Written in a lively and readable style by the world's leading authority on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and US-European relations, Defense of the West is the history of a transatlantic security relationship that has endured for over seventy years. This latest edition of a classic work looks at how developments inside NATO and European Union member states affect their ability to defend against external threats while preserving Western values, in the era of Trump and Brexit. Sloan frankly addresses the failures and shortcomings of Western institutions and member states. But the book emphasizes the continuing importance of value-based transatlantic security cooperation as a vital element of the defense and foreign policies of NATO and EU member states. At a time of heightened tension and political turmoil, at home and abroad, Stan Sloan's lucid and far-sighted analysis is more necessary than ever. -- .

U.S. foreign relations in the Middle East has remained crucial through many decades and the complications facing the United States in the Middle East have become even more acute. While the United States downgraded its military operations in Iraq, that country failed to achieve a stable, democratic footing and instead experienced schism and civil strife. Israeli-Palestinian disputes over land, the status of refugees, and control of Jerusalem intensified, and international conflicts between Arab states and Israel escalated for the first time since the 1980s. The Arab Spring protest movements of 2011 and after ignited political turmoil across the region, leading to revolutionary change in several states and triggering persistent unrest and violence in Libya, Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq. During the recent decade, in short, the Middle East has become the most unstable, dangerous, and complicated region of the world and the United States remains near the center of the maelstrom. This second edition of Historical Dictionary of United States-Middle East Relations contains a chronology, an introduction, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 300 cross-referenced entries on national leaders, non-governmental organizations, policy initiatives, and armed conflicts, as well as entries on such topics as intelligence, immigration, and weapons of mass destruction. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about the US and Middle East Relations.

Analyzes the argument behind the NIEO, that decolonialism had become neocolonialism and that the multinational corporations were its agents The book provides a tantalising glimpse of how a world shaped by different actors may have panned out The author has a long track record of important publications at the intersection of History and Political Science

In this book, leading experts in international negotiations present formal models of conflict resolution and international negotiations. It examines how the abstract concept of formal models can be made more understandable to those not trained to work with them, what can be done to encourage the use of formal methods in the real world, and ways in which politicians and diplomats can apply formal methods to the problems they are currently facing.

This book focuses on the extent to which Soviet scholars and cultural theoreticians were able to act autonomously during the Stalin era. The authors question how we should consider certain intellectual achievements which took place despite the pressure of Stalinism, and how best to recognise and describe such achievements. The chapters in this book offer suggestions for new interpretations on Soviet philosophy of science and humanities, linguistics, philosophy, musicology, literature and mathematics from the point of view of general cultural theory. In this way, they challenge the received image of the Stalin-era humanities which reduces them into mere propaganda. Intended for scholars of Russian and Soviet studies, this book will dispel many received views about the character of Stalinism and Soviet culture.

This book represents the latest systematic study on relations between China and Latin American and Caribbean countries, one of the highest academic achievements of the Institute of Latin American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in recent years. This book comprehensively examines the development of diplomatic relations between China and Latin American and Caribbean countries, and elucidates the great diplomatic achievements of China over the past 65 years. The history of relations marks the chronology of China's foreign strategy adjustment, and the evolution of pattern and change of internal and diplomatic affairs of Latin American countries. As a cornerstone of the discipline of Latin American Studies in China, this book is a must-read for the study of Sino-Latin American relations.

The book emanates from the geopolitical and geo-economic churning and transformations set in motion by the unprecedented economic rise of China resulting in its expanding political influence across the region and the world. In both the economic and the security realms, the United States and China alike are increasingly seen contesting in shaping the Indo-Pacific regional order to their own advantage. This book unfolds the contours and dimensions of China's responses to various multilateral initiatives of the US and its friends and allies like Japan, Australia, and India and, to some extent, even ASEAN. While China's medium-term strategy envisages a non-hostile external environment in order to focus on domestic priorities; reducing dependence of littoral nations of the Indo-Pacific region on America while increasing their engagement and dependence on China. China's expanding reach and influence overseas has resulted in US-led initiatives being China-focused inviting a response from China where adverse reactions have become increasingly palpable.

Studies of the global political economy have rarely engaged with development in the Caribbean, the thought of its indigenous intellectuals, or the non-sovereign territories of the region. Matthew Bishop compares the development of the independent English-speaking islands of St Lucia and St Vincent and their non-sovereign French neighbours, Martinique and Guadeloupe. By explaining how distinctive patterns of British and French colonialism and decolonisation came to bear on them, he investigates how very different patterns of development have subsequently ensued, often with startling consequences in this era of globalization and crisis. By engaging with the empirical reality of the Caribbean, his study sheds light on a range of wider debates relating to development, indigenous thought, post-colonial sovereignty, small states, and the contemporary evolution of the global political economy.

The Middle East is undergoing a period of profound change, partly brought about by the United States' interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, but also by the Arab Spring. This is affecting regional relations between states and between the region and the US. For example, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE have supported rebel groups in Syria against the government, which was supported by Iran. Political Islam is a threat to both monarchies in the Gulf and secular states. Non-state actors, such as Islamic State (IS) and the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) are assuming an increasingly important role in shaping the region. Further, states such as Qatar and Turkey have undertaken their own quests to shift the existing regional balance of power in their favor through soft power deployment or new or broader international alliances. Lastly, the close strategic US-Saudi relationship, primarily based on oil and arms, is being eroded by a new economic reality and divergent foreign policy interests. This shifting alliances and new regional order is the focus of the book, which examines the factors that significantly impact the foreign relations between the countries of the Middle East. Through multiple case studies, the essays identify the emerging trends and influences that are now dominating the political decision making and policy behavior of many key states. The contributors, both scholars and practitioners, investigate the main foreign policy challenges and debates in the various states, the changing relations and balance of power between them, and the continuing role of the United States in the Middle East. Each chapter provides an overview of the last decade or so, before delving into the current challenges and opportunities (often in light of the US as a power with the ability to significantly impinge on state policies, and what these issues mean for the regional order. This primer on state politics and the transformative capacity of the Middle East will appeal to anyone studying the region. Contributions by: Gawdat Bahgat, Martin Beck, Kamran Bokhari, Morgane Colleau, Bryan Gibson, Christian Henderson, Rene Rieger, Farid Senzai, and Sebastian Sons

This book offers a new approach to studying foreign aid in the 21st century. While most analysts focus on the differences between traditional and emerging donors, Stallings and Kim here argue that a more important distinction is between East Asian donors and their western counterparts. Asian donors - Japan, South Korea, and China - cross the traditional and emerging divide and demonstrate a particular approach to development that draws on their own dramatic success. As East Asia continues its upward trajectory of economic development, the politics of aid can reveal surprising truths about the objectives and mechanisms of soft power and diplomacy in creating new networks in the region. This book will be of interest to NGO workers, scholars, and students of international relations, a critical part of research into Asia's rise and the emerging spheres of influence.

First published in 1981, Jerusalem provides an overview of the history of Jerusalem and its crucial linkage with the peace and stability in the Middle East. Jerusalem is unique amongst all the cities of the world because of its association with three great religions. It is the spiritual and religious heritage to one half of humanity and is holy for millions of Christians, Jews, and Muslims. All three religion have a vital interest in preserving in addition to their Holy places and sanctuaries, the living presence of the adherents to their faith in the Holy City. When the Zionist movement was formed at the end of the last century, the idea of a Jewish State was conceived as an answer to anti-semitism, and the movement initially considered other countries for settlement because Jerusalem was seen as a spiritual rather than a secular home to the Jewish people. Yet since the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, Zionism has claimed Jerusalem as its own. It is obvious that neither the Palestinians, not the Arabs, nor Islam and Christianity will acquiesce in Israeli domination. This book argues that the continuation of Zionism in its present form is likely to prove perilous to peace and stability in the region. This book is an important historical read for students and scholars of Middle East studies and Middle East history.

Even after its decisive Cold War victory and resounding anti-terrorism military campaigns, why is the United States unable to tackle soft security border threats? Five authors who examine illegal US immigration (Schiavon), Mexico's similar predicament (Gonzalez-Murphy), the conjunction of both (Hussain), a failed 43-year anti-drug war (Dominguez and Velazquez), and the threat expanding to Canada (Hussain), fault policy unilateralism and explore collective action. Utilizing multilateral security governance theory (Kirchner/Sperling, 2007), they propose a post-Westphalian outlet to better help (a) policy-makers control problems, (b) the academic community to solve puzzles, and (c) the public to feel secure.

Contemporary cosmopolitan moral theorists argue that, in our increasingly interconnected world, all individuals need to recognize that moral duties span state borders, involving responsibilities such as respecting human rights. Such arguments usually focus on the duties of individuals or on reforms for international political and economic institutions. The Cosmopolitan Potential of Exclusive Associations draws attention to how non-state, not-for-profit transnational associations can advance respect for equality in a plurality of less obvious ways. By synthesizing moral theories of cosmopolitanism with international relations scholarship, it is possible to establish criteria for assessing whether and to what extent transnational associations like Medecins sans Frontieres (Doctors without Borders) or the International Olympic Committee cultivate respect for fellow humans and build transnational communities. As these examples show, not all non-state associations have the mission of advocating for human rights. Membership is also not necessarily inclusive of all humanity. Membership criteria exclude based on criteria such as professional expertise, athletic prowess, or certain religious beliefs. As a result, assessing their impact requires looking for partial expressions of cosmopolitanism that arise piecemeal and without self-conscious intention. Rather than defending one version of cosmopolitan theory as more applicable to evaluating the impact of associations, adapting and combining four common approaches to cosmopolitanism-(1) institutional cosmopolitanism, (2) natural duties cosmopolitanism, (3) cultural cosmopolitanism, and (4) deliberative democratic cosmopolitanism-makes it possible to evaluate institutional, developmental, shared-identity, or public-sphere effects of associations. Applying the criteria to associations that do not self-consciously advance cosmopolitanism shows the potential for partial forms of cosmopolitanism. Medecins sans Frontieres, the first case explored, provides emergency medical care across the globe without establishing a transnational community with those it aids. The International Olympic Committee, the second case, brings the world together around global games in which national teams compete against each other. Dissidents in the Anglican Communion, the third case, unite across borders but do so in favor of an interpretation of the Bible that excludes gay men from ordained ministry. Despite non-cosmopolitan elements, each case has lessons about how respect for transnational equality can emerge in subtle ways without self-conscious belief in cosmopolitan moral philosophy.

This book is about the status of political equality under global political conditions. If political equality generally is considered a core feature of democracy, it has received little attention among theorists concerned with global governance. Given the enormous emphasis on democracy as legitimizing factor in global politics, this neglect is noteworthy. This book sets out to address what accounts for the neglect, on the one hand, and how it may be remedied, on the other. The overall aim is to revitalize the debate on the status of political equality in transnational democracy.

The Paris Peace Conference marked a turning-point in international history generally, and for the British Empire in particular. This book studies the evolution of British plans for the peace settlement following the First World War. The introduction of expert advisers into the foreign policy process was a critical innovation. Some perceived new imperatives for the age, others remained wedded to traditional beliefs. Erik Goldstein shows that the handful of individuals closely involved in the formulation of foreign policy succeeded in creating a coherent diplomatic strategy. He examines the growth of government planning and the changing relations between the Civil Service and ministers. He analyses the considerable influence of the little-studied Political Intelligence Department, whose members included Arnold Toynbee, Lewis Namier, Harold Nicolson, Alfred Zimmern, and Robert Vansittart. This detailed study of the Paris Peace Conference and its background makes a significant contribution to our understanding of twentieth-century European history.

This book is the first to provide a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the foreign policy of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a post-conflict country with an active agency in international affairs. Bridging academic and policy debates, the book summarizes and further examines the first twenty-five years of BiH's foreign policy following the country's independence from Yugoslavia in 1992. Topics covered include conflict and post-conflict periods, Euro-Atlantic integration, political affairs on both local and regional levels, integration with a variety of international organizations and actors, neighboring states, bilateral relations with relevant other states including the United States, Russia, selected EU countries, and Turkey, as well as BiH's diaspora. The book highlights that despite their apparent weakness, post-conflict states have agency to carry out foreign policy goals and engage with the international sphere, including in geopolitics, and thus provides a novel insight into weak states and their role in international politics.

Set against the backdrop of tensions in East Asia, this book analyzes how East Asia's "new middle powers" and emerging powers employ public diplomacy as a key element of their foreign policy strategy and in so doing influence regional power dynamics. The volume brings together contributions from an international and influential group of scholars, who are leading debates on public diplomacy within East Asia. Where the study of public diplomacy has so far focused primarily on the West, the essays in this book highlight the distinct strategies of East Asian powers and demonstrate that understanding public diplomacy requires studying its strategies and practices outside as much as within the Western world. A focus on public diplomacy likewise gives us a more varied picture of state-to-state relations in East Asia.

This book offers a range of perspectives on the Africa-China partnership in the context of the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). Incorporating historical, political, social and cultural dimensions, it offers innovative views on the Africa-China relationship that combine theory and practice, and critically examines the prospects of a Pan-African policy towards China, complementary to China's comprehensive African policy. The chapters address a number of key questions, including: What steps are being taken to achieve a more coordinated approach and policy towards China on the African continent? Does Africa even need a collective strategy in the first place? How would a coherent policy framework affect Africa's relations with Europe and other external partners? How do the pillars of the partnership align with the African Union's Agenda 2063 and the United Nation's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development?

Diplomacy and the Independence of Bangladesh is unique in itself, penned by a social scientist with extensive upbringing in studies on diplomacy, strategic fields, peace research, modern history, and international relations. A witness to the momentous events of Bangladesh's struggle for emancipation, as they unfolded during Pakistani rule in East Pakistan, the author also sets in conceptual designs for objective appraisals of the farsighted statesmanship of its founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, with added reflections on shifting dimensions of diplomacy and their ramifications for mankind's waning civilizational journey.

Until deep into the 20th century, empire remained a source of pride for European states and their politicians. The 21st century, however, has seen the unexpected emergence of certain European states apologising to their former colonies. Analysing apologies from Germany, Belgium, Britain and Italy, this book explores the shifting ways in which these countries represent their colonial pasts and investigates what this reveals about contemporary international politics, particularly relations between (former) coloniser and colonised. It is argued that, far from renouncing colonialism in its entirety, the apologies are replete with discourses that are reminiscent of the core legitimising tenets of empire. Specifically, the book traces how the apologies both illuminate and recycle many of the inequalities, mind-sets and ambivalences that circulated at the height of empire. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of peace and post-conflict resolution studies, memory studies, colonial studies and postcolonial theory. More broadly, it will be of interest to those studying political science, International Relations, sociology and development.

The scholarly study of international relations tends to go over the same cases, issues, and themes. This book addresses this by challenging readers to think creatively about international politics. It highlights some of the strangest and rarest phenomena in diplomacy and world politics. Comprised of a series of vignettes and organized by common themes like nonsensical borders, quasi-countries, and diplomatic taboos, Weird IR encourages readers to think critically about the discipline without losing one's sense of humor completely.

While there are no shortages of books about the Cyprus Conflict, this book offers the best summary of the negotiations around. The book comes at a critical time for the partitioned island-state of Cyprus and for those associated with the conflict and attempts to resolve it. By placing the conflict in its historical, ideological, ethno-political and geostrategic context, the book extends beyond conventional realist approaches and lays bare those less visible dimensions that are often ignored by analysts and policy-makers alike. The book is of direct interest not only to experts and students but to all those engaged in the practice of conflict resolution.

America's regional foreign policy priorities are shifting, toward Asia, the Middle East, Latin America, and Africa, and away from Europe and Russia. Wiarda examines these changes and the reasons for them in each of these regional areas in this comprehensive work on global perspective on American foreign policy. Designed as a text for introductory international relations, foreign policy, comparative politics, and world politics courses, this book succeeds in integrating these often separate subfields and shows how the study of comparative politics can enlighten foreign policy.

This book brings together a collection of works by scholars who have produced some of the most innovative and influential work on the topic of First World War nursing in the last ten years. The contributors employ an interdisciplinary collaborative approach that takes into account multiple facets of Allied wartime nursing: historical contexts (history of the profession, recruitment, teaching, different national socio-political contexts), popular cultural stereotypes (in propaganda, popular culture) and longstanding gender norms (woman-as-nurturer). They draw on a wide range of hitherto neglected historical sources, including diaries, novels, letters and material culture. The result is a fully-rounded new study of nurses' unique and compelling perspectives on the unprecedented experiences of the First World War.

China's exponential rise and America's relative decline have led to a transition of power in contemporary Asia. The US pivot towards Asia is the most evident manifestation of such a transition, and Indian foreign policy shows signs of a hedging strategy, with attempts to strengthen ties with both China and the US.