This book traces the remarkable career of a Portsmouth, New Hampshire-born merchant, Edmund Q. Roberts (1784-1836), and his efforts on behalf of early American diplomacy with key trading partners in both the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. The book recounts the diplomatic and commercial milieu in which Roberts labored, initially as commissioner and later as special agent on behalf of the United States, to pioneer diplomatic dialogue and negotiate commercial treaties with the ruler of Muscat and Oman and with the king of Siam. Roberts's experiences in Southeast Asia were particularly instructive for the fledgling American republic and helped establish a protocol and negotiating foundation later employed in the context of further U.S. diplomatic missions to Indian Ocean states and the Far East in general. Moreover his diplomatic efforts and ability to overcome numerous challenges helped set the stage for future U.S. diplomacy in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Ocean region, revealing what American diplomats in the East could expect to encounter on the ground. As such, his American diplomatic successors, though they might not have known it, benefited from Roberts's experiences, which in turn contributed to the State Department's growing understanding of what effective American diplomacy in the East required. In the midst of this work, Robert's ofttimes chaotic and turbulent life played itself out until his death from dysentery in Macao, following his initial unsuccessful attempts to find a way to open up Japan to American commercial and diplomatic interests.

This book provides both a unique, first-hand account of German and European diplomacy in the early stages of the Yugoslav crisis and a detailed analysis of the major issues. By correcting the many misperceptions and misjudgments about that period, the book will put the debate on Western involvement in the former Yugoslavia on a new and more solid basis. This book presents both a detailed historical account of German diplomacy in the first year of the Yugoslav crisis and a thorough analysis of the issues that Germany and the international community faced at the time. Written by the German diplomat responsible for the conduct of German policy on the working level, the book is a compelling, first-hand view of the motives, perceptions, and actions of the German government. Part I is a chronological treatment of the responses of the European Community and of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe to developments on the ground—in particular, the military conflict in Croatia and the German role in shaping these responses. Part II provides a systematic treatment of the causes of the conflict and the major issues raised by the Yugoslav crisis, such as questions concerning self-determination, frontiers, the role of history, and the recognition of successor states. Taken together, the two parts provide a comprehensive analysis of the origins of international involvement in the Bosnian war. This book will interest scholars, researchers, and policymakers involved with the Bosnian conflict and contemporary German and international relations.

This book analyzes the elimination of intermediate- range nuclear force missiles through vivid, fresh impressions by those who conducted the INF negotiations. The Reagan-Gorbachev Arms Control Breakthrough brings this period to life through the writing of key participants in the seminal negotiations leading to the completion of the INF Treaty and the ensuing epic struggle to secure its ratification by the U.S. Senate. The book provides an astute balance between the assessments of senior negotiators; "nuts and bolts" observations on specific elements of the Treaty by in-the-trenches negotiators; the tangles that challenged the keenest of legal minds; and the political maneuvers required to bring it through the pits and deadfalls of the Senate. Additionally, The Reagan-Gorbachev Arms Control Breakthrough provides an often-forgotten perspective of the moment, offering the opportunity for retrospective judgment. Is there a test that time demands? Are there "lessons learned," conceived at the time, that still pass that test? The INF Treaty was a pivotal moment in history, which was seized and resulted in a precedent-setting agreement and coincidental lessons from which much of arms control of the past quarter century has advantageously built.

The Cold War has been researched in minute detail and written about at great length but it remains one of the most elusive and enigmatic conflicts of modern times. With the ending of the Cold War, it is now possible to review the entire post-war period, to examine the Cold War as history. The Middle East occupies a special place in the history of the Cold War. It was critical to its birth, its life and its demise. In the aftermath of the Second World War, it became one of the major theatres of the Cold War on account of its strategic importance and its oil resources. The key to the international politics of the Middle East during the Cold War era is the relationship between external powers and local powers. Most of the existing literature on the subject focuses on the policies of the Great Powers towards the local region. The Cold War and the Middle East redresses the balance by concentrating on the policies of the local actors. It looks at the politics of the region not just from the outside in but from the inside out. The contributors to this volume are leading scholars in the field whose interests combine International Relations and Middle Eastern Studies.

This collection of essays on international relations and conflict in Africa is offered as a scholarly tribute to Professor Victor Ojakorotu, a distinguished scholar of African international politics. The editors, rising scholars Kelechi Johnmary Ani and Kayode Eesuola, have assembled a team of contributors whose work examines vital themes for understanding modern Africa. The volume encompasses assessments of African international politics, governance, conflict dynamics, and peacekeeping efforts, focusing on the national conflicts in Central African Republic and Somalia, protests in South Africa, terrorism in Nigeria, and insecurity in West African states. The dynamics of diplomacy and challenges of bilateral and multilateral relations, peacekeeping, gender in governance, and international trade figure prominently. International Relations and Security Politics in Africa will be essential reading for all students of the continent. The second theme of International Relations and Environmental Conflict in Africa covers pressing issues of environmental politics, such as environmental activism and litigation, climate change, conservation, the challenges of coastal communities, flood prevention, and waste management. Oil subsidy removal, rule of law, and the roles of media and religion are also closely considered. This collection's final theme covers domestic security issues, such as policing, ethno-religious conflicts, local conflicts between farmers and herdsmen, and strategies of conflict resolution. Other issues under discussion include peacebuilding, urban machine politics, the place of children and youth in nation building, and the intersection of politics and psychology in self-determination struggles. Of vital importance to any student of modern Africa, these chapters offer a solid and detailed compendium of readings to contextualize key international relations subjects in the real world. The compendium is also a fitting tribute to the life's work of one of the brightest scholarly minds Africa has produced.

This action-packed memoir by a leading American diplomat provides provocative reflections on events and leaders, American and foreign, 1959 to 1989. Over the course of his career, Ambassador Dean found himself embroiled in controversy in hot spots in Asia and the Middle East. Serving several stints in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, he worked on development projects in all three countries and with the U.S. military in Central Vietnam in the early 1970s. He brokered the deal that ended the war in Laos and faced down an attempted coup d'tat in 1973 against the neutralist regime of Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma. As ambassador in Cambodia, he was the last man out on April 12, 1975, as the last helicopter left Phnom Penh and Khmer Rouge forces approached the city. He was notably willing to work with anyone and everyone-communists and capitalists, diplomats and spies, urbanites and peasants, entrenched leaders and emerging reformers, Christians, Jews, Muslims, Hindus, and Buddhists. "A thoroughly readable, even fascinating, account of Dean's life and experiences as one of America's top twentieth-century diplomats." Robert V. Keeley, author, publisher, career diplomat, and former U.S. ambassador to Greece. "Dean's career reflects his strongly held belief that America should lead through the good example of its own principled behavior and decency, not through brute force and threats." John V. Whitbeck, international lawyer and author of The World According to Whitbeck. "Ambassador Dean comes across in this memoir as exactly what he is Ambassador Dean comes across in this memoir as exactly what he is Ambassador Dean comes across in this memoir as exactly what he isa dedicated and talented man deeply proud of his record in the practice of American diplomacy." Bruce Laingen, U.S. ambassador (ret.) and former president, American Academy of Diplomacy.

This is an examination of how embassies work and cope during wartime, with a focus on the experiences of the British, American, and Indian embassies. During wartime, embassies assume different roles and face various situations. An embassy might represent a belligerent state while being situated in an enemy, an allied, or a neutral state. Conversely, it might represent a neutral state, while having to function in a belligerent state. How does an embassy's situation affect its priorities? How does it affect its staff and mission? The work and risks they face may vary greatly, but embassies play a key role in war, a time when they are required to give higher priority to military and political intelligence while facing daily risks of attacks and managing media and high-ranking visitors. "Embassies in Armed Conflict" examines these issues and the problems wartime embassies encounter by looking primarily at the experiences of American, British, and Indian embassies. Written by a leading expert, the book aims to both examine the role of wartime embassies and to provide guidance for those who serve - or wish to serve - in the Foreign Service. The volumes in the series are relatively short handbooks aimed at beginning practitioners and advanced university students. The volumes highlight the ways foreign policy is implemented through the apparatus of diplomacy, the diplomatic system, and diplomats and will discuss: specific aspects of diplomacy, such as the concept of diplomatic relations, the consequences of cutting off diplomatic relations, diplomatic immunity, etc., and key diplomatic activities and events, such as an international crisis, or a summit meeting. Such books will focus on the conduct of diplomacy rather than its politics. The focus will be on the contemporary practice of diplomacy, not on foreign policy or the theoretical direction of diplomacy.

Great Britain's decision in 1968 to withdraw its forces from the Gulf by 1971 was a turning point in the modern history of the Middle East. The lengthy British imperial presence had guaranteed a prolonged stability for the Gulf unmatched elsewhere in the region. This book examines how, in the context of interplay between its ambitions and the regional and international environment, Iran influenced efforts to reorder the Gulf's political landscape. Its central argument is that a better understanding of the new Gulf order can be achieved by emphasizing local concerns and the degree to which regional powers influenced the policy of external powers in those formative years

From 1980 to the present, two bloody wars and the possibility of a third have characterized the Persian Gulf region. Emerging from a series of meetings of the International Commission for Security and Cooperation in West Asia, this volume consists of contributions from noted scholars and diplomats searching for the peaceful settlement of regional disputes and the establishment of a durable security regime. Peace scholars from Iran, Iraq and Kuwait edit the volume - the three countries that were at war in 1980-88 and 1990-91.

In Conflict and Human Security Threats in Africa, South African scholar Victor Ojakorotu unravels the dynamics of conflicts and human security threats now affecting numerous African nations. While some of these conflicts are local, others are national and international. This current and highly engaging study captures multiple cases of insecurity, presenting discussions of terrorism, kidnapping, militia activities, human trafficking, political violence, teenage pregnancy, civil war, and armed conflicts, as well as strategies for their future management. Ojakorotu documents a philosophical assessment of African politics as well as the place of the "new" media in the politics of human security and the development of an African worldview in the post-modern intellectual arena. This book is a must-read for all students of African and global politics, as well as policy makers and diplomats working with Africa, which will soon be home to more than three billion people and a center of global growth.

Disunited Nations explores American reactions to hostile world opinion, as voiced in the United Nations by representatives of the Global South from 1970 to 1984. Sean T. Byrnes suggests this challenge had a significant impact on US policy and politics, shaping the rise of the New Right and neoliberal visions of the world economy. Integrating developments in American political and diplomatic history with the international history of decolonization and the "Third World," Disunited Nations adds to our understanding of major transitions in foreign policy as the US moved away from the expansive internationalist global commitments of the immediate postwar era toward a more nationalist and neoliberal understanding of international affairs.

The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR) was signed at the height of the Cold War more than fifty years ago. The agreement and its negotiation have become a cornerstone of diplomatic law. "A Cornerstone of Modern Diplomacy," which is based on archival research in the National Archives (London), the Austrian State Archives (Vienna) and the Political Archive (Berlin), delivers the first study of the British policy during the negotiation of the key convention governing diplomatic privileges and immunities: the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. The book provides a complete commentary on the political aspects of the codification process of diplomatic law. By clearly presenting the case with accessible analysis, author Kai Bruns makes the relations between international law and politics understandable, stressing the impact of the emergence of the third world in UN diplomacy. This unique study is a crucial piece of scholarship, shedding light on the practice of United Nations conference diplomacy and the codification of diplomatic law at the height of the Cold War.

Rethinking and revising the established knowledge and practice of conflict resolution and management, this innovative book brings together complementary perspectives to consider novel approaches to resolving conflict after the collapse of the World Order. Examining the current system of world disorder, the authors identify ways of operating constructively and navigating conflict in order to better manage and resolve it. Analysing conventional and hybrid conflict at both international and internal state level, they look to transform current scholarship on conflict resolution and management in international relations. Chapters rethink mediation; power in peace-making; prevention of escalation; governance, protest and revolt; inclusion and representation; and the individual as subject and object in conflict resolution and management. Paving the way for future research in the field, the book outlines the need to learn how to operate within the present world disorder in order to prevent the descent into entropy. By awakening realistic creativity and examining present characteristics and future possibilities, the book develops a more positive evolution which can reinstitute an effective new system of World Order. Both prescriptive and analytical in approach, this insightful book will prove vital to students and scholars of international relations, political science and public policy, alongside policy makers looking to rethink their conflict resolution and management methods.

Latin America's proximity to the United States made the improvement of relations between the two regions imperative in the first two decades of the 20th century. William Jennings Bryan, Secretary of State for Woodrow Wilson until 1915, was largely responsible for this task. Although Bryan had denounced as imperialistic his predecessors' political and economic intervention in Latin America, his own policies also had an imperialistic tone. Bryan resigned in June 1915, but his actions while in office served as the foundation for later intervention in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic. This work details Bryan's attitudes toward Latin America prior to assuming the title of secretary of state, his actions while in office, and his political stance after resignation. Six topical chapters cover Bryan's policies toward Nicaragua, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, the Panama Canal Tolls Controversy, and the Columbian Treaty. The work concludes with an analysis of Bryan's inconsistent attitude on imperialism.

John Foster Dulles' reputation among diplomatic historians has been at a low ebb for many years. The fact that it is only now beginning to show signs of recovery is surprising considering that his modus operandi, coupled with a public style that concealed as much as it revealed, enabled him to gain the respect of hundreds of overseas officials, including those of the USSR. The cutting edge of an extraordinarily subtle and complex mind made it possible for him to lead the United States through eight years of unparalleled peace and prosperity. Nevertheless, the strategy and tactics behind such a record have escaped notice, especially in academia, where he is still subject to varying degrees of caricature. Not since 1973 has any full-length study dealt in any comprehensive way with Dulles as secretary of state even though a steady stream of fresh source material has become available during the interim. Power and Peace offers the first analysis of Dulles' operational plan across the board. It is also unique for the type of linkage that is uncovered between different issues in different parts of the world. Beyond this, on the basis of research notable for breadth as well as depth in key areas, it differentiates Dulles from Eisenhower, showing that, contrary to conventional wisdom, it was the former who generally took the lead on policy matters. It indicates that Dulles was capable of weighing in heavily on the side of non-intervention and hence was no more of a hawk than Ike. It also unveils important differences of opinion separating the secretary from his boss. Professor Marks presents some of the most crucial episodes in an entirely new light--for instance the Dien Bien Phu crisis, Western European union, intervention in Guatemala, and Dulles' indispensable work on behalf of Austrian freedom, work that has yet to receive even minimal recognition. Finally, Marks explores the intellectual side of the secretary, something once again neglected but nonetheless essential since Dulles, of all American statesman next to John Quincy Adams, was a thinker. In a nutshell, Marks puts the case that far from being the personification of the Cold War mentality, as he is so often portrayed on the basis of his rhetoric, Dulles was eminently flexible behind the scenes and about as pragmatic as it was possible to be at a time of rampant McCarthyism. Working alongside Eisenhower, he inaugurated the first era of Soviet-American detente: and it is in this light, Marks argues, that Dulles is best understood, as well as most worthy of remembrance.

Soviet authorities in 1987-1991 tried to encourage the union republics to use their diplomatic apparatuses, created by Stalin in 1944, to solicit foreign economic trade and aid. In many cases, union republics were able to draw upon diplomatic precedents established during the early Soviet period, or when they were independent states in the period 1918-1921. The many international contacts and ties the former union republics had established abroad helped them to promptly gain diplomatic recognition and establish diplomatic relations with many foreign states, mitigating to some degree the shock to the world order caused by the breakup of the Soviet Union.

This book examines international radio news coverage of the four superpower summit meetings between Soviets and Americans from 1987 to 1990. It concentrates on the symbolic constructs used by radio services to report about the summits, including their treatments of the two superpowers, their leaders, and their perspectives as recorded in interviews, press conferences and releases, joint communiques, and briefings. The study assesses the degree of success enjoyed by each of the superpowers in directing the nature of international news coverage, particularly the public relations battle between Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan. It also weighs the viability of specific talking points written to direct U.S. summit statements by the National Security Council, and the degree to which news coverage was tainted by propaganda. Finally, it is able to suggest the nature of each service's contribution to diversity in international news flow, and to the ongoing debate about the equality of the international communication and information order.