What were the calculations made by the US and its major allies in the 1960s when they faced the signing of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)? These were all states with the technological and financial capabilities to develop and possess nuclear weapons should they wish to do so. In the end, only the United Kingdom and France became nuclear weapon states. Eventually, all of them joined the non-proliferation regime. Leading American, British, Canadian, French, German and Japanese scholars consider key questions that faced the signatories to the NPT: How imperative was nuclear deterrence in facing the perceived threat to their country? How reliable did they think the US extended deterrence was, and how costly would an independent deterrent be both financially and politically? Was there a regional option? How much future was there in the civilian nuclear energy sector for their country and what role would the NPT play in this area? What capabilities needed to be preserved for the country's future and how could this be made compatible with the NPT? What were the determining factors of deciding whether to join the NPT?

This book explores the phenomenon of soft power in international relations. In the context of current discourses on power and global power shift s, it puts forward a comprehensive taxonomy of soft power and outlines a methodological roadmap for its empirical study. To that end, the book classifies soft power into distinct components - resources, instruments, reception, and outcomes - and identifies relevant indicators for each of these categories. Moreover, the book integrates previously neglected aspects into the concept of soft power, including the significance of (political) personalities. A broad range of historical examples is drawn upon to illustrate the effects of soft power in international relations in an innovative and analytically differentiated way. A central methodological contribution of this book consists in highlighting the value of comparative-historical analysis (CHA) as a promising approach for empirical analyses of the soft power of different actors on the international stage. By introducing a comprehensive taxonomy of soft power, the book offers an innovative and substantiated perspective on a pivotal phenomenon in today's international relations. As the forces of attraction in world politics continue to gain in importance, it provides a valuable asset for a broad readership. This book was the winner of the 2021 ifa (German Institute for Foreign Cultural Relations) Research Award on Foreign Cultural Policy. "In this important and thoughtful book, Hendrik Ohnesorge explains and advances our knowledge of the ways that soft power, public diplomacy, and charismatic personal diplomacy are shaping the international relations of our global information age." Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Harvard University and author of The Future of Power

The Navy of the 21st Century, 2001-2022 presents an all-inclusive listing of the ships that have served in the U.S. Navy since the start of the new century. The newest and sixth volume of the U.S. Navy Warship Series provides insight into the technological innovations and modern weaponry featured in newer naval vessels, as well as controversies over the naming conventions of ships over past decades. The text contains specifications and illustrations for all the ships and submarines that have helped the U.S. maintain the world’s largest and most powerful navy to the present day. Many new developments have occurred during this period, and several new types of ships have emerged. The book includes latest developments such as the unmanned seagoing drones, as well as those now under construction or projected. Ships of other government departments, such as the Coast Guard, NOAA and the Army, that would be used in conjunction with the Navy are also highlighted. This is an essential reference volume for scholars and institutions specializing in American military history, policy, and strategy.

Coming at the heels of September 11, Operation Iraqi Freedom has focused the limelight on the way in which the United States predicts and manages political change. The failure to find WMD and more important, the continued violence in Iraq instead of the hoped for democracy, has engender an acrimonious debate on the motives of the Bush administration and its uses or misuses of intelligence. The question of who got what right or wrong has been fought out along ideological, and partisan lines, with supporters claiming that, given what was known about Saddam Hussein, the decision to change his regime was justified and detractors arguing that a group of largely Jewish neoconservatives, acting on behalf of Israel, manipulated intelligence in order to trick the United States into an unnecessary and costly war. The book provides a systematic and objective analysis of the problems that faced American intelligence in deciphering the behavior of the highly secretive and confusing Iraq regime and its enigmatic leader.

The nature of the US political system, with its overlapping powers, intense partisanship, and continuous scrutiny from the media and public, complicates the conduct of foreign policy. While numerous presidents have struggled under the weight of these conditions, Theodore Roosevelt thrived and is widely lauded for his diplomacy. Roosevelt played a crucial role in the nation's rise to world power, competition with other new Great Powers such as Germany and Japan, and US participation in World War I. He was able to implement the majority of his agenda even though he was confronted by a hostile Democratic Party, suspicious conservatives in the Republican Party, and the social and political ferment of the progressive era. The president, John M. Thompson argues, combined a compelling vision for national greatness, considerable political skill, faith in the people and the US system, and an emphasis on providing leadership. It helped that the public mood was not isolationist, but was willing to support all of his major objectives-though Roosevelt's feel for the national mood was crucial, as was his willingness to compromise when necessary. This book traces the reactions of Americans to the chief foreign policy events of the era and the ways in which Roosevelt responded to and sought to shape his political environment. Offering the first analysis of the politics of foreign policy for the entirety of Roosevelt's career, Great Power Rising sheds new light on the twenty-sixth president and the nation's emergence as a preeminent player in international affairs.

Real-Time Diplomacy explores the media's role in the process of political change. As a backdrop to the events of 2011, this book examines how diplomacy has evolved as media have gradually reduced the time available to policy makers. It analyzes the workings of real-time diplomacy and the opportunities for media-centered diplomacy programs that bypass governments and directly engage foreign citizens. The book also discusses the ways that lessons from recent electoral campaigns - such as Barack Obama's use of social media in his 2008 presidential race - are applicable to emerging democracies around the world. Also examined are the root causes of the public anger that led to revolution: the social inequities, out-of-touch autocrats, repressive tactics, and other factors that were the tinder set afire by media's sparks.

This book is a comprehensive overview of the theory, history, law, institutional framework and culture of global diplomacy. It reflects on the key existential challenges to the institution and addresses aspects that are often overlooked in diplomatic studies: inter alia diplomatic law, development-driven diplomacy and the bureaucracy of diplomatic practice. All chapters are extensively illustrated with recent case examples from across the world. Special emphasis is placed on incorporating perspectives from Africa and other developing regions in the Global South, so as to balance the Eurocentrism of traditional diplomatic literature.

For over four years, Washington responded to war in Bosnia by handing the problem to the Europeans to resolve and substituting high-minded rhetoric for concerted action. Then, in the summer of 1995, the Clinton administration suddenly shifted course, deciding to assert the leadership that would prove necessary to end the war in Bosnia. This book --based on numerous interviews with key participants in the decisionmaking process and written by a former National Security Council aide --examines how the policy to end the war took shape. Getting to Dayton is a powerful case study of how determined individuals can exploit their positions to change U.S. government policy on crucial issues. In so doing, Daalder not only explains how Washington launched the diplomacy that culminated at Dayton, but also why the subsequent peace proved to be difficult to establish. Ivo H. Daalder is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. From 1995 to 1996 he served on the National Security Council staff as Director for European Affairs, where he was responsible for coordinating U.S. policy for Bosnia. His most recent publications include The United States and Europe in the Global Arena (1998) and Bosnia After SFOR: Options for Continued U.S. Engagement (1997). He is co-author of Winning Ugly: NATO's War to Save Kosovo, which will be published in 2000.

From first arrival in Lebanon as a fresh faced graduate to the heat of the first Gulf War conflict as managed from Saudi Arabia, Sir Alan Munro's account of life representing Her Majesty's government in embassy posting across the world will enchant and engage. This book is intended to convey something of the flavour - and the frivolities - of escapades and encounters which Sir Alan and his wife experienced in the course of thirty-five years in diplomacy in the Middle East, Africa and South America, and at home too. The narrative is set against a half-century of post-imperial adjustment in Britain's foreign policy, in which withdrawal from a global role is offset by an overriding concern, shared with western partners, to counter the extension - political and economic as well as military - of Soviet Marxist influence across a fractious post-colonial world. It is no purpose of mine to denigrate or burlesque any individuals who appear in its pages. This account brings out the human side, as well as the value, of a profession in which 'life's rich tapestry' plays an uncommonly prominent part.

This book is the first full-spectrum analysis of Russian and European norms of political action, ranging from international law, ethics, and strategy, to the specific norms for the use of force. It brings together leading scholars from these various fields, examining the differences in norm understanding between Russia and Europe. In light of the 2014 occupation and annexation of Crimea by Russia, and its subsequent covert participation in the internal affairs of Ukraine, including aggressive flying and major military exercises, Russia seems to be a classical revisionist power, intent on changing the balance of power in Europe in particular. It also reaches beyond Europe, inserting itself as the key actor in the Syrian war. The book therefore considers how we should understand Russia. It also questions whether or not the West, in particular Europe, responds adequately in this delicate and dangerous new situation. The book concludes that at present Russia acts strategically and with considerable success whereas Europe is reactive in its response.

This book contains the history of China-U.S. Relations (1911-1949), including China-US relations in Early Republican Period, the impact of Versailles Peace Conference and Washington Conference on China-US relations, US support for Northern Warlord Government, the Guangzhou Revolutionary Government, and the Nanjing National Government. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the United States went from neutral to form an alliance with China against Japan. After the end of the War, China and the United States gradually moved toward confrontation. This book also has a brief description of China-US relations from 1784 to 1911.

Economic diplomacy was declared in 2013 by Beijing as a priority in its "comprehensive" strategy for diplomacy. The political elite undertook to further invest in economic diplomacy as an instrument for economic growth and development. Globally, Chinese cooperation in multilateral economic processes has become critical to achieving meaningful outcomes. However, little understanding exists in current literature on the factors and mechanisms which shape the processes behind China's economic diplomacy decision-making. Chinese Economic Diplomacy provides an understanding of the processes and practices of China's economic diplomacy, with multilateral economic negotiations as the primary basis of analysis, specifically the UN climate change talks and the WTO Doha Round trade negotiations. It examines how early economic diplomacy in global governance contributed to the varied and evolving nature of its present-day decision-making structures and processes. Demonstrating how China's negotiation preferences are driven by networks of political actors in formal and informal domestic and systemic environments, it also highlights the capacity of international negotiation practices to alter and re-shape China's approach to multilateral economic negotiations. As a consequence, the book presents a framework for understanding China's economic diplomacy decision-making processes that is systemically constructed by domestic and international agencies. Offering a Chinese perspective of the notion of economic diplomacy, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of Chinese Economics, International Relations and Political Economy.

This Open Access book explains ASEAN's strategic role in managing great power politics in East Asia. Constructing a theory of institutional strategy, this book argues that the regional security institutions in Southeast Asia, ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions have devised their own institutional strategies vis-a-vis the South China Sea and navigated the great-power politics since the 1990s. ASEAN proliferated new security institutions in the 1990s and 2000s that assumed a different functionality, a different geopolitical scope, and thus a different institutional strategy. In so doing, ASEAN formed a "strategic institutional web" that nurtured a quasi-division of labor among the institutions to maintain relative stability in the South China Sea. Unlike the conventional analysis on ASEAN, this study disaggregates "ASEAN" as a collective regional actor into specific individual institutions-ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting, ASEAN Summit, ASEAN-China dialogues, ASEAN Regional Forum, East Asia Summit, and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting-Plus-and explains how each of these institutions has devised and/or shifted its institutional strategy to curb great powers' ambition in dominating the South China Sea while navigating great power competition. The book sheds light on the strategic potential and limitations of ASEAN and ASEAN-led security institutions, offers implications for the future role of ASEAN in the Indo-Pacific region, and provides an alternative understanding of the strategic utilities of regional security institutions.

This volume discusses Korea's role as a middle power in the midst of the 21st century global power shift. Focusing on Korea's middle power diplomacy from the perspective of coalition building, the book discusses structural factors that shape middle power strategy and diplomacy. Written by leading Korean researchers, the chapters use diverse methodologies to offer a range of perspectives on Korea's place in the developing global order. Topics discussed include South Korea's approach to technology policy in the midst of US-China cyber competition, the East Asian 'Thucydides Trap', MITKA and middle power diplomacy, Korea's role in the South China Sea dispute, and South Korean cyber security. Providing a unique treatment of middle power opportunities and motivations in the East Asia region, this volume will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, Asian politics, diplomacy, security studies, and global governance.

First published in 1997. This book provides an extremely detailed analysis of the national decision-making processes of two of the principal players in the Maastricht negotiations, and a comprehensive discussion of the national, subnational and transnational actors central to the negotiating process.

As the Asia-Pacific region develops in economic strength and influence in the twenty-first century, a deeper understanding of the differences and commonalities among the countries of this region is needed. Australia and Malaysia share the Asia-Pacific region with powerful neighbours such as China and Indonesia, as well as small fledgling democracies such as Timor Leste. This timely volume compares these two societies on key issues and tensions relating to globalization and social transformation, including foreign policy and national security; multiculturalism and citizenship; the middle class; global governance; migrants, human rights and international students. The contributors explore the contested and lively debates that emerge through the expanded mobility of ideas and people in this so-called 'Asian Century'.

What do diplomats actually do? That is what this text seeks to answer by describing the various stages of a typical diplomat s career. The book follows a fictional diplomat from his application to join the national diplomatic service through different postings at home and overseas, culminating with his appointment as ambassador and retirement. Each chapter contains case studies, based on the author s thirty year experience as a diplomat, Ambassador, and High Commissioner. These illustrate such key issues as the role of the diplomat during emergency crises or working as part of a national delegation to a permanent conference as the United Nations. Rigorously academic in its coverage yet extremely lively and engaging, this unique work will serve as a primer to any students and junior diplomats wishing to grasp what the practice of diplomacy is actually like."

Full Spectrum Diplomacy and Grand Strategy: Reforming the Structure and Culture of U.S. Foreign Policy, by John Lenczowski, offers a solution to one of the greatest weaknesses in U.S. foreign policy that has exacerbated the unprecedented anti-Americanism of recent years the U.S. Government's inability to conduct the "full spectrum" of diplomatic arts and to integrate them with the other arts of statecraft at the level of grand strategy. The analysis presents a critique of how the Department of State's focus on traditional, government-to-government diplomacy comes at the expense of public diplomacy. "Public Diplomacy" is defined in the broadest sense as including all those arts that involve relations with, and influence over, foreign publics and opinion leaders, including: cultural diplomacy, exchanges, information policy, strategic communications, psychological strategy, political action, political warfare, and wars of ideas. Author John Lenczowski, one of the first modern advocates for the strategic integration of all the instruments of national power, calls for the development of an "influence culture" in U.S. foreign policy, and provides a roadmap for the reform of the structure and culture of American diplomacy. While addressing contemporary U.S. foreign policy, this study presents lessons in statecraft and grand strategy that are applicable for all times and places. Full Spectrum Diplomacy and Grand Strategy thus raises issues that are relevant not only to diplomats, but to practitioners of intelligence, counterintelligence, military strategy, and economic statecraft.

This collection of essays delves into issues associated with British foreign policy in the ten years that Headlam-Morley worked with the Foreign Office in early twentieth century Britain. Originally published in 1930, the issues discussed in this volume include disarmament, treaties and security problems as well as discussions of the international relationship between Great Britain and countries such as Egypt, Greece and Russia. This title will be of interest to students of History and International Politics.

His Excellency Dr. Friedrich Rosen, the well known German Diplomatist and Orientalist, has written a fascinating account of his manifold experiences in the Near East, including Palestine, Syria, Persia and Mesopotamia, during a period of forty years. Many politically important or otherwise interesting mean and women, such as Ex-Emperor William II, Prince Bulow, Baron von Holstein, Sir Frank Lascelles, Sir Valentine Chirol, Lord Curzon and Miss Gertrude Bell, are spoken of in this volume.

Baron Rosen recounts his experiences as a diplomat.

Baron Rosen recounts his experiences as a diplomat.

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Read the Introduction.

"Alvah uses a deft comparison of U.S. policies toward military families--and these women's own ideas about what they were doing--on American bases to reveal how 'soft power' was as crucial as 'hard power' in waging war."
--Cynthia Enloe, author of "The Curious Feminist: Searching for Women in a New Age of Empire"

"Alvah's impressive and well-written account shines light on a time when American leaders understood that friendship mattered in foreign relations--a lesson well worth learning today."
--Elaine Tyler May, author of "Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era"

aA fascinating, well-researched, and theoretically-informed contribution to the scholarship integrating the personal and political components of Americaas Cold War empire. Donna Alvahas impressive book traces the contradictions that resulted when some of the half-million American wives and children who were overseas with U.S. military personnel tried to reach out to their German, Okinawan, or other foreign hosts while also affirming the supposed superiority of the American way of life. A natural for courses on foreign relations or gender history.a
--Frank Costigliola, author of "France and the United States: The Cold Alliance Since World War II"

As thousands of wives and children joined American servicemen stationed at overseas bases in the years following World War II, the military family represented a friendlier, more humane side of the United States' campaign for dominance in the Cold War. Wives in particular were encouraged to use their feminine influence to forge ties with residents of occupied and host nations. In this untoldstory of Cold War diplomacy, Donna Alvah describes how these "unofficial ambassadors" spread the United States' perception of itself and its image of world order in the communities where husbands and fathers were stationed, cultivating relationships with both local people and other military families in private homes, churches, schools, women's clubs, shops, and other places.

Unofficial Ambassadors reminds us that, in addition to soldiers and world leaders, ordinary people make vital contributions to a nation's military engagements. Alvah broadens the scope of the history of the Cold War by analyzing how ideas about gender, family, race, and culture shaped the U.S. military presence abroad.

Bringing together contributions from diplomats, UN agency officials, lawyers and academics, this book provides insight into the evolution of international environmental law, diplomacy and negotiating techniques. Based on first-hand experiences and extensive research, the chapters offer a blend of practice and theory, history and analysis, presenting a range of historical episodes and nuances and drawing lessons for future improvements to the processes of law-making and diplomacy. The book represents a synthesis of the most important messages to emerge from the annual course on Multilateral Environmental Agreements, delivered to diplomats and negotiators from around the world for the last decade by the University of Eastern Finland and the United Nations Environment Programme. The book will be of interest as a guide for negotiators and as a supplementary textbook and a reference volume for a wide range of students of law and environmental issues.

America Enters the Cold War provides a succinct and insightful analysis of the foreign policy decisions which shaped America's early involvement in the Cold War. In focusing on key documents and detailing the ideological foundations of U.S. foreign policy, Kevin Grimm situates the events of the early Cold War in the context of postwar American history. Including the full text of primary source documents such as the Long Telegram, the Truman Doctrine, and NSC-68, this text provides an essential overview of this period for students of the Cold War, diplomatic history, and twentieth-century US history and foreign policy.