within global governance. New phenomena linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence are emerging and this volume brings a multidisciplinary, mixed-methods approach to studying them. Written by globally recognized experts, each chapter presents a case study covering an emerging topic such as: international regulation of the web and digital diplomacy, the interplay of artificial intelligence and cyber diplomacy, social media and artificial intelligence as tools for digital diplomacy, the malicious use of artificial intelligence, cyber security, and data sovereignty. Incorporating both theory and practice, quantitative and qualitative analysis, this volume will be of interest to graduate students and researchers in international relations, diplomacy, security studies, and artificial intelligence, as well as diplomats and policymakers looking to understand the implications of digitalization and artificial intelligence in their fields.

This book examines Naotako Sato's remarkable and long career at the crossroads of Imperial Japan, emphasizing his role in maintaining the Neutrality Pact with the Soviet Union and in promoting the United Nations.

This book explores the secret relations between theatre and diplomacy from the Tudors to the Treaty of Westphalia. It offers an original insight into the art of diplomacy in the 1580-1655 period through the prism of literature, theatre and material history. Contributors investigate English, Italian and German plays of Renaissance theoretical texts on diplomacy, lifting the veil on the intimate relations between ambassadors and the artistic world and on theatre as an unexpected instrument of 'soft power'. The volume offers new approaches to understanding Early Modern diplomacy, which was a source of inspiration for Renaissance drama for Shakespeare and his European contemporaries, and contributed to fashion the aesthetic and the political ideas and practice of the Renaissance.

Never before has diplomacy evolved at such a rapid pace. It is being transformed into a global participatory process by new media tools and newly empowered publics. Public diplomacy has taken center-stage as diplomats strive to reach and influence audiences that are better informed and more assertive than any in the past. In this crisp and insightful analysis, Philip Seib, one of the world s top experts on media and foreign policy, explores the future of diplomacy in our hyper-connected world. He shows how the focus of diplomatic practice has shifted away from the closed-door, top-level negotiations of the past. Today s diplomats are obliged to respond instantly to the latest crisis fueled by a YouTube video or Facebook post. This has given rise to a more open and reactive approach to global problem-solving with consequences that are difficult to predict. Drawing on examples from the Iran nuclear negotiations to the humanitarian crisis in Syria, Seib argues persuasively for this new versatile and flexible public-facing diplomacy; one that makes strategic use of both new media and traditional diplomatic processes to manage the increasingly complex relations between states and new non-state political actors in the 21st Century

This book analyses the evolving engagement of the United States and Cuba, along with the impact of this relationship on Cuba-CARICOM relations and the Caribbean. Through a Caribbean perspective, the chapters discuss the implications of the U.S.-Cuba relationship economically, institutionally and developmentally. Based on the findings of their research, the authors provide policy recommendations to CARICOM on potential areas for enhancing relations between CARICOM and Cuba, drawing on fieldwork and interviews with policymakers, academics, non-governmental organizations, and regional experts.

Previously published as Peacemakers Between January and July 1919, after the war to end all wars, men and women from all over the world converged on Paris for the Peace Conference. At its heart were the leaders of the three great powers - Woodrow Wilson, Lloyd George and Clemenceau. Kings, prime ministers and foreign ministers with their crowds of advisers rubbed shoulders with journalists and lobbyists for a hundred causes - from Armenian independence to women's rights. Everyone had business in Paris that year - T.E. Lawrence, Queen Marie of Romania, Maynard Keynes, Ho Chi Minh. There had never been anything like it before, and there never has been since. For six extraordinary months the city was effectively the centre of world government as the peacemakers wound up bankrupt empires and created new countries. They pushed Russia to the sidelines, alienated China and dismissed the Arabs, struggled with the problems of Kosovo, of the Kurds, and of a homeland for the Jews. The peacemakers, so it has been said, failed dismally; failed above all to prevent another war. Margaret MacMillan argues that they have unfairly been made scapegoats for the mistakes of those who came later. They tried to be evenhanded, but their goals - to make defeated countries pay without destroying them, to satisfy impossible nationalist dreams, to prevent the spread of Bolshevism and to establish a world order based on democracy and reason - could not be achieved by diplomacy. Paris 1919 (originally published as Peacemakers) offers a prismatic view of the moment when much of the modern world was first sketched out.

This book examines the success of the US rebalancing (or pivot) strategy towards Asia, placing the US pivot in a historical context while highlighting its policy content and management dilemmas. Further, the contributors discuss the challenges and opportunities that each regional state confronts in responding to the US rebalancing strategy. In 2011, President Barack Obama laid out the framework for a strategic pivot of US policy towards the Asia Pacific region. Writers in this volume focus specifically on Asian perception of the strategy. Among the topics they explore are: China's desire to be seen as equal to the US while maintaining foreign policy initiatives independent of the US strategic rebalance; the strengthening of Japan's alliance with the US through its security policies; the use of US-China competition by South Korea to negotiate its influence in the region; and Australia's embrace of the strategy as a result of foreign direct investment that provides economic benefits to the country.

This book states that burden-sharing is one of the most persisting sources for tension and disagreement within NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation). It also belongs to one of the most studied issues within NATO with distinguishable traditions and schools of thought. However, this pertinent question has been rarely discussed extensively by academics. The key idea of the book is to make burden-sharing more understandable as a historical, contemporary and future phenomenon. The authors take a comprehensive look at what is actually meant with burden-sharing and how it has evolved as a concept and a real-life phenomenon through the 70 years of NATO's existence.

This book explores the diverse consequences of Presidents Obama and Castro brokering a rapprochement between the United States and Cuba after more than half a century of estrangement. Economic, political, social, and cultural dynamics are analyzed in accessible fashion by leading experts from Cuba, the United States, Europe, and Latin America. What opportunities arise through the opening of diplomatic relations, and what issues may be obstacles to normalization? What are the implications for the Cuban economy, for its political system, and for ties with members of the Cuban diaspora? What are the implications for US relations elsewhere in Latin America? This up-to-date account addresses these and other questions about this new direction in US-Cuban relations.

America's Road to Empire surveys and analyses United States' foreign relations from the country's independence in 1776 until its entry into World War One in 1917, using primary source materials and case studies. The book covers key themes including: - the role that notions of "white superiority" played in US foreign policy - the search for absolute security that repeatedly led the United States to trample on the liberties of other countries; - and the idea of American 'exceptionalism' - the clash between the idealism of US rhetoric and its actions - which has led to a persistent failure to understand how "European" U.S. policy actually was. Whilst providing analytical overview, Piero Gleijeses also uses case studies which examine overlooked aspects of U.S. foreign policy, particularly concerning marginalized populations. He draws on archival U.S. and European primary sources and incorporates the latest research from the US, British, French and Spanish archives, as well as newspapers from the United States, Britain, France, Germany, Spain, and Mexico. A highly original account of the United States' rise to power drawing on multilingual scholarship, this is an important book for all students and scholars of United States foreign relations up to the First World War.

Britain's reputation in the Middle East had been reduced to shreds by the fiasco of the Suez War in 1956 but by 1967 - as a result of quiet diplomacy and long-standing contact with the region - recovery seemed possible. But all seemed shattered by the Six-Day War and especially by the 'Big Lie' - alleging that Britain and the USA colluded with Israel in the war and were thus vital in defeating the Arab side. Britain, the Six-Day War and its Aftermath is a cool, detailed and detached account by a top mandarin at the heart of British policy who refutes the allegations and shows Britain as pursuing an even-handed policy while promoting long-standing British diplomatic and - vitally for Britain's flagging economy and global position - economic interests.

This book discusses the role of gender and participation within the context of budgeting and planning. Gender and participation are two very closely interconnected issues in these processes, and the author explores how these could better promote accountability and transparency. Through chapters on topics such as access to information and mechanisms for public engagement, gender responsive budgeting, and the role of women in combating corruption, the book includes examples of good practices in gender and participation from the international perspective and to what extent they could be applied in Afghanistan. Working in aid-dependent developing countries with a high level of gender inequality and corruption requires additional knowledge of issues in gender, public participation, accountability, and transparency-regardless of whether working in the public sector or in a non-governmental organization (NGO).

This book explores the EU's effectiveness as an international mediator and provides a comparative analysis of EU mediation through three case studies: the conflict over Montenegro's independence, the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, and the Geneva International Discussions on South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The book starts from the observation that the EU has emerged as an important international provider of mediation in various conflicts around the world. Against this background, the author develops an analytical framework to investigate EU mediation effectiveness that is then applied to the three cases. The main finding of the book is that EU mediation has a stabilising effect on conflict dynamics, making renewed escalation less likely and contributing to the settlement of conflict issues. At the same time, the EU's effectiveness depends primarily on its ability to influence the conflict parties' willingness to compromise through conditionality and diplomatic pressure.

This book explores the emerging EU-China relationship with a focus on the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative. It takes a narrative approach to understanding the EU-China relationship as a means to highlight how scholars in the EU and China interpret the narrativization of EU-China bilateral relations and to how this bilateral relationship is refracted through relations with third parties. The volume brings together scholars from China and Europe in the fields of Chinese foreign policy, EU studies, and strategic communication. The empirical focus cuts across policy, publics and media, and across history, political economy and diplomacy. The Belt and Road Initiative, alongside the other policy areas addressed in the chapters, offers ways for people in Europe and China to get to know one another in new ways, and for the EU and its member states and the Chinese state to forge new partnerships.

Multinational enterprises (MNEs) experienced 'golden days' during the 1990s and 2000s, they expanded globally and were major players in globalization. Today they have become powerful actors in the global economy. CEOs of international businesses are welcomed by heads of state as their counterparts, they are invited by governments to help solve global issues such as climate change and poverty, and they are facing dilemmas comparable to those of other international actors. However, MNEs are facing global legitimacy challenges. They are suspected of tax avoidance, using low wage countries for corporate benefits only, disrespecting privacy regulations, abusing consumer data, violating local community rights, exploiting natural resources, ignoring basic human rights, and employing too many lobbyists targeting national and international political decision-making processes for their own corporate interests. Although many of these challenges are not new, they have resurfaced and become more apparent during the past couple of years, partly due to the economic recession that many developed economies have faced and to the broader awareness of increasing global inequality and the importance of sustainability. How can international business respond? Strategic business diplomacy may be the answer. Business diplomacy involves developing strategies for long-term, positive relationship building with governments, local communities, and interest groups, aiming to establish and sustain legitimacy and to mitigate the risks arising from all non-commercial or exogenous factors in the global business environment. Business diplomacy is different from lobbying or strategic political activity; it implies an (strategic / holistic) approach of an international business to look at itself as an actor in the international diplomatic arena. Representation, communication and negotiation are key in such an approach. One of the consequences is that MNEs are able to operate in and show respect for an international business environment that consists of multiple stakeholders. This demands a strategic perspective and vision on the sector and the business environments in which the company wants to operate, and requires a specific set of instruments, skills and competences.