This book is a comprehensive overview of the theory, history, law, institutional framework and culture of global diplomacy. It reflects on the key existential challenges to the institution and addresses aspects that are often overlooked in diplomatic studies: inter alia diplomatic law, development-driven diplomacy and the bureaucracy of diplomatic practice. All chapters are extensively illustrated with recent case examples from across the world. Special emphasis is placed on incorporating perspectives from Africa and other developing regions in the Global South, so as to balance the Eurocentrism of traditional diplomatic literature.

The Cold War has been researched in minute detail and written about at great length but it remains one of the most elusive and enigmatic conflicts of modern times. With the ending of the Cold War, it is now possible to review the entire post-war period, to examine the Cold War as history. The Middle East occupies a special place in the history of the Cold War. It was critical to its birth, its life and its demise. In the aftermath of the Second World War, it became one of the major theatres of the Cold War on account of its strategic importance and its oil resources. The key to the international politics of the Middle East during the Cold War era is the relationship between external powers and local powers. Most of the existing literature on the subject focuses on the policies of the Great Powers towards the local region. The Cold War and the Middle East redresses the balance by concentrating on the policies of the local actors. It looks at the politics of the region not just from the outside in but from the inside out. The contributors to this volume are leading scholars in the field whose interests combine International Relations and Middle Eastern Studies.

This collection of essays delves into issues associated with British foreign policy in the ten years that Headlam-Morley worked with the Foreign Office in early twentieth century Britain. Originally published in 1930, the issues discussed in this volume include disarmament, treaties and security problems as well as discussions of the international relationship between Great Britain and countries such as Egypt, Greece and Russia. This title will be of interest to students of History and International Politics.

Andrew Mumford challenges the notion of a "special relationship" between the United States and United Kingdom in diplomatic and military affairs, the most vaunted and, he says, exaggerated of associations in the post-1945 era. Though they are allies to be sure, national self-interest and domestic politics have often undercut their relationship. This book combines for the first time a history of the US-UK interaction during major counterinsurgency campaigns since 1945, from Palestine to Iraq and Afghanistan, with a critical examination of the widely perceived special relationship that has been tested during these frequently difficult, protracted, and costly conflicts. An assessment of each nation's respective internal political discussions and diplomatic exchanges about the other's conflicts reveals that in actuality there is only a thin layer of specialness at work in wars that shaped the postcolonial balance of power, the fight against Communism in the Cold War, and the twenty-first-century "war on terror." This work is especially timely given that the US-UK relationship is once again under scrutiny because of the Trump administration's "America First" rhetoric and Britain's changing international relations as a result of Brexit. Counterinsurgency Wars and the Anglo-American Alliance will interest scholars and students of history, international relations, and security studies as well as policy practitioners in the field.

His Excellency Dr. Friedrich Rosen, the well known German Diplomatist and Orientalist, has written a fascinating account of his manifold experiences in the Near East, including Palestine, Syria, Persia and Mesopotamia, during a period of forty years. Many politically important or otherwise interesting mean and women, such as Ex-Emperor William II, Prince Bulow, Baron von Holstein, Sir Frank Lascelles, Sir Valentine Chirol, Lord Curzon and Miss Gertrude Bell, are spoken of in this volume.

The roles of the Holy See and papal diplomacy vis-a-vis international organisations have a long and intricate story that spans centuries. Papal Diplomacy and the Quest for Peace explores the encounter between the Holy See and the international order, from the establishment of the United Nations (UN) in 1945 through the pontificate of Pope Paul VI (1963-78). Both Araujo and Lucal have worked for and represented the Holy See in the environment of the UN and, to a lesser extent, other international organisations. Consequently, their investigation is based on not only academic study of papal diplomacy and its relations with international organisations, but also participation in the activities of the Holy See within some of these organisations. They contend that while the Church and international organisations have distinctive goals and interests which can introduce strong differences on particular issues, they nonetheless share other perspectives such as the maintenance of international peace and security. The Holy See has expressed general approval of the UN, especially its initiatives aimed at ""peaceful coexistence and collaboration between nations."" At the same time the Holy See has not hesitated to state its morally grounded positions on pressing contemporary issues (e.g., family planning, abortion, human embryonic cloning, and family life) that have not always been congruent with those of temporal sovereigns and international organisations, including the UN. To date, Pope Pius XII's initial aspiration to join the UN has not been fulfilled, but the Holy See formalised its participation in the General Assembly of the United Nations in summer of 2004. In spite of occasional criticism by some segments of secular society, the interaction between the Holy See and the UN continues to exist and to be fruitful in a variety of contexts. Papal Diplomacy and the Quest for Peace seeks to elucidate this encounter and dynamic by examining congruence and divergence on vital issues of great importance to both institutions, most especially the quest for peace and the protection of the dignity and legitimate interests of humanity.

Baron Rosen recounts his experiences as a diplomat.

Baron Rosen recounts his experiences as a diplomat.

The proliferation of "minilateral" summits is reshaping how international security problems are addressed, yet these summits remain a poorly understood phenomenon. In this groundbreaking work, Kjell Engelbrekt contrasts the most important minilateral summits -- the G7 (formerly G8) and G20 -- with the older and more formal UN Security Council to assess where the diplomacy of international security is taking place and whether these institutions complement or compete with each other. Engelbrekt's research in primary-source documents of the G7, G8, G20, and UN Security Council provides unique insight into how these institutions deliberate on three policy areas: conflict management, counterterrorism cooperation, and climate change mitigation. Relatively informal and flexible, GX diplomacy invites more countries to take a seat at the table and allows nontraditional security threats to be placed on the agenda. Engelbrekt concludes, however, that there is a continuing need for institutions like the UN to address traditional security problems. High-Table Diplomacy will provoke discussion and further research on the role of minilateral summits among scholars of international relations, security studies, and international organizations.

This publication contains a presentation of case laws rendered in jurisdictions having enacted the UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Arbitration. In light of the large number of cases collected, the Commission requested a tool specifically designed to present selected information on the interpretation and application of the Model Law in a clear, concise and objective manner. This request originated the UNCITRAL Digest of Case Law on the UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Arbitration. The purpose of the digest is to assist in the dissemination of information on the Model Law and further promote its adoption as well as its uniform interpretation and application. In addition, the digest is meant to help judges, government officials, arbitrators, practitioners and academics use more efficiently the case law relating to the UNCITRAL text.

Bringing together contributions from diplomats, UN agency officials, lawyers and academics, this book provides insight into the evolution of international environmental law, diplomacy and negotiating techniques. Based on first-hand experiences and extensive research, the chapters offer a blend of practice and theory, history and analysis, presenting a range of historical episodes and nuances and drawing lessons for future improvements to the processes of law-making and diplomacy. The book represents a synthesis of the most important messages to emerge from the annual course on Multilateral Environmental Agreements, delivered to diplomats and negotiators from around the world for the last decade by the University of Eastern Finland and the United Nations Environment Programme. The book will be of interest as a guide for negotiators and as a supplementary textbook and a reference volume for a wide range of students of law and environmental issues.

Contrary to the view held by many who study American foreign policy, public diplomacy has seldom played a decisive role in the achievement of the country's foreign policy objectives. The reasons for this are not that the policies and interventions are ill-conceived or badly executed, although this is sometimes the case. Rather, the factors that limit the effectiveness of public diplomacy lie almost entirely outside the control of American policy-makers. In particular, the resistance of foreign opinion-leaders to ideas and information about American motives and actions that do not square with their pre-conceived notions of the United States and its activities in the world is an enormous and perhaps insurmountable wall that limits the impact of public diplomacy. This book does not conclude that public diplomacy has no place in the repertoire of American foreign policy. Instead, the expectations held for this soft power tool need to be more realistic. Public diplomacy should not be viewed as a substitute for hard power tools that are more likely to be correlated with actual American influence as opposed to the somewhat nebulous concept of American standing.

Terrorism: Documents of International and Local Control is a hardbound series that provides primary-source documents on the worldwide counter-terrorism effort. Chief among the documents collected are transcripts of Congressional testimony, reports by such federal government bodies as the Congressional Research Service and the Government Accountability Office, and case law covering issues related to terrorism. Most volumes carry a single theme, and inside each volume the documents appear within topic-based categories. The series also includes a subject index and other indices that guide the user through this complex area of the law. Terrorism in Pakistan's value to researchers of Pakistani terrorism issues is immediately evident from the organization of the salient documents therein: first Pakistan's security law (in statutes and international agreements), then Pakistan's reports to the UN, UN resolutions on Pakistani terrorism developments, next some U.S. perspectives on the problem, and lastly the perspectives of international groups (including a message from al-Qaeda). Since Pakistan's national efforts at thwarting internal terrorist activity have largely failed, this volume's combination of perspectives from inside the country with those from elsewhere yields a full and thoughtful picture for researchers delving into this complex arena, where history, religious extremism, and international political imperatives meet. The impact of jihadist training and organization within Pakistan extends far beyond its borders, and so any scholarly treatment of this subject must include both that discussion of domestic measures and that survey of international responses to those measures. Researchers will find in this volume the full spectrum of legal and political debate that revolves around this troubled country.

Until deep into the 20th century, empire remained a source of pride for European states and their politicians. The 21st century, however, has seen the unexpected emergence of certain European states apologising to their former colonies. Analysing apologies from Germany, Belgium, Britain and Italy, this book explores the shifting ways in which these countries represent their colonial pasts and investigates what this reveals about contemporary international politics, particularly relations between (former) coloniser and colonised. It is argued that, far from renouncing colonialism in its entirety, the apologies are replete with discourses that are reminiscent of the core legitimising tenets of empire. Specifically, the book traces how the apologies both illuminate and recycle many of the inequalities, mind-sets and ambivalences that circulated at the height of empire. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of peace and post-conflict resolution studies, memory studies, colonial studies and postcolonial theory. More broadly, it will be of interest to those studying political science, International Relations, sociology and development.

A different take on a popular topic, this book uncovers the exciting history of the jewels and jewellery worn and used by the later medieval and Tudor Queens of England from Margaret of Anjou to Katherine Parr. Enabling general readers to see how jewellery was used by Queens to assert their power and influence in their husband's courts. Dr Tallis is an experienced writer of non-fiction to a public audience; this book is accessibly written for an educated popular audience and undergraduate students. Explores the lives of ten queen consorts across 100 years, providing students and general readers alike with a long duree view into Queenship, women's history and material culture.

What do diplomats actually do? That is what this text seeks to answer by describing the various stages of a typical diplomat s career. The book follows a fictional diplomat from his application to join the national diplomatic service through different postings at home and overseas, culminating with his appointment as ambassador and retirement. Each chapter contains case studies, based on the author s thirty year experience as a diplomat, Ambassador, and High Commissioner. These illustrate such key issues as the role of the diplomat during emergency crises or working as part of a national delegation to a permanent conference as the United Nations. Rigorously academic in its coverage yet extremely lively and engaging, this unique work will serve as a primer to any students and junior diplomats wishing to grasp what the practice of diplomacy is actually like."

Up to date, concise textbook on the Orignis of the Second World War, with lots of pedagogical features, updated to include more on Empire and Aisa. The Second World War is an enduring topic for students. Ours is the only proper textbook with documents and pedagogical features in the market, the rest are trade volumes or edited collections.

The transformation of the BRIC acronym from an investment term into a household name of international politics and into a semi-institutionalized political outfit (called BRICS, with a capital 'S'), is one of the defining developments in international politics in the past decades. While the concept is now commonly used in the general public debate and international media, there has not yet been a comprehensive and scholarly analysis of the history of the BRICS term. The BRICS and the Future of Global Order, Second Edition offers a definitive reference history of the BRICS as a term and as an institution-a chronological narrative and analytical account of the BRICS concept from its inception in 2001 to the political grouping it is today. In addition, it analyzes what the rise of powers like Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa means for the future of global order. Will the BRICS countries seek to establish a parallel system with its own distinctive set of rules, institutions, and currencies of power, rejecting key tenets of liberal internationalism, are will they seek to embrace the rules and norms that define today's Western-led order?

The Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978 and the consequent outbreak of the Cambodian conflict brought Southeast Asia into instability and deteriorated relations between Vietnam and the subsequently established Vietnam-backed government in Cambodia on the one hand and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries on the other. As a result of the conflict, the Soviet Union established a foothold in Southeast Asia while China, through its support of the anti-Vietnam Cambodian resistance, improved relations with Southeast Asian countries such as Thailand. Japan's Fukuda Doctrine - it's declared priorities of promoting cooperative and friendly relations between Communist Indochinese nations and non-Communist ASEAN countries - became increasingly at odds with Japan's role as a member of the Free World in the broader Cold War confrontation. Tokyo had to steer a path between Washington's hard-line policy of isolating Vietnam and its own desire to prevent regional destabilization. Against this background, this book addresses the following questions: what was Japan's response to the challenges to its objectives and interests in Southeast Asia and to the Fukuda Doctrine? What role did Japan play for the settlement of the conflict in Cambodia? How did Japan's diplomacy on the Cambodian problem affect the Japanese role in the region? It argues that Japan's contribution was more active than has widely been recognized.

Full Spectrum Diplomacy and Grand Strategy: Reforming the Structure and Culture of U.S. Foreign Policy, by John Lenczowski, offers a solution to one of the greatest weaknesses in U.S. foreign policy that has exacerbated the unprecedented anti-Americanism of recent years the U.S. Government's inability to conduct the "full spectrum" of diplomatic arts and to integrate them with the other arts of statecraft at the level of grand strategy. The analysis presents a critique of how the Department of State's focus on traditional, government-to-government diplomacy comes at the expense of public diplomacy. "Public Diplomacy" is defined in the broadest sense as including all those arts that involve relations with, and influence over, foreign publics and opinion leaders, including: cultural diplomacy, exchanges, information policy, strategic communications, psychological strategy, political action, political warfare, and wars of ideas. Author John Lenczowski, one of the first modern advocates for the strategic integration of all the instruments of national power, calls for the development of an "influence culture" in U.S. foreign policy, and provides a roadmap for the reform of the structure and culture of American diplomacy. While addressing contemporary U.S. foreign policy, this study presents lessons in statecraft and grand strategy that are applicable for all times and places. Full Spectrum Diplomacy and Grand Strategy thus raises issues that are relevant not only to diplomats, but to practitioners of intelligence, counterintelligence, military strategy, and economic statecraft.

From first arrival in Lebanon as a fresh faced graduate to the heat of the first Gulf War conflict as managed from Saudi Arabia, Sir Alan Munro's account of life representing Her Majesty's government in embassy posting across the world will enchant and engage. This book is intended to convey something of the flavour - and the frivolities - of escapades and encounters which Sir Alan and his wife experienced in the course of thirty-five years in diplomacy in the Middle East, Africa and South America, and at home too. The narrative is set against a half-century of post-imperial adjustment in Britain's foreign policy, in which withdrawal from a global role is offset by an overriding concern, shared with western partners, to counter the extension - political and economic as well as military - of Soviet Marxist influence across a fractious post-colonial world. It is no purpose of mine to denigrate or burlesque any individuals who appear in its pages. This account brings out the human side, as well as the value, of a profession in which 'life's rich tapestry' plays an uncommonly prominent part.

In China, John Leighton Stuart (1876-1962) is a controversial figure occupying an important position in the history of modern China and Sino-U.S. relations. As a scholar and educator, Stuart loved Chinese culture and contributed much to the development of Chinese education. While as a missionary, he was inherently prejudiced against Marxism. As the U.S. ambassador to China, Stuart executed U.S. government's policy, and was finally stereotyped as a symbol of "American imperialism". This book gives a detailed account of Stuart's complicated and deep political involvement in modern China. Stuart had close relationships with Chiang Kai-shek and other high-ranking officials of Kuomingtang (KMT), while he was also an honored guest of Mao Tse-tung and Chinese Communist Party (CCP). During his tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to China, Stuart did implement U.S. government's policy of supporting KMT. But when the CCP's gaining power became inevitable, he took a pragmatic attitude and urged the U.S. government to normalize its diplomatic relations with the Communist Government. These seemingly contradictory behaviors reveal Stuart's complex features and the changeable era. By collecting substantial relevant materials both at home and abroad, both published and unpublished, this book reveals Stuart's multidimensional characters, getting rid of the stereotype. Academic and general readers interested in Stuart, modern Chinese history and Sino-U.S. relations will be attracted by this book.

With the enhancement of national strength, China's diplomacy has leapt onto a new high ground, basically obtaining the status of a world power. Meanwhile, it has also received a large amount of right and wrong mixed criticism and suggestions from different sides, in the face of a sudden increase in opportunities, pressures, and conflicts. The "creative involvement" in this book is exactly proposed for the future of China's diplomacy. In this book, the author first defines the concept "creative involvement". Different from diplomatic theories in the traditional senses, creative involvement is a kind of diplomatic thinking which encourages more active participation in international affairs and advocates creative solutions. Then the author makes case studies on some events and people which have been of typical significance in China's diplomatic practices since the end of the Cold War, expounding their innovations and limitations. In the third part, the author turns to various supportive propositions, ideas, and theories concerning creative involvement and explains how they are applied to China's future diplomatic practice. Lastly, the author tries to set a number of scenarios, discussing the possible entry points for creative involvement. Combining innovative theoretical idea with practical investigation, this book will not only contribute to contemporary China diplomatic studies but also appeal to scholars and students of international relations studies.

Drawing on recently declassified Soviet archival sources, this book sheds new light on how the division of Europe came about in the aftermath of World War II. The book contravenes the notion that a neutral zone of states, including Germany, could have been set up between East and West. The Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin was determined to preserve control over its own sphere of German territory. By tracing Stalin's attitude toward neutrality in international politics, the book provides important insights into the origins of the Cold War.