This book represents the latest systematic study on relations between China and Latin American and Caribbean countries, one of the highest academic achievements of the Institute of Latin American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in recent years. This book comprehensively examines the development of diplomatic relations between China and Latin American and Caribbean countries, and elucidates the great diplomatic achievements of China over the past 65 years. The history of relations marks the chronology of China's foreign strategy adjustment, and the evolution of pattern and change of internal and diplomatic affairs of Latin American countries. As a cornerstone of the discipline of Latin American Studies in China, this book is a must-read for the study of Sino-Latin American relations.

The book emanates from the geopolitical and geo-economic churning and transformations set in motion by the unprecedented economic rise of China resulting in its expanding political influence across the region and the world. In both the economic and the security realms, the United States and China alike are increasingly seen contesting in shaping the Indo-Pacific regional order to their own advantage. This book unfolds the contours and dimensions of China's responses to various multilateral initiatives of the US and its friends and allies like Japan, Australia, and India and, to some extent, even ASEAN. While China's medium-term strategy envisages a non-hostile external environment in order to focus on domestic priorities; reducing dependence of littoral nations of the Indo-Pacific region on America while increasing their engagement and dependence on China. China's expanding reach and influence overseas has resulted in US-led initiatives being China-focused inviting a response from China where adverse reactions have become increasingly palpable.

Studies of the global political economy have rarely engaged with development in the Caribbean, the thought of its indigenous intellectuals, or the non-sovereign territories of the region. Matthew Bishop compares the development of the independent English-speaking islands of St Lucia and St Vincent and their non-sovereign French neighbours, Martinique and Guadeloupe. By explaining how distinctive patterns of British and French colonialism and decolonisation came to bear on them, he investigates how very different patterns of development have subsequently ensued, often with startling consequences in this era of globalization and crisis. By engaging with the empirical reality of the Caribbean, his study sheds light on a range of wider debates relating to development, indigenous thought, post-colonial sovereignty, small states, and the contemporary evolution of the global political economy.

The Middle East is undergoing a period of profound change, partly brought about by the United States' interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, but also by the Arab Spring. This is affecting regional relations between states and between the region and the US. For example, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE have supported rebel groups in Syria against the government, which was supported by Iran. Political Islam is a threat to both monarchies in the Gulf and secular states. Non-state actors, such as Islamic State (IS) and the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) are assuming an increasingly important role in shaping the region. Further, states such as Qatar and Turkey have undertaken their own quests to shift the existing regional balance of power in their favor through soft power deployment or new or broader international alliances. Lastly, the close strategic US-Saudi relationship, primarily based on oil and arms, is being eroded by a new economic reality and divergent foreign policy interests. This shifting alliances and new regional order is the focus of the book, which examines the factors that significantly impact the foreign relations between the countries of the Middle East. Through multiple case studies, the essays identify the emerging trends and influences that are now dominating the political decision making and policy behavior of many key states. The contributors, both scholars and practitioners, investigate the main foreign policy challenges and debates in the various states, the changing relations and balance of power between them, and the continuing role of the United States in the Middle East. Each chapter provides an overview of the last decade or so, before delving into the current challenges and opportunities (often in light of the US as a power with the ability to significantly impinge on state policies, and what these issues mean for the regional order. This primer on state politics and the transformative capacity of the Middle East will appeal to anyone studying the region. Contributions by: Gawdat Bahgat, Martin Beck, Kamran Bokhari, Morgane Colleau, Bryan Gibson, Christian Henderson, Rene Rieger, Farid Senzai, and Sebastian Sons

This book offers a new approach to studying foreign aid in the 21st century. While most analysts focus on the differences between traditional and emerging donors, Stallings and Kim here argue that a more important distinction is between East Asian donors and their western counterparts. Asian donors - Japan, South Korea, and China - cross the traditional and emerging divide and demonstrate a particular approach to development that draws on their own dramatic success. As East Asia continues its upward trajectory of economic development, the politics of aid can reveal surprising truths about the objectives and mechanisms of soft power and diplomacy in creating new networks in the region. This book will be of interest to NGO workers, scholars, and students of international relations, a critical part of research into Asia's rise and the emerging spheres of influence.

First published in 1981, Jerusalem provides an overview of the history of Jerusalem and its crucial linkage with the peace and stability in the Middle East. Jerusalem is unique amongst all the cities of the world because of its association with three great religions. It is the spiritual and religious heritage to one half of humanity and is holy for millions of Christians, Jews, and Muslims. All three religion have a vital interest in preserving in addition to their Holy places and sanctuaries, the living presence of the adherents to their faith in the Holy City. When the Zionist movement was formed at the end of the last century, the idea of a Jewish State was conceived as an answer to anti-semitism, and the movement initially considered other countries for settlement because Jerusalem was seen as a spiritual rather than a secular home to the Jewish people. Yet since the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, Zionism has claimed Jerusalem as its own. It is obvious that neither the Palestinians, not the Arabs, nor Islam and Christianity will acquiesce in Israeli domination. This book argues that the continuation of Zionism in its present form is likely to prove perilous to peace and stability in the region. This book is an important historical read for students and scholars of Middle East studies and Middle East history.

Even after its decisive Cold War victory and resounding anti-terrorism military campaigns, why is the United States unable to tackle soft security border threats? Five authors who examine illegal US immigration (Schiavon), Mexico's similar predicament (Gonzalez-Murphy), the conjunction of both (Hussain), a failed 43-year anti-drug war (Dominguez and Velazquez), and the threat expanding to Canada (Hussain), fault policy unilateralism and explore collective action. Utilizing multilateral security governance theory (Kirchner/Sperling, 2007), they propose a post-Westphalian outlet to better help (a) policy-makers control problems, (b) the academic community to solve puzzles, and (c) the public to feel secure.

Contemporary cosmopolitan moral theorists argue that, in our increasingly interconnected world, all individuals need to recognize that moral duties span state borders, involving responsibilities such as respecting human rights. Such arguments usually focus on the duties of individuals or on reforms for international political and economic institutions. The Cosmopolitan Potential of Exclusive Associations draws attention to how non-state, not-for-profit transnational associations can advance respect for equality in a plurality of less obvious ways. By synthesizing moral theories of cosmopolitanism with international relations scholarship, it is possible to establish criteria for assessing whether and to what extent transnational associations like Medecins sans Frontieres (Doctors without Borders) or the International Olympic Committee cultivate respect for fellow humans and build transnational communities. As these examples show, not all non-state associations have the mission of advocating for human rights. Membership is also not necessarily inclusive of all humanity. Membership criteria exclude based on criteria such as professional expertise, athletic prowess, or certain religious beliefs. As a result, assessing their impact requires looking for partial expressions of cosmopolitanism that arise piecemeal and without self-conscious intention. Rather than defending one version of cosmopolitan theory as more applicable to evaluating the impact of associations, adapting and combining four common approaches to cosmopolitanism-(1) institutional cosmopolitanism, (2) natural duties cosmopolitanism, (3) cultural cosmopolitanism, and (4) deliberative democratic cosmopolitanism-makes it possible to evaluate institutional, developmental, shared-identity, or public-sphere effects of associations. Applying the criteria to associations that do not self-consciously advance cosmopolitanism shows the potential for partial forms of cosmopolitanism. Medecins sans Frontieres, the first case explored, provides emergency medical care across the globe without establishing a transnational community with those it aids. The International Olympic Committee, the second case, brings the world together around global games in which national teams compete against each other. Dissidents in the Anglican Communion, the third case, unite across borders but do so in favor of an interpretation of the Bible that excludes gay men from ordained ministry. Despite non-cosmopolitan elements, each case has lessons about how respect for transnational equality can emerge in subtle ways without self-conscious belief in cosmopolitan moral philosophy.

Why and how America’s defense strategy must change in light of China’s power and ambition—A Wall Street Journal best book of 2021   “This is a realist’s book, laser-focused on China’s bid for mastery in Asia as the 21st century’s most important threat.�—Ross Douthat, New York Times   “Colby’s well-crafted and insightful Strategy of Denial provides a superb and, one suspects, essential departure point for an urgent and much-needed debate over U.S. defense strategy.�—Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr., Foreign Affairs   Elbridge A. Colby was the lead architect of the 2018 National Defense Strategy, the most significant revision of U.S. defense strategy in a generation. Here he lays out how America’s defense must change to address China’s growing power and ambition. Based firmly on the realist tradition but deeply engaged in current policy, this book offers a clear framework for what America’s goals in confronting China must be, how its military strategy must change, and how it must prioritize these goals over its lesser interests.   The most informed and in-depth reappraisal of America’s defense strategy in decades, this book outlines a rigorous but practical approach, showing how the United States can prepare to win a war with China that we cannot afford to lose—precisely in order to deter that war from happening.

This book is about the status of political equality under global political conditions. If political equality generally is considered a core feature of democracy, it has received little attention among theorists concerned with global governance. Given the enormous emphasis on democracy as legitimizing factor in global politics, this neglect is noteworthy. This book sets out to address what accounts for the neglect, on the one hand, and how it may be remedied, on the other. The overall aim is to revitalize the debate on the status of political equality in transnational democracy.

Set against the backdrop of tensions in East Asia, this book analyzes how East Asia's "new middle powers" and emerging powers employ public diplomacy as a key element of their foreign policy strategy and in so doing influence regional power dynamics. The volume brings together contributions from an international and influential group of scholars, who are leading debates on public diplomacy within East Asia. Where the study of public diplomacy has so far focused primarily on the West, the essays in this book highlight the distinct strategies of East Asian powers and demonstrate that understanding public diplomacy requires studying its strategies and practices outside as much as within the Western world. A focus on public diplomacy likewise gives us a more varied picture of state-to-state relations in East Asia.

This book offers a range of perspectives on the Africa-China partnership in the context of the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). Incorporating historical, political, social and cultural dimensions, it offers innovative views on the Africa-China relationship that combine theory and practice, and critically examines the prospects of a Pan-African policy towards China, complementary to China's comprehensive African policy. The chapters address a number of key questions, including: What steps are being taken to achieve a more coordinated approach and policy towards China on the African continent? Does Africa even need a collective strategy in the first place? How would a coherent policy framework affect Africa's relations with Europe and other external partners? How do the pillars of the partnership align with the African Union's Agenda 2063 and the United Nation's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development?

Diplomacy and the Independence of Bangladesh is unique in itself, penned by a social scientist with extensive upbringing in studies on diplomacy, strategic fields, peace research, modern history, and international relations. A witness to the momentous events of Bangladesh's struggle for emancipation, as they unfolded during Pakistani rule in East Pakistan, the author also sets in conceptual designs for objective appraisals of the farsighted statesmanship of its founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, with added reflections on shifting dimensions of diplomacy and their ramifications for mankind's waning civilizational journey.

Until deep into the 20th century, empire remained a source of pride for European states and their politicians. The 21st century, however, has seen the unexpected emergence of certain European states apologising to their former colonies. Analysing apologies from Germany, Belgium, Britain and Italy, this book explores the shifting ways in which these countries represent their colonial pasts and investigates what this reveals about contemporary international politics, particularly relations between (former) coloniser and colonised. It is argued that, far from renouncing colonialism in its entirety, the apologies are replete with discourses that are reminiscent of the core legitimising tenets of empire. Specifically, the book traces how the apologies both illuminate and recycle many of the inequalities, mind-sets and ambivalences that circulated at the height of empire. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of peace and post-conflict resolution studies, memory studies, colonial studies and postcolonial theory. More broadly, it will be of interest to those studying political science, International Relations, sociology and development.

The scholarly study of international relations tends to go over the same cases, issues, and themes. This book addresses this by challenging readers to think creatively about international politics. It highlights some of the strangest and rarest phenomena in diplomacy and world politics. Comprised of a series of vignettes and organized by common themes like nonsensical borders, quasi-countries, and diplomatic taboos, Weird IR encourages readers to think critically about the discipline without losing one's sense of humor completely.

This book brings together a collection of works by scholars who have produced some of the most innovative and influential work on the topic of First World War nursing in the last ten years. The contributors employ an interdisciplinary collaborative approach that takes into account multiple facets of Allied wartime nursing: historical contexts (history of the profession, recruitment, teaching, different national socio-political contexts), popular cultural stereotypes (in propaganda, popular culture) and longstanding gender norms (woman-as-nurturer). They draw on a wide range of hitherto neglected historical sources, including diaries, novels, letters and material culture. The result is a fully-rounded new study of nurses' unique and compelling perspectives on the unprecedented experiences of the First World War.

While there are no shortages of books about the Cyprus Conflict, this book offers the best summary of the negotiations around. The book comes at a critical time for the partitioned island-state of Cyprus and for those associated with the conflict and attempts to resolve it. By placing the conflict in its historical, ideological, ethno-political and geostrategic context, the book extends beyond conventional realist approaches and lays bare those less visible dimensions that are often ignored by analysts and policy-makers alike. The book is of direct interest not only to experts and students but to all those engaged in the practice of conflict resolution.

America's regional foreign policy priorities are shifting, toward Asia, the Middle East, Latin America, and Africa, and away from Europe and Russia. Wiarda examines these changes and the reasons for them in each of these regional areas in this comprehensive work on global perspective on American foreign policy. Designed as a text for introductory international relations, foreign policy, comparative politics, and world politics courses, this book succeeds in integrating these often separate subfields and shows how the study of comparative politics can enlighten foreign policy.

China's exponential rise and America's relative decline have led to a transition of power in contemporary Asia. The US pivot towards Asia is the most evident manifestation of such a transition, and Indian foreign policy shows signs of a hedging strategy, with attempts to strengthen ties with both China and the US.

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Japan's Asian diplomacy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Under the Kantei-centred policymaking system, Shinzo Abe has implemented assertive foreign policies with a slogan of 'diplomacy taking a panoramic perspective of the world'. The analyses in the book cover the traditional and emerging fields of national security and international political economy. While its empirical examination is based on field-specific research, it also incorporates the analysis of Japan's bilateral relations with China, the US, India, and others. In addition, the book provides a solid, theory-driven analysis of Japan's external policy and relations. In an independent chapter, this work sets up integrative theoretical frameworks for empirical analyses by relying on key concepts drawn from the three international relations theories of realism, liberalism and constructivism. Going forward, research in this book also explores the development of key regional affairs. Maritime security and space security are two of major security-related affairs, in which the states in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific have to engage, including the development of the TPP (TPP-11) and RCEP, as well as infrastructure development and development cooperation, which are crucial in relation to China's initiatives in the BRI and AIIB. Lastly, the book provides valuable references to regionalism in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific by analyzing regional integration/cooperation through free trade agreements and the development of regional connectivity. This includes the evolution of cooperation and conflict within key regional frameworks such as the East Asia Summit and APEC, as well as key regional visions such as the Free and Open Indo-Pacific. It also takes into account the possible influence of ideational factors such as norms, principles, and rules on the development of regional cooperation.

Today's embassy blends tradition and change. It accommodates multiple state and non-state actors who jostle on the international stage. This innovative study considers why embassies today are especially relevant to the international system, examining the new representation options and global diplomacy techniques in an information age.Located at the cutting edge of sustaining relations with foreign countries, the embassy plays an expanded role of in bilateral, regional and multilateral affairs, as a promoter of national interests. As foreign ministries and diplomatic networks are expected to deliver more whilst material and human resources in public services are shrinking, this text addresses how embassies can improve their functioning, working in an enlightened, empowered and effective manner. Supported by empirical research and interviews with diplomats and other professionals, alongside unique insights into the experiences of developing countries, The Contemporary Embassy will be a valuable resource for diplomacy scholars and practitioners alike.

How did France and Australia develop a deep strategic partnership, when only about two decades ago, a group of Australians bombed the French consulate in Perth to protest against French nuclear testing in the Pacific? Which interests, which personalities, which elements of the global context have led France and Australia to engage in a regional and global rapprochement, and what have been the human, economic and political prerequisites which enabled it? This book aims to investigate the dynamics behind this historically ambiguous relationship. More precisely, this study explains why and how France and Australia are currently engaged in a process of strategic and economic mutual empowerment and how this rapprochement has been possible, owing to thirty years of diplomatic efforts to overcome ongoing culturally and historically constructed misunderstandings and conflicts. This book demonstrates how French and Australian foreign policy-makers have understood that, in regard to their numerous common interests, both countries had to mutually empower each other in order to strengthen their own power, regionally and globally. This book argues that these inclusive dynamics of empowerment constitute the response of two diverse middle powers to current global threats and represent a tool suitable for modernising the strategies and practices of both countries' diplomacies. Soyez' research is the first to propose an answer to these questions through the development of the French-Australian strategic partnership.

Anglo-Chinese Encounters Before the Opium War: A Tale of Two Empires Over Two Centuries studies the fascinating encounters between the two historic empires from Queen Elizabeth I's first letter to the Ming Emperor Wanli in 1583, to Lord Palmerston's letter to the Minister of China in 1840. Starting with Queen Elizabeth I's letter to the Chinese Emperor and ending with the letter from Lord Palmerston to the Minister of China just before the Opium War, this book explores the long journey in between from cultural diplomacy to gunboat diplomacy. It interweaves the most known diplomatic efforts at the official level with the much unknown intellectual interactions at the people-to-people level, from missionaries to scholars, from merchants to travelers and from artists to scientists. This book adopts a novel "mirror" approach by pairing and comparing people, texts, commodities, artworks, architecture, ideologies, operating systems and world views of the two empires. Using letters, gifts and traded goods as fulcrums, and by adopting these unique lenses, it puts China into the world history narratives to contextualise Anglo-Chinese relations, thus providing a fresh analysis of the surviving evidence. Xin Liu casts a new light on understanding the Sino-centric and Anglo-centric world views in driving the complex relations between the two empires, and the reversals of power shifts that are still unfolding today. The book is not intended for specialists in history, but a general audience wishing to learn more about China's historical engagement with the world.

This book explores how Vietnam's leadership conceptualises and conducts public diplomacy (PD) and offers a comparative analysis with regional powers. Drawing on social constructivism as its theoretical framework it investigates the rationale behind an authoritarian regime's implementation of public diplomacy to contribute to a better understanding of the broader framework of foreign-domestic policy. This theoretical and practical exploration of Vietnam's PD in cases of cultural diplomacy, South China Sea diplomacy and online activism situates it in the general academic and theoretical discussion on soft power. Key variables to the conceptualisation and conduct of Vietnam's PD, namely national interest, national identity and changing information technologies, especially the Internet and social media, are also thoroughly investigated. With crosscutting themes ranging from politics and international relations to communication studies, it will appeal to students and scholars of identity politics, populism and nationalism.

"In his account of the relationship between France, the UK and the US Andrew Williams successfully intertwines diplomatic history with international thought. We are presented with a historical stage that includes both the doers and the thinkers of the age, and as a result this is a must read for both diplomatic historians and historians of international thought. The second in a multivolume study, this volume takes the story beyond the fall of France into the war years, the period of post-war reconstruction, and the Cold War. As with the first volume, Williams is an excellent guide, stepping over the ruins of past worlds, and introducing us to an epoch with more than its fair share of both visionaries and villains. Yet in this second volume the stakes are higher, as the United States comes to terms with its role as the paramount world power, Britain faces a world that challenges its imperial order, and France is picking up the pieces from its defeat." Lucian Ashworth, Memorial University, Canada "Following on from his outstanding first volume reviewing the complex interwar relationships between France, Britain and the United States, Williams' second volume is an indispensable and lucid overview of the vitally important era of post-war reconstruction. From national post-war developments to institutional structures and superpower shifts, Williams examines clearly and engagingly the final passing of pre-modern power structures and the emergence of a new Europe." Amelia Hadfield, University of Surrey, UK "At a time of intense debates about Europe, the 'Anglosphere' and empires old and new, Andrew Williams's book is a timely demonstration that the weight of emotion in the shaping of foreign policy and its makers should not be forgotten. Unearthing some of the 'forces profondes' in diplomacy and reflecting on feelings of humiliation and liberation in national constructs, Andrew Williams discusses the cultural conceptions and misconceptions that French, American and British diplomats had of each other, thereby revisiting the reasons why the 'special relationship' was largely a myth - but one which had tangible consequences on French and British policies in their retreat from empire. By connecting the personal and the national, the structural and accidental, Williams offers essential insights into the major conflicts of the period and their impact on diplomatic cultures across the Atlantic." Melanie Torrent, Universite Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens, France The second volume of this study of France's unique contribution to the international relations of the last century covers the period from the Fall of France in 1940 to Charles de Gaulle's triumphant return to power in the late 1950s. France had gone from being a victorious member of the coalition with Britain and the United States that won the First World War to a defeated nation in a few short weeks. France then experienced the humiliation of collaboration with and occupation by the enemy, followed by resistance and liberation and a slow return to global influence over the next twenty years. This volume examines how these processes played out by concentrating on France's relations with Britain and the United States, most importantly over questions of post-war order, the integration of Europe and the withdrawal from Empire.