Decisive rejection by French and Dutch voters in 2005 forced the EU to abandon the Constitutional Treaty agreed the previous year. Yet by the end of the 2007, contrary to all expectations and after an intergovernmental conference essentially devoid of substantive negotiation, EU leaders had agreed and signed the Treaty of Lisbon containing the bulk of the Constitutional Treaty's substantive reforms. How did this latest treaty come about? Why did events move so quickly in 2007? Who were the key actors and what methods did they use to enable a treaty to be drawn up and agreed in such a short period of time? This book explores the unique process that saw EU leaders hastily agree a lengthy and detailed mandate for the intergovernmental conference. In doings so, it highlights the pivotal roles played by the German Council Presidency and key institutional actors in paving the way for and securing agreement among EU leaders on the new treaty.

Leading scholars explore the role played by the American Embassy in London and the US Ambassador to the Court of St James's, not only in bilateral UK-US relations, but also in wider international issues over the years the Embassy has been in Grosvenor Square. This volume covers the period from 1938 to 2008, effectively the lifespan of what has often been termed "the special relationship," from its birth in the Second World War, through the challenges of the Cold War to the present day.
Debates about the "specialness" of the relationship in the post-war context are key, as are discussions about the impact of the development and demise of the "Cold War," the ongoing impact of European integration, the influence of nuclear weapons and NATO, and wider economic, cultural, demographic and environmental forces that have shaped the transatlantic relationship to arguably form the basis of a new model of "transatlantic diplomacy."

Addressing the impact of the Russian Revolution and change and continuity in diplomacy during the transition from Empire to Soviet Union, this book examines how Russia's diplomacy was conducted, the diplomats behind it, the establishment of the Soviet diplomatic corps and the steps taken to integrate the Soviets into the diplomatic world.

This book provides the reader with a broad overview of the current debate on the evaluation of transnational NGOs, combining the academic with the practitioners perspectives. The contributions to this edited volume deal with the key concepts of legitimacy, accountability and representation, covering a variety of issue areas and NGOs.

Designed as a companion to the acclaimed "Spain in the Twentieth-Century World" (Greenwood Press, 1980), this volume is a survey of 19th-century Spanish diplomacy. Although the 19th century is often considered highly fragmented in Spanish history, this distinguished set of writers shows that insofar as diplomacy goes, Spain has followed very consistent lines of activities throughout the century. Spaniards have attempted to use diplomacy to further national and international objectives with mixed results. This study adds insight into the national political affairs of Spain while dealing directly with the events of such regions as North Africa, Santo Domingo, Mexico, the United States, Portugal, France, Great Britain, Chile, and Peru. It is also an important contribution to the diplomacy of the 19th-century, post-Napoleonic Mediterranean world.

This volume affords a fascinating and rare look at the sensitive issue of nuclear diplomacy between two critical Cold War allies, the United States and Japan, during the 1960s. Challenging the silence of the official bureaucracies in Washington and Tokyo, Wakaizumi Kei reveals the truth behind the secret 1969 agreement that ensured the eventual reversion of Okinawa to Japanese jurisdiction in 1972. Revelation of this secret accord created considerable controversy in Japan when Wakaizumi's memoir was first published in 1994. With the publication of this translation, his description of the events leading up to the closed-door agreement is available to an English-language audience for the first time.

At a time when security matters are once again predominant in the U.S. -- Japan alliance, Professor Wakaizumi's account is a timely reminder of the gap between official, media-filtered descriptions of diplomatic relations and the private discussions of national leaders. The long-standing reluctance of the Japanese government to declassify its postwar diplomatic records has meant that Japan's side of its relationship with the U.S. has been only partially revealed. The Best Course Available attempts to correct this shortcoming and at the same time provides insight into the complicated and arcane process of foreign policymaking, national leadership, and domestic politics in Japan after 1945.

Studies of the history of international relations traditionally have focused on the decisions made by those at the highest levels of government. In more recent years, scholars have expanded their attention to cover economic, cultural, or social interactions among nations. What has remained largely ignored, however, is the impact of an increasingly-interdependent world upon the environment and, conversely, how environmental concerns have affected the ecology, social relationships, economics, and politics at national, regional, and global levels. The Environment and International History fills this gap, looking at the interrelationship between international politics and the environment. Using a transnational and interdisciplinary approach, this book examines how imperialism, war, and a divergence of interests between the developed and underdeveloped world all have had implications for plants, animals, and humans worldwide.

This volume examines British and US attitudes towards the means and mechanisms for the facilitation of an Arab-Israeli reconciliation, focusing specifically on the refugee factor in diplomatic initiatives. It explains why Britain and the US were unable to reconcile the local parties to an agreement on the future of the Palestinian refugees.

CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title 2016 This book examines six summits spanning the beginning and the end of the Cold War. Using declassified documents from U.S., British, and other archives, Chris Tudda shows how the Cold War developed from an ideological struggle between capitalism and communism into a truly global struggle. From Potsdam in 1945, to Malta in 1989, the nuclear superpowers met to determine how to end World War II, manage the arms race, and ultimately, end the Cold War. Meanwhile, the newly independent nations of the "Third World," including the People's Republic of China, became active and respected members of the international community determined to manage their own fates independent of the superpowers. The six summits - Potsdam (1945), Bandung (1955), Glassboro (1967), Beijing (1972), Vienna (1972), and Malta (1989) - are here examined together in a single volume for the first time. An introductory essay provides a historiographical analysis of Cold War summitry, while the conclusion ties the summits together and demonstrates how the history of the Cold War can be understood not only by examining the meetings between the superpowers, but also by analyzing how the developing nations became agents of change and thus affected international relations.

The proliferation of "minilateral" summits is reshaping how international security problems are addressed, yet these summits remain a poorly understood phenomenon. In this groundbreaking work, Kjell Engelbrekt contrasts the most important minilateral summits -- the G7 (formerly G8) and G20 -- with the older and more formal UN Security Council to assess where the diplomacy of international security is taking place and whether these institutions complement or compete with each other. Engelbrekt's research in primary-source documents of the G7, G8, G20, and UN Security Council provides unique insight into how these institutions deliberate on three policy areas: conflict management, counterterrorism cooperation, and climate change mitigation. Relatively informal and flexible, GX diplomacy invites more countries to take a seat at the table and allows nontraditional security threats to be placed on the agenda. Engelbrekt concludes, however, that there is a continuing need for institutions like the UN to address traditional security problems. High-Table Diplomacy will provoke discussion and further research on the role of minilateral summits among scholars of international relations, security studies, and international organizations.

The interactions between popular culture and public policy in general, and foreign policy in particular, have always been an important area of scholarly enquiry and popular interest. However with the end of the bipolar world system and the emergence of a single world superpower in the form of the United States of America, which is waging a War Against Terror, this nexus has become critical. This is especially true because of the almost Manichean tendency of the United States to see other countries in terms of "good" or "evil." Indeed President Bush himself has coined the term "The Axis of Evil" for states, which in a kinder age were simply referred to by his predecessors as being "Rogue States."

This book draws together elements from several academic disciplines - politics, international relations, psychology, film and cultural studies and examines US foreign policy toward the so-called "rogue states" and the products of the Hollywood film industry in relation to these states, which promises to make a significant contribution to our understanding of the 'soft power' that is popular culture.

The authors of this book investigate one of the mostly hotly debated and significant questions of our times 'what role will China be playing in world politics over the next twenty years' by asking another controversial question 'is China's 'new' diplomacy a tactical or fundamental change?' Bringing together Chinese and Western scholars of diplomacy the book highlights the view that diplomacy is both an instrument of foreign policy and a learning and socialising process that fosters both positive and negative change and is an important indicator of China's future role. It further argues that there is little to suggest that China's new diplomacy has a tactical revisionist agenda; however it is too early to be sure that China's changed diplomacy is a fundamental one. Moreover, much will depend on the diplomacy of other major powers towards China and on China's domestic politics.

This book examines humanitarian interventions in the post-Cold War era within the context of the development of global capitalism. It argues that protection of human rights is a noble idea and it is often our duty to use force to uphold these rights. However, Ivan Manokha shows that within the context of the late-modern world characterised by a global form of capitalism such attempts to promote and protect human rights have an unintended consequence of contributing to the perpetuation of poverty and poverty-related problems resulting from the functioning of the global political economy.

A critical examination of the origins of today's anti-Islamic rhetoric in Europe, this book focuses specifically on representations of Turkey. Applying a novel theoretical framework that understands collective identities as dramaturgical achievements, it shows that stereotypes of Turks continue to provide an important "Other" against which a supposed European "Self" is contrasted. The book identifies two competing meta-narratives that have long vied for the right to define Christendom and later Europe, and argues that the struggle over these narratives--one tragic, the other comic--have come to a head in Turkey's current bid for EU membership.

The usual phrase for the aims of foreign policy from the Peace of Westphalia to 1918 was 'interests and honor.' In the Age of the Dictators and the Cold War, 'honor' was derided or perverted but the underlying human concern persisted in the policies of the West, erupted in the revolt against the Empires, and healed every international dispute down to our day. This book offers a history and discussion of this, beginning with persons, social organizations, and business corporations, and then telling the story in international politics from the early modern period to the present.

An exploration of the individual work of ten diplomats who were charged with negotiating conclusions to intractable conflicts in the Middle East and Balkans, this book is the first study to combine the outlooks of practitioners and academics on new forms of war, especially asymmetrical warfare between state and non-state actors.

The idea of soft power figures crucially in the story of China's re-emergence as a global power. While the debate on the intentions and merits of its global outreach continues, China has embarked on its quest for an image makeover. "Soft Power in China" describes and explains the scope of the country's pursuit of soft power through public diplomacy and international communication. What kinds of images does China want to refashion and project? What is the role of the government "vis-a-vis "that of other institutional and social actors in these efforts? What kinds of tensions and pressures has China experienced? Where do the programs stand in terms of their impact on the country's image? What do all these efforts mean to the broader discussion on the study and practice of public diplomacy and national image management? This book represents a collaborative effort to address these questions.

Russia's place in the world as a powerful regional actor can no longer be denied; the question that remains concerns what this means in terms of foreign policy and domestic stability for the actors involved in the situation, as Russia comes to grips with its newfound sources of might.

Self-determination, imported into the Middle East on the heels of World War I, held out the promise of democratic governance to the former territories of the Ottoman Empire. The new states that European Great Powers carved out of the multilingual, multiethnic, and multireligious empire were expected to adhere to new forms of affiliation that emphasized previously unimportant differences.
In 1936, the new Republic of Turkey lay claim to Antioch and the Sanjak (province) of Alexandretta, which the French had ruled since 1920 as part of its mandate over Syria. Turkey's ambassador made a passionate argument that Alexandretta was a homeland of the Turks, a place that was essentially Turkish. With France and Turkey unable to reach agreement, the League of Nations was called in to broker a compromise consistent with the spirit of the new democratic impulse, one of many disputes that it had to adjudicate as self-determination became a rallying cry for peoples who wanted to form new nations around their collective identities. Over the next four years, Turkey struggled for recognition of its claims to the territory, while Turkish authorities competed to win hearts and minds in Alexandretta province.
In this nuanced narrative, Sarah D. Shields illuminates how the people of this region-about a quarter of a million Arabs, Armenians, Circassians, Kurds, and Turks-were forced to choose between Turkish and Arab identities. In the end, Shields shows, national identities played no role in the outcome of the dispute. What happened on the ground in this contested region was determined by Great Power diplomacy amidst the crisis of European democracy in the late 1930s, a story skillfully interwoven with the violent struggles that took place on the streets of the province. In the end, a new kind of identity politics was unleashed that redefined belonging, transformed nationalism, and set in motion the process of dysfunctional democracy that continues to plague the Middle East.

The way in which states are dealing with one another has changed more in the past decades than in the 350 years since the Peace of Westphalia. This accessible volume supplements the analyses of more familiar topics in the introductory literature on diplomacy. Experts from nine countries examine some of the ways in which diplomatic practice after 1945 has adapted to fundamental changes in international relations, or is still trying to come to terms with them.

This book has two aims: to clarify the meaning of C. Wright Mills's depiction of the sociological imagination; and to use this to develop a sociological framework that assists in understanding the process by which communal violence has ended in Northern Ireland and South Africa. The contrast between these two societies is a familiar one, but the book is novel by developing an explanatory framework based on Mills's "sociological imagination". This model merges developments in the two countries at the individual, social structural and political arenas in order to account for the emergence of their peace processes.

In the corridors of the Vatican on the eve of World War II, American Catholic priest Joseph Patrick Hurley found himself in the midst of secret diplomatic dealings and intense debate. Hurley’s deeply felt American patriotism and fixed ideas about confronting Nazism directly led to a mighty clash with Pope Pius XII. It was 1939, the earliest days of Pius’s papacy, and controversy within the Vatican over policy toward Nazi Germany was already heated. This groundbreaking book is both a biography of Joseph Hurley, the first American to achieve the rank of nuncio, or Vatican ambassador, and an insider’s view of the alleged silence of the pope on the Holocaust and Nazism.   Drawing on Hurley’s unpublished archives, the book documents critical debates in Pope Pius’s Vatican, secret U.S.-Vatican dealings, the influence of Detroit’s flamboyant anti-Semitic priest Charles E. Coughlin, and the controversial case of Croatia’s Cardinal Stepinac. The book also sheds light on the powerful connections between religion and politics in the twentieth century.  

Escaping the economic and security-centered approaches, prevalent in contemporary U.S. debate the contributors explore political relations between the European Union (EU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).Their inter-disciplinary perspectives touch on domains such as security, comparative integration, human rights, energy.

This assessment of the transformation of European diplomacy which took place at the beginning of the 20th century focuses on the British and Russian diplomatic establishments during the years 1894 - 1917 in order to illustrate both the heterogeneity and complex nature of the "old diplomacy". A series of case studies is included to illustrate both the benefits and the pitfalls of generalizing about a complicated process of transformation that had a range of social, political, administrative and psychological dimensions.