This book explores the growing importance of subnational diplomacy by examining the state of California. As the fifth largest economy in the world, California's tribes, counties, cities and the state itself are changing the shape of diplomatic theory and practice and defining what it means to be a 'global' state. As both a theoretical text and a practical guide, this book offers a current snapshot of California, then connects this narrative to the fundamental international relations concepts of diplomacy and sovereignty and the working assumptions of professionals in the field. Through interviews with those representing all of the entities of the state - as well as the diplomats sent to the United States to represent the interests of their home countries - Holmes creates what she calls the 'vertical axis of diplomacy', providing context and depth to a (re)emerging form of diplomacy, increasingly relevant in this pandemic moment.

To address the issue of the lack of integration and common policy among Japan's cultural promotion actors and institutions, Gadjeva explores an integrated approach for Japanese public diplomacy through public-private partnerships. She examines the potential of the Japan Foundation as a central public diplomacy actor in Europe, facilitating a Public-Private Partnership Platform. Focusing on France and Bulgaria, Gadjeva observes the Japan Foundation's role, contributions, and activities implemented between the 1970s and 2018, both autonomously and in collaboration with Japanese and local public and private actors. She compares the Foundation's initiatives in the two countries, highlighting both the strong points and the space for improvement. In addition, Gadjeva points out essential Japanese, French, and Bulgarian actors with potential for future cooperation with the Japan Foundation through public-private partnerships. Drawing on her interviews with Bulgarian and French representatives, she examines the image of Japan and the future expectations from Japan. Revealing certain cultural aspects and less-explored areas of Japanese soft power, she proposes specific project proposals for integrated public diplomacy initiatives implemented through a Public-Private Partnership Platform facilitated by the Japan Foundation. Providing valuable insights into the strong and insufficient points of Japan's public diplomacy in Europe and policy recommendations, this book will be of great interest to scholars and professionals in the spheres of Japanese public diplomacy, foreign cultural policy, and Japanese-European international relations.

Today, international security issues are slowly being reconsidered through the lens of human security, which refers to a combination of political, economic, social, nutritional, environmental, physical health, and personal safety issues. When first mentioned in 1994, the concept of human security represented a significant first step in understanding that security dilemmas could no longer be seen as purely geopolitical phenomena that revolve around the nation-state. This book explains the progress made toward human security since then and the steps that remain to be taken to achieve it fully. It begins by addressing how the nation-state is both the source and the solution of security problems in the world before demonstrating how the meaning of security itself is being reconsidered and traditional approaches are being challenged. Building on the concept of human security, the book looks at how we are slowly moving toward large-scale political and social change. It argues that it is time for a "security 2.0" approach, different from the traditional models of national security. Thus Security 2.0 addresses new challenges and their political responses, pointing toward alternatives to what is referred to as "permanent war." It highlights such themes as cooperation, the multi-dimensionality of security issues, and the continuing pressures towards democratization, global markets, and multilevel governance and how these contribute today to make a safer world. Further, it shows how environmental threats, global corporations, identity issues, and international regimes such as the EU, are also fostering a fundamental rethinking of the concept of security. Including a variety of perspectives, and written in a jargon-free, accessible manner, the work will provide students with new insights on conflict processes and international security.

This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of US policy from the perspective of an analyst and scholar from the region. This volume discusses the US energy diplomacy in the Caspian Sea region since 2001. It compares the foreign policy of the Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations, following the changing role of energy in the behavior of the US toward states in the energy hubs of Central Asia and the Caspian Sea. The chapters employ historical analysis, regional analysis, interviews, and case studies to trace the evolution of US interests in the area and posits likely trends for future policy. Topics discussed include: China's massive Belt and Road Initiative the energy and foreign policies of the Caspian littoral states in comparison with those of China, India, the European Union, and Turkey the escalation of differences among key OPEC members during the Trump era the impact of the oil price war on the US shale industry the spread of COVID-19 and its impact on the oil market Russian and U.S. competition in the EU energy market the US-China trade war and the role of energy in the first phase of the US-China trade deal the energy policy of the incoming US President, Joe Biden Shedding light on the complex geopolitics of the US-Caspian Sea Energy diplomacy, this volume will be of interest to researchers of foreign policy, diplomacy, international relations, and energy policy as well as policymakers and analysts working in related areas.

During the Second World War, the British government established the Special Operations Executive (SOE) for the purpose of coordinating 'all action, by way of subversion and sabotage, against the enemy overseas'. Although the overseas operations of this branch of the British Secret Services are relatively well known, few studies have explored the 'backroom sections' of this organisation. This book draws together the infrastructure developed to support an agent's 'journey' from recruitment to despatch to the field. At the start of the Second World War there were few existing facilities established within the UK to support clandestine operations. As the conflict progressed, in parallel to learning the operational procedures of their trade, SOE also had to rapidly expand their support infrastructure around the world. The organisation could effectively support their agents only by establishing facilities dedicated to training, research and development, supply, transportation, communication, and command and control. By predominately focusing on the organisation's 'agent facing' infrastructure, this book provides a backdrop to the brave men and women who conducted operations abroad. In addition, it gives an overview of the facilities in which SOE's backroom staff lived and worked. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of archaeology, history and war studies.

1. Includes both classic and new readings from contributors known and less known, expertly selected and edited by a giant in the field, giving students an historical as well as contemporary perspective on issues of international security, peace, and conflict. 2. Offers a big picture view of the issues, combining high level theory with practical case studies, showing students how theory informs on-the-ground conflict and resolution. 3. Original introductions to the book and each of 10 major parts provide a textbook-like primer into which readings fit logically, helping students see connections between seemingly disparate authors and subjects, bringing all together under the still-relevant rubric of "after the Cold War."

1. Includes both classic and new readings from contributors known and less known, expertly selected and edited by a giant in the field, giving students an historical as well as contemporary perspective on issues of international security, peace, and conflict. 2. Offers a big picture view of the issues, combining high level theory with practical case studies, showing students how theory informs on-the-ground conflict and resolution. 3. Original introductions to the book and each of 10 major parts provide a textbook-like primer into which readings fit logically, helping students see connections between seemingly disparate authors and subjects, bringing all together under the still-relevant rubric of "after the Cold War."

This book offers an explanation and evaluation of preventative diplomacy in an age of increasing precariousness. It emphasises the importance of pursuing diplomacy and human security in connection with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) which promote development grounded in peace, justice, and universal respect for human rights. It explores and uncovers efforts to set up diplomatic channels designed to ensure relations between the great powers, intra- and inter-state conflict, terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, human rights, and the global watch over human security do not escalate out of control. Discussing evolving tensions between the United States and China, and the United States and Russia, this book recalls past examples of preventive diplomacy between them, and explores ideas for the exercise of preventive diplomacy in the future. Presenting evidence that contemporary preventive diplomacy is pursued not only by international or regional officials but also by nongovernmental organizations and individuals, the book emphasises the need to pursue and enhance a comprehensive effort to realize SDG16 and human security. The book contains a range of practical recommendations to improve preventive diplomacy and provides a unique optic into understanding the threats facing the planet. It will be of interest to scholars and students of diplomacy, security studies, global governance and practitioners in government and international organisations. .

Based on extensive research in several international contexts, this volume provides a nuanced assessment of the historical evolution of private security and its fluid, contested and mutually constitutive relationship with state agencies, public policing and the criminal justice system. This book provides an overview of the history of private security provision in its multiple forms including detective agencies, insurance companies, moral campaigners, employers' associations, paramilitary organizations, self-protection and vigilantism. It also explores the historical evolution of private policing and security provision in a diverse set of temporal, national and international contexts and compares the interactions between public and private security bodies, structures, strategies and practices in different countries, cultures and settings. In doing so, the volume fills the existing gaps in historical knowledge about the emergence of private and public security organizations and provides a more robust understanding of changes in the division of responsibility for security provision, law enforcement and punishment between public and private institutions. This wide-ranging volume will be of great interest to scholars and students of history, criminology, sociology, political science, international relations, security studies, surveillance studies, policing, criminal justice and law.

Steamship Nationalism is a cultural, social, and political history of the S.S. Imperator, Vaterland, and Bismarck. Transatlantic passenger steamships launched by the Hamburg-Amerikanische Packetfahrt-Aktien-Gesellschaft (HAPAG) between 1912 and 1914, they do not enjoy the international fame of their British counterparts, most notably the Titanic. Yet the Imperator-class liners were the largest, most luxurious passenger vessels built before the First World War. In keeping with the often-overlooked history of its merchant marine as a whole, they reveal much about Imperial Germany in its national and international dimensions. As products of business decisions shaped by global dynamics and the imperatives of international travel, immigration, and trade, HAPAG's giant liners bear witness to Germany's involvement in the processes of globalization prior to 1914. Yet this book focuses not on their physical, but on their cultural construction in a variety of contemporaneous media, including the press and advertising, on both sides of the Atlantic. At home, they were presented to the public as symbolic of the nation's achievements and ambitions in ways that emphasize the complex nature of German national identity at the time. Abroad, they were often construed as floating national monuments and, as such, facilitated important encounters with Germany, both virtual and real, for the populations of Britain and America. Their overseas reception highlights the multi-faceted image of the European superpower that was constructed in the Anglo-American world in these years. More generally, it is a pointed indicator of the complex relationship between Britain, the United States, and Imperial Germany.

In their initial effort to end the Vietnam War, Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger attempted to lever concessions from Hanoi at the negotiating table with military force and coercive diplomacy. They were not seeking military victory, which they did not believe was feasible. Instead, they backed up their diplomacy toward North Vietnam and the Soviet Union with the Madman Theory of threatening excessive force, which included the specter of nuclear force. They began with verbal threats then bombed North Vietnamese and Viet Cong base areas in Cambodia, signaling that there was more to come. As the bombing expanded, they launched a previously unknown mining ruse against Haiphong, stepped-up their warnings to Hanoi and Moscow, and initiated planning for a massive shock-and-awe military operation referred to within the White House inner circle as DUCK HOOK. Beyond the mining of North Vietnamese ports and selective bombing in and around Hanoi, the initial DUCK HOOK concept included proposals for "tactical" nuclear strikes against logistics targets and U.S. and South Vietnamese ground incursions into the North. In early October 1969, however, Nixon aborted planning for the long-contemplated operation. He had been influenced by Hanoi's defiance in the face of his dire threats and concerned about U.S. public reaction, antiwar protests, and internal administration dissent. In place of DUCK HOOK, Nixon and Kissinger launched a secret global nuclear alert in hopes that it would lend credibility to their prior warnings and perhaps even persuade Moscow to put pressure on Hanoi. It was to be a "special reminder" of how far President Nixon might go. The risky gambit failed to move the Soviets, but it marked a turning point in the administration's strategy for exiting Vietnam. Nixon and Kissinger became increasingly resigned to a "long-route" policy of providing Saigon with a "decent chance" of survival for a "decent interval" after a negotiated settlement and U.S. forces left Indochina. Burr and Kimball draw upon extensive research in participant interviews and declassified documents to offer a history that holds important lessons for the present and future about the risks and uncertainties of nuclear threat making.

There is still a gap in how the period after 1989-1991 is conceptualised. The proposed book's challenging designation of the 'transatlantic era' as the motif for 1989-2020 enables the reader to think differently about the period we have been living through. The separation of the 1989-2020 period into three clearly marked-out decades works well for structuring the book, providing a clear overview and supportive base for the book's principal argument. Accessible for BA and MA students. Makes full use of online support with the key documents provided in the book supplemented by a selection of background documents from before 1991.

Formulating a military strategy is a complex interaction between politicians, strategic commanders and generals. Formulating such a strategy within a multinational organization is even more complex. In this book, Edstrom and Gyllensporre explore a range of case studies, based on UN documents, and individually analyse their de facto military strategy in terms of ends, ways, means, and the interaction between the political strategic level (UN Security Council) and the military strategic level (UN Secretary General). Some 100,000 UN soldiers deployed all over the world not only deserve but need to be properly directed. Military strategy is hence a necessity, not an option. Moreover the military strategy should be percieved as a complementary effort to a robust integrated mission concept, including other instruments than the military."

This book is the first of its kind: a historical inquiry into the family life of British diplomats between 1945 and 1990. It examines the ways in which the British Diplomatic Service reacted to and were influenced by the radical social changes that took place in Britain during the latter half of the twentieth century. It asks to what extent diplomats, who strove to protect their enclosed and elite circles, were suitable to represent this changing nation. Drawing on previously unseen primary sources and interview testimony, this book explores themes of societal change, end of empire, second wave feminism, new approaches to childcare, and developments in the civil service. It explores questions of belonging and identity, as well as enduring perceptions of this organisation that is (often mistakenly) understood to be quintessentially 'British'. Offering new and fresh insights, this book will be of interest to students and scholars in history, historical geography, political studies, sociology, feminist studies and cultural studies.

There is still a gap in how the period after 1989-1991 is conceptualised. The proposed book's challenging designation of the 'transatlantic era' as the motif for 1989-2020 enables the reader to think differently about the period we have been living through. The separation of the 1989-2020 period into three clearly marked-out decades works well for structuring the book, providing a clear overview and supportive base for the book's principal argument. Accessible for BA and MA students. Makes full use of online support with the key documents provided in the book supplemented by a selection of background documents from before 1991.

The Nuclear and Space Talks revolutionized arms control. The Cold War endgame commenced with the umbrella negotiations' that linked START and INF negotiations to a regulation on the weaponization of space. This volume reveals a US grand strategy to replace deterrence with a collective security order. An entente of the superpowers was needed to transform bipolarity. The US planned the replacement of mutually assured destruction by mutually assured security. A global astrodome was to protect a nuclear disarmed world. The Franco-German special relationship in European affairs had to be amended by a US-SU special relationship to replace classic bloc politics. The Reagan Administration planned a global zero agenda, a joint development of a global protective system and a creation of a Common House of Europe. In brief, the superpowers prepared 'the velvet revolution' that eliminated the Cold War structures. Neither containment nor convergence offers a valid explanation of the Cold War endgame. Co-creation is the key to decipher the end of the Cold War. NATO Europe challenged the transformation of bipolarity. The European NWS resisted to a multilateralization of strategic arms control. In Europe the classic Cold War thinking survived the fall of the Iron Curtain. European conservatism contributed to the geopolitical catastrophe of the first order: the downfall of the Soviet Union. The Reagan Administration developed a Grand Strategy to end the Cold War. The US-SU co-creation of an astrodome was meant to ease a global zero agenda. A global collective security structure under the United Nations was to replace deterrence. The superpower project collapsed due to the penetration of US decision-making by NATO Allies. The European NWS totally objected to a multilateralization of strategic arms control to preserve their relative position in the international system.

This volume examines the role of League of Nations committees, particularly the Advisory Committee of Jurists (ACJ) in shaping the statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ). The authors explore the contributions of individual jurists and unofficial members in shaping the League's international legal machinery. It is a companion book to The League of Nations and the Development of International Law: A New Intellectual History of the Advisory Committee of Jurists (Routledge, 2021). One of the guiding principles of the book is that the development of international law was a project of politics where the idea and notion of an international society must contend with the political visions of each state represented on the different legal committees in the League of Nations during the drafting of the Covenant. The book constitutes a major contribution to the literature in that it shows the inner workings of some of the legal committees of the League and how the political role of unofficial members was influential for the development of international law in the early twentieth century and how they influenced the political and legal process of the ACJ. The book will be an essential reference for those working in the areas of International Law, Legal History, International Relations, Political History, and European History.

The Trump administration brought major changes in how the United States relates to the Muslim World, and a growing awareness of the need to compete with radical Islamic forces in the domain of their theocratically-based ideology. This work explores the current state of the "wars of ideas" against radical Islam and identifies America's potential partners in this fight.

This book analyses two international incidents in the 1920s shocked Japan and changed the way in which the country looked at the West. In the Paris Peace Conference, Japanese proposed Racial Equality Bill was defeated. In 1924, the US passed the immigration law that singularly excluded Japanese from immigration. Little known today, the two incidents made significant impact on Japanese mind-set. Detailed study of the two incidents reveals how they contributed towards the drastic transformation of Japan, from the liberal thinking Taisho Democracy in the 1920s to the violent rise of ultra- nationalism in the 1930s. Departing from a purely academic style writing, the story develops around the life of Hanihara Masanao, Japanese diplomat, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs and ultimately the Ambassador to Washington during the fateful years of 1923-24. A unique pair of a Japanese Studies scholar in Australia and a leading investigative journalist in Japan undertook the work. Rigorous archival search extended over Japan, the United States, Australia and Europe resulted in a significant amount of new materials never published in English before.

The book reinterprets the role of the UN during the Congo crisis from 1960 to 1964, presenting a multidimensional view of the organisation. Through an examination of the Anglo-American relationship, the book reveals how the UN helped position this event as a lightning rod in debates about how decolonisation interacted with the Cold War. By examining the ways in which the various dimensions of the UN came into play in Anglo-American considerations of how to handle the Congo crisis, the book reveals how the Congo debate reverberated in wider ideological struggles about how decolonisation evolved and what the role of the UN would be in managing this process. The UN became a central battle ground for ideas and visions of world order; as the newly-independent African and Asian states sought to redress the inequalities created by colonialism, the US and UK sought to maintain the status quo, while the Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjoeld tried to reconcile these two contrasting views. -- .

As the first English-language book on Taiwan's relations with Latin America, this book examines the major issues and theoretical debates on Taiwan's activities in Latin America, and its relations with the US and China. Latin America has become a crucial frontline for Taiwan. Today, more than at any time since the end of WWII, Taiwan's future as an independent state hinges on the balance of power between the United States and China. This book provides the most detailed and sophisticated analysis of contemporary Taiwan's relations with Latin America and offers insight into the US-China rivalry in the "backyard" of the United States. By bringing together a group of scholars from Taiwan, US, and Latin America, this book examines Taiwan-Latin America relations on various issues amid the intensifying the US-China strategic competition, such as public diplomacy, trade, investment, energy, and cultural exchanges. More than ever before, an understanding of Taiwan's relations with Latin America and the great power rivalry in the Western Hemisphere is essential for students and policy makers alike. The book will be of great interest to university students at all levels, as well as specialists on international relations, foreign policy, as well as Asian and Latin American studies.

This book showcases how the People's Republic of China (PRC) has been utilizing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to reshape the global order. Dissecting China's increasingly assertive international behaviour, the book demonstrates how the PRC projects its self-perception onto the international order. The book outlines five aspects of China's international role projection, which the PRC applies selectively, depending on its target audience: (1) The bearer of traditional Chinese culture; (2) The humiliated nation; (3) The socialist state with Chinese characteristics; (4) The developing state and promoter of international development; (5) The authoritarian globalization optimist.Drawing on an in-depth analysis of hundreds of primary BRI documents, the book offers a comprehensive overview of China's most crucial foreign policy agenda item. It demonstrates how, through the BRI, the PRC has introduced mechanisms to the international level, which reflect its domestic policy-making mode. In addition, the PRC has institutionalized the initiative by establishing China-centered BRI networks across a wide range of policy areas. Within those emerging China-centered BRI networks, the PRC systematically increases its international discursive power, for example, by inserting Chinese vocabulary into UN resolutions or by promoting Beijing's approaches vis-a-vis 'the rule of law' across a range of developing states. This book also further discusses the implications of the BRI for the international legal order.

In his book Agency Change John Robert Kelley puts forth that modern diplomatic efforts derive not from states whose centuries-long power is loosening, but rather from a new breed of diplomats exit the diplomacy of institutions; enter the diplomacy of individuals competing for power. Moving beyond standard concepts of traditional and new diplomacy, Agency Change illustrates how parallel, yet disparate diplomatic systems emerge statesmen seeing power vis-a-vis non-state actors seeking solutions to problems and examines different mutually beneficial solutions to this phenomenon. Kelley examines how different factor impact diplomatic action: .Idea entrepreneurship .Agenda-setting .Mobilization .Gate-keeping Kelley concludes that the time has come for governments to innovate their diplomatic efforts in order to find a way to coexist with non-state actors while maintaining accountability, legitimizing the use of state strength, and leveraging permanent presence in diplomatic relationships. This thorough survey shows how states can embrace change by first recognizing sources of power in today s diplomatic affairs, and presents a case for what states can do now to respond to a world in which diplomacy has gone public."

This book examines the history of United States foreign policy toward Cuba, focusing on critical junctures and recent strategic shifts. Restoring diplomatic relations with Cuba, which were severed officially in January 1961, was a huge shift in U.S. foreign policy. Relations between Cuba and the United States were tumultuous throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and almost escalated into full blown nuclear war in October 1962 during the Cuban missile crisis. The restoration of diplomatic relations marks a fundamental departure as the two countries chart a new course into the twenty-first century. This book traces over seven hundred years of history, setting the context to base an argument in favor of rapprochement. It illustrates the importance of the Cuba deal to break with the past and delegitimize anti-Americanism in the world.

A History of the Manila Pact and the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) from its establishment in 1954 until its dissolution in 1977. The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) has received meagre scholarly attention in comparison to other key events and global developments during the duration of the Cold War, due to its perceived failure early in its existence. However, there has been a renewed interest in the academic study of the organization. Some scholars have argued that SEATO was not an outright failure. New literatures have also shed in detail the workings of SEATO, such as operational-level contingency plans and counter-insurgency plans. This book aims to reconstruct a comprehensive life cycle of SEATO using declassified archival documents which were unavailable to scholars studying the organization from the 1950s through the 1980s and provide a nuanced assessment of it. In addition, in recent years, there is also an emerging interest in the possibility of a multilateral military alliance in Asia, for instance the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue morphing into an "Asian NATO". As such, it is therefore crucial to study how previous multilateral alliances in the context of Asia were formed, how they functioned, and subsequently dissolved. A groundbreaking reference on a key element of the United States' Cold War strategy in Asia, which will be a valuable resource to scholars of twentieth century diplomatic history.