The tragic story of Anne Boleyn has been retold over the centuries, yet two key figures in Anne's life-her father Thomas and brother George- are often relegated to the margins of the history of Henry VIII's turbulent reign. Well before Anne's coronation in 1533, Thomas was regarded as one of Henry's most skilled and experienced ambassadors, and George was a talented young courtier on the rise. But Anne's downfall was to have a devastating effect on her family - ultimately costing her and her brother their lives. A family whose success and prestige had been shaped over generations was destroyed in a violent and brutal episode as the king sought a new wife and a male heir. In this first biography devoted to the Boleyn men, Lauren Mackay takes us beyond the stereotypes of Thomas and George to present a story that has almost been lost to history. This book follows the Boleyn men as they negotiated their way through the ruthless game of politics among the wolves of the court, and establishes their place in Tudor history.

This book investigates China's foreign policy concerning the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs of other states in the post-Cold War period. The principle of non-intervention has traditionally been central to Chinese foreign policy, but as China's economy has boomed, international attention to her foreign policy has been increasingly hostile. Accordingly, an exploration of China's non-intervention policy is worthwhile to understand China's foreign policy and its international behavior. This book will be of interest to China watchers, scholars of geopolitics, and Asian historians.

This book looks at the changing dynamics of diplomacy of the two emerging global powers - India and China. It examines trade relations, cultural ties and economic engagements of both countries and their shifting influence in the region surrounding them. This volume takes an in-depth look at the trade and economic strategies of India and China through the prism of soft power diplomacy. It reflects on the challenges the two countries face over bilateral trade negotiations, BRICS and China's Silk Road project, along with other issues of foreign policy. The book underlines the decisive role of the soft power approach and greater people-to-people contact in the global strategies of India and China and in fostering greater cooperation in the region. The book will be of great interest to researchers and students of international relations, political science, public policy and international communications. It will also be useful for think tanks, policy makers and general readers who are interested in the India-China relationship and the politics of soft power diplomacy.

This book looks at the changing dynamics of diplomacy of the two emerging global powers - India and China. It examines trade relations, cultural ties and economic engagements of both countries and their shifting influence in the region surrounding them. This volume takes an in-depth look at the trade and economic strategies of India and China through the prism of soft power diplomacy. It reflects on the challenges the two countries face over bilateral trade negotiations, BRICS and China's Silk Road project, along with other issues of foreign policy. The book underlines the decisive role of the soft power approach and greater people-to-people contact in the global strategies of India and China and in fostering greater cooperation in the region. The book will be of great interest to researchers and students of international relations, political science, public policy and international communications. It will also be useful for think tanks, policy makers and general readers who are interested in the India-China relationship and the politics of soft power diplomacy.

This innovative new book argues that diplomacy, which emerged out of the French Revolution, has become one of the central Ideological State Apparatuses of the modern democratic nation-state. The book is divided into four thematic parts. The first presents the central concepts and theoretical perspectives derived from the work of Slavoj Zizek, focusing on his understanding of politics, ideology, and the core of the conceptual apparatus of Lacanian psychoanalysis. There then follow three parts treating diplomacy as archi-politics, ultra-politics, and post-politics, respectively highlighting three eras of the modern history of diplomacy from the French Revolution until today. The first part takes on the question of the creation of the term 'diplomacy', which took place during the time of the French Revolution. The second part begins with the effects on diplomacy arising from the horrors of the two World Wars. Finally, the third part covers another major shift in Western diplomacy during the last century, the fall of the Soviet Union, and how this transformation shows itself in the field of Diplomacy Studies. The book argues that diplomacy's primary task is not to be understood as negotiating peace between warring parties, but rather to reproduce the myth of the state's unity by repressing its fundamental inconsistencies. This book will be of much interest to students of diplomacy studies, political theory, philosophy, and International Relations.

How and why did the United States get involved in nation-building overseas, and how have these policies evolved? How has Washington understood the relationship between development abroad and security at home, and how has this translated into policy? What is the relationship between security, order and development in nation-building and stabilisation efforts? This book explores the processes through which nation-building approaches originated and developed over the last seven decades as well as the concepts and motivations that shaped them. Weaving together International Relations theory and a rich history drawing mainly on declassified documents, interviews and other primary sources, this book contributes to theoretical discussions of nation-building while offering a critique of Realist and Critical Security School analyses of US policy in the developing world. Ultimately, the book illuminates lessons relevant to today's nation-building, crisis management, stability, 'good governance' and reconstruction missions. -- .

Is the Armenian Genocide a strictly historical matter? If that is the case, why is it still a topical issue, capable of causing diplomatic rows and heated debates? The short answer would be that the century old Armenian Genocide is much more than a historical question. It emerged as a political dilemma on the international arena at the San Stefano peace conference in 1878 and has remained as such into our days. The disparity between knowledge and acknowledgement, mainly ascribable to Turkey's official denial of the genocide, has only heightened the politicization of the Armenian question. Thus, the memories of the WWI era refuse to be relegated to the pages of history but are rather perceived as a vivid presence. This is the result of the perpetual process of politics of memory. The politics of memory is an intricate and interdisciplinary negotiation, engaging many different actors in the society who have access to a wide range of resources and measures in order to achieve their goals. By following the Armenian question during the past century up to its Centennial Commemoration in 2015, this study aims to explain why and how the politics of memory of the Armenian Genocide has kept it as a topical issue in our days.

The 1950s were a vital time in the history of science. In accordance with the intensification of the Cold War, many scientific talents were mobilized to several military-related research and development projects not only in the United States, but also in the Soviet Union. Contrary to the expectation of General Leslie Groves, a leader of the Manhattan Project, the Soviet Union succeeded in their nuclear weapon development in a very short time. And then, by the end of the decade, mankind reached the dawn of the Atomic Age proper with the beginning of the operation of the world's first civil nuclear power plant in Obninsk in 1954. The risky and costly developments of new weapons such as rockets, jet warplanes, and computers were achieved by the Soviet Union in a very short time after World War in spite of the heavy economic damage caused by the battles with German troops in Soviet territory. Why were such a great number of scientific talents mobilized to various Soviet Cold War research and development projects? What were the true natures, and real consequences of the rushed Cold War projects? How did Soviet scientists approach the nuclear age? Thanks to the study of formerly classified Soviet archives, a more nuanced view of Soviet society has become possible. To resolve the above-mentioned questions, Ichikawa analyses the complicated interactions among various factors, including the indigenous contradictions in the historical development of science in the Soviet Union; conflicts among the related interest groups; relationships with the political leadership and the military, the role of ideology and others.

This volume delivers a history of internationalism at the League of Nations and the United Nations (UN), with a focus on the period from the 1920s to the 1970s, when the nation-state ascended to global hegemony as a political formation. Combining global, regional and local scaes of analysis, the essays presented here provide an interpretation of the two institutions - and their complex interrelationship - that is planetary in scale but also pioneeringly multi-local. Our central argument is that although the League and the UN shaped internationalism from the centre, they were themselves moulded just as powerfully by internationalisms that welled up globally, far beyond Geneva and New York City. The contributions are organised into three broad thematic sections, the first focused on the production of norms, the second on the development of expertise and the third on the global re-ordering of empire. By showing how the ruptures and continuities between the two international organisations have shaped the content and format of what we now refer to as 'global governance', the collection determinedly sets the Cold War and the emergence of the Third World into a single analytical frame alongside the crisis of empire after World War One and the geopolitics of the Great Depression. Each of these essays reveals how the League of Nations and the United Nations provided a global platform for formalising and proliferating political ideas and how the two institutions generated new spectrums of negotiation and dissidence and re-codified norms. As an ensemble, the book shows how the League of Nations and the United Nations constructed and progressively re-fashioned the basic building blocks of international society right across the twentieth century. Developing the new international history's view of the League and UN as dynamic, complex forces, the book demonstrates that both organisations should be understood to have played an active role, not just in mediating a world of empires and then one of nation-states, but in forging the many principles and tenets by which international society is structured.

This book examines and systematises the theoretical dimensions of paradiplomacy - the role of subnational governments in international relations. Throughout the world, subnational governments play an active role in international relations by participating in international trade, cultural missions and diplomatic relations with foreign powers. These governments, including states in the USA and landers in Germany, can sometimes even challenge the official foreign policy of their national government. These activities, which are regularly promoting the subnational government's interests, have been labelled as 'paradiplomacy'. Through a systematisation of the different approaches in understanding constituent diplomacy, the author constructs an integrative theoretical explanatory framework to guide research on regional governments' involvement in international affairs. The framework is based on a multiple-response questionnaire technique (MRQ) which provides the matrix of possible answers on a set of key questions for paradiplomacy scholarship. This comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of paradiplomacy sheds light on the development of federalism and multi-level governance in a new global environment and contributes to the debates on the issue of 'actorness' in contemporary international affairs. This book will be of much interest to students of diplomacy, federalism, governance, foreign policy and IR, as well as practitioners of diplomacy.

While US-centred bilateralism and ASEAN-led multilateralism have largely dominated the post-Cold War regional security architecture in the Indo-Pacific, increasing doubts about their effectiveness have resulted in countries turning to alternative forms of cooperation, such as minilateral arrangements. Compared to multilateral groupings, minilateral platforms are smaller in size, as well as more exclusive, flexible and functional. Both China and the US have contributed to minilateral initiatives in the Indo-Pacific. In the case of the former, there is the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation mechanism-involving China, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam-established in 2015. In the case of the latter, there has been a revival of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue in 2017-involving the US, Australia, Japan and India. This book examines the rise of these arrangements, their challenges and opportunities, as well as their impact on the extant regional security architecture, including on the ASEAN-led multilateral order. A valuable guide for students and policy-makers looking to understand the nature and development of minilateralism in the Indo-Pacific region.

Can China and the United States bridge their political differences? Are those differences as large as conventional wisdom suggests? Thirty years after formal U.S.-Chinese diplomatic relations were established, A Bridge Too Far? addresses these essential questions by bridging the academic divide separating scholars who study these countries from Chinese and Western political science perspectives. Rather than bringing together China specialists exclusively, then, this book allows a broad range of scholars using Western analytical tools to examine Chinese politics and political theory in relation to the United States. It also allows Chinese scholars to examine specific policy areas related to countries and thereby confirm or contest the broader analysis offered by their outsider counterparts. Some of the contributors are Chinese specialists, a number having played key roles as advisors to the central government, others students of American politics, and stilll others political economists or political theorists who are not involved directly in area studies. Finally, some are academically trained but work in China in the area of environmental regulation or are legal advisors for state-owned businesses. In all, the contributors bring extensive experience with China, and all see commonalities beneath the obvious and deep differences between the two nations. Emerging from an ongoing face-to-face dialog, the book unites this unusual group to uncover genuine areas of overlap between the politics of the two nations without diminishing the very real distance separating them. The essays included discuss topics such as China's democratic prospects and the rise of local village elections, the role of interest groups, Chinese political and legal reforms and developments regarding intellectual property rights and environmental regulation, Western and Chinese political philosophy, and Sino-American foreign policy interactions.

In this unprecedented book, Hamid Dabashi provides a provocative account of Iran in its current resurrection as a mighty regional power. Through a careful study of contemporary Iranian history in its political, literary, and artistic dimensions, Dabashi decouples the idea of Iran from its colonial linkage to the cliche notion of "the nation-state," and then demonstrates how an "aesthetic intuition of transcendence" has enabled it to be re-conceived as a powerful nation. This rebirth has allowed for repressed political and cultural forces to surface, redefining the nation's future beyond its fictive postcolonial borders and autonomous from the state apparatus that wishes but fails to rule it. Iran's sovereignty, Dabashi argues, is inaugurated through an active and open-ended self-awareness of the nation's history and recent political and aesthetic instantiations, as it has been sustained by successive waves of revolutionary prose, poetry, and visual and performing arts performed categorically against the censorial will of the state.

This volume outlines two decades of reforms at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO), British Council and BBC World Service - the so-called Public Diplomacy Partners. Between 1995 and 2015, the FCO and its partner organisations in promoting British influence abroad have introduced major changes to how, where and with whom diplomacy is conducted. This unique study links major organisational reforms to the changing political, technological and intellectual contexts of the day. Through detailed case studies over a 20-year period, this study demonstrates how and why British diplomacy evolved from a secretive institution to one understanding its purpose as a global thought leader through concepts such as public diplomacy, digital diplomacy and soft power. It is rich with unpublished documents and case studies, and is the most detailed study of the FCO and British Council in the contemporary period. From Cool Britannia to the recent GREAT campaign via the 2012 Olympics and diplomats on Twitter, this book charts the theory and practice behind a 21st century revolution in British diplomacy. This work will be of much interest to policymakers and advisors, students and researchers, and foreign policy and communication specialists. "From the heady past of Cool Britannia to the present days of the Great Campaign by way of the Royal Wedding, London Olympics and multiple other gambits in Britain's evolving attempt to connect to foreign publics, this book is the essential account of the inner workings of a vital aspect of contemporary British foreign policy: public diplomacy. James Pamment is an astute, succinct and engaging Dante, bringing his readers on journey through the policy processes behind the scenes. We see the public diplomacy equivalents of paradise, purgatory and the inferno, though Pamment leaves us to decide which is which." Nicholas J. Cull, author of 'The Decline and Fall of the United States Information Agency: American Public Diplomacy, 1989-2001'. "A gift to practitioners who want to do the job better: required reading for anyone going into a senior job at the British Council, the UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office and enlightened thinkers at 10 Downing Street, HM Treasury and Ministries of Foreign Affairs worldwide. Authoritative, scholarly and accurate, Pamment strikes a great balance between the salient details and the overarching picture. He also does a major service to those of us who lived it; our toils make more sense for what he has done - placing them in a historical and conceptual context." John Worne, Director of Strategy & External Relations, British Council, 2007-2015

With the second-largest economy and rapidly growing military strength, China is now an emerging regional and global super power, which makes it confronted with a sudden increase in opportunities, pressures and conflicts in terms of international issues. This book gives a comprehensive and systematic introduction to the development of China's diplomatic strategies since 1980s, which have been changed approximately every ten years to cope with the complicated and changing international situations. In 1980s, China took "non-alignment" to create a solid external environment for the reform and opening-up which had just been initiated. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, upheaval in Eastern Europe and the end of the Cold War in 1990s, China adopted the principle of "keeping a low profile and making some contributions", to adhere to the road of socialism while avoid making enemies. Nowadays, due to the continuous enhancement of national power and international status, China replaces "making some contributions" with "making positive actions", to get more actively involved in international affairs. This book will be a valuable reference for studies in China's diplomacy and international relations. Readers interested in contemporary China will also be attracted by it.

British foreign policy has always been based on distinctive principles since the setting up of the Foreign Office in 1782 as one of the two original offices of state, the other being the Home Office. As a small island nation, Britain was historically fearful of over mighty continental powers, which might seek to menace its trade routes, and naval primacy was essential. Britain must dominate at sea while avoiding, involvement in major continental wars and Britain accomplished this successfully until the end of the 19th century. After World War II and the Cold War Britain was no longer the global naval super power and they had to adapt to a secondary, supportive role. This was to be based on its membership of regional defense and economic organizations in Europe. The Historical Dictionary of British Foreign Policy provides an overview of the conduct of British diplomacy since the setting up of the Foreign Office in 1782. This is done through a chronology, an introductory essay, appendixes, an extensive bibliography, and over 300 cross-referenced dictionary entries on British prime ministers, foreign secretaries, foreign office staff and leading diplomats, but also on related military and political-economic aspects. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about British foreign policy.

This volume is the result of a 2013 conference held by the Asan Institute for Policy Studies (South Korea) on the 'middle power' countries of Mexico, Indonesia, the Republic of Korea, Turkey and Australia (MIKTA). Experts and policymakers discussed how members of the MIKTA can work to advance global governance in emerging global issue areas.

The conventional wisdom, based on realist premises, is that nuclear weapons are an irreversible reality in South Asia, and that efforts to denuclearize the subcontinent are a futile endeavor. As a result, real nuclear arms control in South Asia remains elusive and scholars continue focusing their efforts on how to achieve crisis stability and deterrence stability in future Indo-Pakistani confrontations. However, they tend to analyze India and Pakistan's nuclear diplomacy as if the nuclear competition occurred in complete isolation from the changing dynamics of the international social environment. Using a constructivist model, this study brings nuclear arms control and disarmament back into the debates on the future of Indo-Pakistani relations. Constructivism recognizes the independent impact of international norms, such as the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Norm (NNPN), on India and Pakistan's nuclear behavior. Even though the NNPN does not legally bind them, it is reinforced at the global level, and may lead the South Asian rivals to move in the direction of nuclear arms control and disarmament, thus reducing the costs, dangers, and risks of an eternal strategic rivalry. After examining the main tenets of constructivism in international relations, the works delves into the proliferation debate, discussing nuclear reversal and U.S. policy toward the subcontinent since the G. W. Bush administration. It looks at the prospects for nuclear arms control and disarmament in South Asia after the U.S.-India nuclear deal of 2008, and the nuclear abolitionist wave during the first Obama administration. It concludes with the contribution of social constructivism to understanding how changes in the India-Pakistan nuclear status quo can happen.

This book traces the development of Oman's inclusive agreements and highlights their importance for international negotiations, dealing with issues most relevant to humanity's own survival today, nuclear weapons or climate change. In Oman, a historical seafaring nation on the south-eastern corner of the Arabian Peninsula, a culture of agreement that accommodates the interests of everyone has developed around the division of scarce water resources. Life in the arid inland of the Omani Hajar mountains would not have been possible without water. Irrigation channel (falaj) construction is extremely old and skilful therein. Local practices evolved around the division of water and land on the basis of fairness. The community would be best served by inclusion and the avoidance of conflict. A specific Islamic school called Ibadi arrived at Oman early on in the eighth century. Ibadi scholars conserved local practices. Consultation and mediation by sheikhs and the religious leader, Imam, became the law of the land. The Omanis were known as the People of Consultation, Ahl Al Shura. In time, the practice of inclusive agreements would extend far beyond the village level, affecting Omans foreign policy under Sultan Qaboos. Omans water diplomacy succeeded in uniting the contestants of the Middle East Peace Process in the 1990s to work together on common problems of water desalination.

Nations, even the most powerful, cannot cope by themselves with many of the problems confronting them. Collective efforts are needed, and diplomacy is a key element in this process. This text examines how diplomacy serves global governance, how the diverse international actors use it, and what it accomplishes. The focus is on diplomatic practice, looking at the diverse methods used by the international actors involved and how they contribute to its effectiveness. The first section examines how various levels of international actors practice diplomacy. Nation states are still key actors and they use many methods in embassies, international conferences, international organizations, summit meetings, and more. International organizations are both a forum for multilateral diplomacy and a major set of international actors still growing in significance for global governance diplomacy. In addition, a multiplicity of regional or limited membership institutions play a role in global governance. At the transnational level, there is the increasing role of civil society institutions and nongovernmental organizations in international affairs. This is where a new kind of international actors is found, unevenly contributing to global governance diplomacy beyond the control of public authorities. The second section explores the functional level, looking at how diplomacy operates in five areas of global governance: peace and security, economic governance, social issues, human rights, and environmental protection. Each of these presents different challenges for global governance diplomacy and requires the development of different diplomatic strategies and new techniques. Some of the issues are more amenable to global governance while others, such as the eradication of global poverty remain fairly intractable. The text extends beyond the usual description of diplomatic apparatus and dynamics to explore "diplomacy at work" in specific, current policy areas that are very relevant to the present debates in international politics.

In this groundbreaking book, Derek Chollet provides unprecedented insights into the high-stakes diplomacy behind the historic 1995 Dayton agreement that ended the war in Bosnia--the most devastating conflict in Europe since the Second World War. Based on still unopened U.S. government archives and hours of interviews, "The Road to the Dayton Accords "is a fast-paced history that focuses on the key players, decisions and events on the difficult journey to peace, taking the reader from the killing fields of the Balkans to tense meetings in the Oval Office to dramatic negotiations on a secluded Air Force base in Dayton, Ohio. Exhaustively researched and candidly written, this is a behind the scenes portrait of statecraft at the highest levels. The book sheds new light on one of the Clinton administration's most important-and lasting--diplomatic achievements, which proved to be a critical turning point for America's relationship with Europe and for Bill Clinton's presidency. With novelistic detail, this book also deepens our understanding of the course and conduct of modern American foreign policy, especially over U.S. efforts to solve the world's most difficult conflicts--a challenge that still dominates the news today.

In recent years, significant attention has focused upon the Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear ambitions, and the threat they pose to the United States and the West. Far less well understood, however, has been the phenomenon of Iran's regional advance in America's own Hemisphere-an intrusion that has both foreign policy and national security implications for the United States and its allies. In this collection, noted specialists and regional experts examine the various facets of Iran's contemporary presence in Central and South America, and detail what the Islamic Republic's growing geopolitical footprint south of the U.S. border signifies, both for Iran and for the United States.

This book examines the crisis in Ukraine through the lens of "triangular diplomacy," which focuses on the multiple interactions among the European Union, the United States and Russia. It is explicitly comparative, considering how the US and EU responded to ostensibly the same crisis. It also adopts a "360-degree" perspective, focusing on how the US and EU interacted in their dealings with Russia, and how Russia and Ukraine have responded. Chapters focus on each of the four protagonists - the EU, the US, Russia and Ukraine - and on key, cross-cutting aspects of the crisis - sanctions, international law and energy. The book thus contrasts a conventional, if exceptional, great power - the US - with a very non-traditional foreign policy actor - the EU. It would be suitable for both undergraduate and graduate courses on the EU's external policies and engagement in world affairs, EU-US relations, EU-Russia interactions, or regional security issues.

To Make the Earth Whole studies the art of citizen diplomacy a process that can address clashes of religion and culture across regional lines even when traditional negotiations between governments can fail. While faith and regional differences have been sources of division around the world in recent decades, millions of citizens are also creating bonds of friendship and collaboration that are forming the basis of a global community. Drawing on the experiences gleaned from years practicing citizen diplomacy in some of the world's most politically charged climates, scholar-practitioner of conflict resolution and rabbi Marc Gopin describes his work in Syria as a central case study of the book. The author outlines the strategic basis for creating community across lines of enmity, the social network theory to explain how this happens, and the long term vision required for a progressive but inclusive global community that respects religious communities even as it limits their coercive power over others. This powerful and practical book outlines an incremental and evolutionary strategy of positive change that stands a strong chance of success, even in today's most conservative and repressive religious and political contexts. To Make the Earth Whole also examines the ethical challenges of citizen diplomacy from the perspectives of both Western and Eastern philosophies and religions. The world's wisdom traditions are essential in devising a way for citizens to develop the foundations for global community."