This book introduces a new perspective on risk seeking behaviour, developing a framework based on various cognitive theories, and applying it to the specific case-study of Turkey's foreign policy toward Syria. The author examines why policy makers commit themselves to polices that they do not have the capacity to deliver, and develops an alternative theoretical model to prospect theory in explaining risk taking behaviour based on the concept of overconfidence. The volume suggests that overconfident individuals exhibit risk seeking behaviour that contradicts the risk averse behaviour of individuals in the domain of gain, as predicted by prospect theory. Using a set of testable hypothesis deduced from the model, it presents an empirical investigation of the causes behind Turkish decision makers' unprecedented level of risk taking toward the uprising in Syria and the consequences of this policy.

Paying tribute to a noted scholar by digging deep into the issues he explored.Long-time Brookings senior fellow Stephen Philip Cohen was the first American scholar to work in the field of South Asian security studies. He largely defined the field, trained many of is leading analysts, and was himself its most experienced and insightful scholar-practitioner until his death in 2019. This book of essays by several of his students who have made an impact on the field, along contributions from academics who knew Cohen well as well as former students in policy fields, is an intellectual homage to Cohen. It is also an impressive overview of a number of the vital questions facing the nations of that region as well as their neighbors both near and far. Major enduring issues in regional security include India-Pakistan relations, India-China relations, conventional forces-and perhaps the most sensitive issue of all, nuclear weapons. But other important issues remain underexplored, especially outside the region, and are addressed in this book. They include Pakistan's political culture, the politics of the insurgency in Baluchistan, political legitimacy and governance in India and China, and internal security threats facing Nepal, Myanmar, Bangladesh, and the Maldives. Governments and societies in the region have grappled with these issues for decades, sometimes successfully, sometimes not. To varying degrees, the issues have important implications for U.S. foreign policy in and beyond South Asia. Anyone interested in the security of South Asia will be rewarded with new insights from academics and analysts who address a wide range of subjects Stephen Philip Cohen covered during his long and distinguished career.

This is a unique and definitive study to reassess the complex dynamics of US-Korea diplomatic relations during the Reagan presidency. It examines the goals, methods, and legacy of Reagan's policy toward Korea with emphasis on the realities of alliance politics and the tactics of quiet diplomacy. It questions a widely held view that Reagan showed simplistic, inattentive, and rigid approaches toward foreign affairs, arguing that his actual policy, as demonstrated in the Korea case, was more sophisticated, nuanced, and pragmatic than commonly assumed. Based on a vast amount of confidential diplomatic documents, especially in Korean, and interviews the author has conducted with US and Korean leaders, Lee sheds new light on Reagan's role in promoting democratization in South Korea as well as his engagement with North Korea.

This book studies the reactions of India, Brazil, and South Africa the three main non-proliferation actors of the Global South to Iran's nuclear program. Their responses are explained and situated in wider foreign policy context.

A growing interest in the oeuvre of Hans J. Morgenthau and in re-readings of 'classical realism' increases the significance of his European, pre-emigration writings in order to understand the work of one of the founding figures of IR. This book is the first English translation of Morgenthau's French monograph La notion du politique from 1933 (translated by Maeva Vidal).

This book demonstrates that the Balfour Declaration--the British decision to establish a Jewish homeland in postwar Palestine made on November 2, 1917 -- was the culmination of over 60 years of active preoccupation with Jewish culture and history among the British elite. Among these activists were the social reformer Lord Shaftesbury, the statesman Benjamin Disraeli, the novelist George Eliot, the archaeologist Charles Warren, and the romantic adventurer Laurence Oliphant. This study demonstrates how admiration for Judaism among the British elite influenced their actions and even their view of the world.

National intelligence agencies have long adjusted to the opportunities and threats from new technologies. From spy planes and satellites to the internet, they have created structures, concepts, and practices to best apply these new capabilities. But recent technological developments are different in kind. Increasingly affordable to non-governmental actors, they are powerful enough to overwhelm and marginalize much of what agencies do. So far, the large intelligence agencies have been too slow to recognize the need for transformation. They believe they can work emerging technologies into the current paradigm just as they have with other advances. This book argues that only with a new paradigm can they take up this fundamentally new technological challenge. The book explores this fast-developing world for intelligence agencies and offers a path for maintaining their effectiveness and centrality. Along the way it analyzes the emerging technologies and explains how these will likely affect intelligence work. The Future of National Intelligence: How Emerging Technologies Reshape Intelligence Communities draws on a broad review of the academic literature, a deep familiarity with the relevant technologies, and extensive interviews and surveys with both intelligence practitioners and technology entrepreneurs. It lays out the principles for agency leaders to consider as they work on this essential transformation.

This original contribution largely based on unpublished material to the biography of an American president and to the diplomatic history of the United States traces Franklin Roosevelt's contacts with the French from his childhood until the end of his life. It necessarily concentrates on the years after he ascended the presidency--the pre-war years of the 1930s and the war years from 1939 to 1944. Especially knotty were the war years when Roosevelt had to deal with two French governments--the Vichy government and the Free French government of Charles de Gaulle--as well as their representatives and supporters.

English is used in diplomatic contexts worldwide, including in situations where none of the interlocutors are native-speakers. This ground-breaking volume brings together the perspectives of researchers and practitioners to discuss the needs of those using and learning English for Diplomatic Purposes. Chapter authors use concepts from sociolinguistics, World Englishes, Peace Linguistics and English as a Lingua Franca. Combined with this theoretical background is a pragmatic understanding of the work of diplomacy and the realities of communication, as well as exercises designed to help students, teachers and practicing diplomats reflect on, and develop, their language use. This book represents an important first step in the opening-up of English for Diplomatic Purposes as a distinct field of study and learning, and as such will be required reading for those working and studying in this area.

Written by international practitioners and scholars, this pioneering work offers important insights into peace mediation practice today and the role of third parties in the resolution of armed conflicts. The authors reveal how peace mediation has developed into a complex arena and how multifaceted assistance has become an indispensable part of it. Offering unique reflections on the new frameworks set out by the UN, they look at the challenges and opportunities of third-party involvement. With its policy focus and real-world examples from across the globe, this is essential reading for researchers of peace and conflict studies, and a go-to reference point for advisors involved in peace processes.

This book brings together social psychology understandings with grassroots peace-building initiatives in the Israeli-Palestinian context. For 40 years, researchers have explored the reasons for the conflict and its impacts, while Israeli and Palestinian civil society actors have undertaken joint peace-building activities. "Peace-Building in Israel and Palestine" offers an in-depth look at psycho-social research on the conflict and presents and analyzes diverse grassroots activities: joint research, women's social-economic empowerment, dialogue groups, political tourism, and peace-building efforts between Israelis and Palestinians from Gaza. The book offers new conceptualizations concerning the co-creation of a socially just Israeli-Palestinian grassroots peace process.

The May 19-20, 2011 Asan conference provided a venue to reassess foreign policy decision-making in China. Bringing together leading voices in this reassessment, the meeting elicited lively exchanges centered not on refuting rival interpretations but on jointly exploring leads that clarify the processes of China's foreign policy formulation that have yet to be adequately explained. Updating the conference papers to cover the end of 2011, this book reflects the state of analysis on the eve of the important 2012-13 transition to China's fifth-generation leaders.The Asan Institute for Policy Studies is an independent think tank located in Seoul, South Korea, that provides innovative policy solutions and spearheads public discourse on many of the core issues that Korea, East Asia, and the global community face. The goal of the institute is not only to offer policy solutions but also to train experts in public diplomacy and related fields in order to strengthen Korea's capacity to better tackle some of the most pressing problems affecting the country, the region and the world today.

The coral atoll of Diego Garcia (British Indian Ocean Territory) today is a pivotal US naval and air base for all Middle East operations (Afghanistan, Iraq, and potentially, Iran). This book, largely based on hitherto unpublished source material, describes the build-up of the base - starting with a secret US-UK bilateral deal in 1966; the deportation of the native island population in the 1970s; the clouded new role of Diego Garcia as a destination for Guantanamo-style 'renditions'; and the impacts of military construction on the environment of the island - which because of its average elevation of 4 ft above sea-level is at direct risk from climate change

With the advent of the Trump Administration, relations between Iran and the United States have become increasingly conflictual to the point that a future war between the two countries is a realistic possibility. President Trump has unilaterally withdrawn the US from the historic Iran nuclear accord and has re-imposed the nuclear-related sanctions, which had been removed as a result of that accord. Reflecting a new determined US effort to curb Iran's hegemonic behavior throughout the Middle East, Trump's Iran policy has all the markings of a sharp discontinuity in the Iran containment strategy of the previous six US administrations. The regime change policy, spearheaded by a hawkish cabinet with a long history of antipathy toward the Iranian government, has become the most salient feature of US policy toward Iran under President Trump. This turn in US foreign policy has important consequences not just for Iran but also for Iran's neighbors and prospects of long-term stability in the Persian Gulf and beyond. This book seeks to examine the fluid dynamic of US-Iran relations in the Trump era by providing a social scientific understanding of the pattern of hostility and antagonism between Washington and Tehran and the resulting spiraling conflict that may lead to a disastrous war in the region.

In the seventeenth century, riots, rebellions, and revolts flared around Europe. Concerned about their internal stability, many states responded by closely observing the violent upheavals that plagued their neighbours. Rebellion and Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe investigates how in this struggle for intelligence about internal discord, diplomats emerged as key information brokers and interpreters of Europe's tumultuous political landscape. The contributions in this volume uncover how diplomatic actors interacted with rulers, opposition leaders, informers, media entrepreneurs, and different audiences in their efforts to understand, communicate, and draw lessons from the insurrections in their time. Rebellion and Diplomacy also examines how diplomats actively tried to shape the course of internal conflicts by managing the spread news, supporting political factions at their court of residence, and even instigating violence. Covering different European regions from the Iberian Peninsula to Scandinavia and from the British Isles to the Carpathian Basin, the book will appeal to all students and researchers interested in early modern diplomacy, politics, and news cultures.

The ongoing tension and hostility between China and Taiwan in Africa are a continuation of the Chinese Civil War (1927-1949) between the forces of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which remained in mainland China, and the Kuomintang (KMT) of the Republic of China (ROC) which fled to the island of Taiwan. In the intervening years, China has claimed Taiwan as part of its territory and through persistent and aggressive political and economic efforts convinced much of the world to accept her as the sole and legitimate seat of the Chinese people and government. Africa-China-Taiwan Relations, 1949-2020 provides a coherent account of why and how China was able to convince African governments to acquiesce to her claims which have resulted in the expulsion of and the diplomatic isolation of Taiwan on the African continent. This volume, edited by Sabella Ogbobode Abidde, also explains Taiwan's unsuccessful efforts at blunting China's maneuvers. It further discusses the endogenous and exogenous factors that swayed African governments to switch their diplomatic allegiance away from Taiwan-a country that was for many years an ally and dependable partner in their quest for growth and development. Finally, the book contains critical assessments of the role and place of China and Taiwan and their current relationship with states and societies on the African continent.

The Compendium of World Sovereigns series contains three volumes Ancient, Medieval and Early Modern. These volumes provide students with easy-to-access 'who's who' with details the identities and dates, with ages and wives, where known, of heads of government in any given state at any time within the framework of reference. The relevant original and secondary sources are also listed in a comprehensive bibliography. Providing a clear reference guide for students, to who was who and when they ruled in the Dynasties and other ruler-lists for the Ancient, Medieval, and Early Modern worlds - primarily European and Middle Eastern but including available information on Africa and Asia and the pre-Columbian Americas. The trilogy accesses and interprets the original data plus any modern controversies and disputes over names and dating, reflecting on the shifts in and widening of focus in student and academic studies. Each volume contains league tables of rulers' 'records', and an extensive bibliographical guide to the relevant personnel and dynasties, plus any controversies, so readers can consult these for extra details and know exactly where to go for which information. All relevant information is collected and provided as a one-stop-shop for students wishing to check the known information about a world Sovereign. The Early Modern volume begins with Eastern and Western Europe and moves through the Ottoman Empire, South and East Asia, Africa and ends in Central and South America. Compendium of World Sovereigns: Volume III Early Modern provides students and scholars with the perfect reference guide to support their studies and to fact check dates, people, and places.

This book explores the images and perceptions of the European Union (EU) in the eyes of one of the EU's three strategic partners in Asia in the context of its own distinct policies and identity. It fills a major gap in existing studies on how Asians perceive the EU. The book examines the perception, representation and visibility of the EU in the Indian media, among the 'elites' and in public opinion. It explores whether the Union's self-proclaimed representation as a global actor, a normative power and a leader in environmental negotiations conforms to how it is actually perceived in Third World countries. The book asks questions such as, How have Indian images of Europe/European Union been changing from the 1940s to the present? What new narratives have emerged or are emerging about the EU in India? What does the rise of China mean for EU-India relations? Is the image of the EU changing in India or do old representations still persist even though the Union is acquiring a new personality in the world politics? How does India perceive Poland?

The Navy of the 21st Century, 2001-2022 presents an all-inclusive listing of the ships that have served in the U.S. Navy since the start of the new century. The newest and sixth volume of the U.S. Navy Warship Series provides insight into the technological innovations and modern weaponry featured in newer naval vessels, as well as controversies over the naming conventions of ships over past decades. The text contains specifications and illustrations for all the ships and submarines that have helped the U.S. maintain the world’s largest and most powerful navy to the present day. Many new developments have occurred during this period, and several new types of ships have emerged. The book includes latest developments such as the unmanned seagoing drones, as well as those now under construction or projected. Ships of other government departments, such as the Coast Guard, NOAA and the Army, that would be used in conjunction with the Navy are also highlighted. This is an essential reference volume for scholars and institutions specializing in American military history, policy, and strategy.

This book explores the role of national theatres, national cultural centres, cultural policy, festivals, and the film industry as creative and cultural performances hubs for exercising soft power and cultural diplomacy. It shows how can existing cultural and non-cultural infrastructures, sometimes referred to as the Orange Economy, open opportunities for diplomacy and soft power; ways by which cultural performance and creative practice can be re-centered in post-colonial Africa and in post-global pandemic era; and existing structures that cultural performers, diplomats, administrators, cultural entrepreneurs, and managers can leverage to re-enact cultural performance and creative practice on the continent. This volume is positioned within postcolonial discourse to amplify narratives, experiences and realities that are anti-oppressive especially within critical discourse.

This book is the first study of multilateral LGBT human rights diplomacy viewed from the perspective of its practitioners: diplomats, LGBT activists, human rights experts and multilateral specialists. It demonstrates how diplomats and advocates work to promote LGBT rights on the world stage, often using Western constructs of sexual and gender identity. In turn, these efforts have triggered conflict and polarization: opposing states often deploy cultural, religious and moral discourses to minimize LGBT rights as a "legitimate" human right. The author, a seasoned Canadian foreign service officer, human rights negotiator and former community activist and researcher, uses insider perspectives to critically assess both bilateral and multilateral diplomatic engagement on LGBT human rights issues. Janoff's research involved participation in UN meetings in Geneva and New York and 29 interviews with diplomats, human rights advocates and experts, and representatives from the UN and other inter-governmental organizations. Although LGBT issues have been mainstreamed into many areas of bilateral and multilateral human rights policy, his research found a considerable gap: a coordinated diplomatic and civil society approach is needed to more effectively address ongoing human rights violations against LGBT people around the world.

This book explores the relationship between diplomatic discourse and the Olympic Movement, charting its continuity and change from an historical perspective. Using the recent body of literature on diplomacy it explores the evolution of diplomatic discourse around a number of themes, in particular the increasing range of stakeholders engaged in the Olympic bid, disability advocacy and the mainstreaming of the Paralympic Games and the evolution of the Olympic boycott. The work addresses the increasing engagement of a number of non-state actors, in particular the IOC and the IPC, as indicative of the diffusion of contemporary diplomacy. At the same time it identifies the state as continuing in the role of primary actor, setting the terms of reference for diplomatic activity beyond the pursuit of its own policy interests. Its historical investigation, based around a UK case study, provides insights into the characteristics of diplomatic discourse relating to the Games, and creates the basis for mapping the future trajectory of diplomacy as it relates to the Olympic Movement.

This Palgrave Pivot presents a comprehensive introduction along with four essays on the institution of the American presidency, reflecting on broad implications for American political culture and practice. Each by an eminent scholar of the presidency, these pieces provide a thorough understanding of the uniqueness of the executive office of government and its evolution, with special emphasis on twentieth and twenty-first century practices and challenges. Together, they help to shed light on the current political crisis, and explain the circumstances in which Donald Trump has come to occupy this central office of American democracy.