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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > Diplomacy
In the Cold War era, the confrontation between capitalism and communism played out not only in military, diplomatic, and political contexts, but also in the realm of culture-and perhaps nowhere more so than the cultural phenomenon of sports, where the symbolic capital of athletic endeavor held up a mirror to the global contest for the sympathies of citizens worldwide. The Whole World Was Watching examines Cold War rivalries through the lens of sporting activities and competitions across Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the U.S. The essays in this volume consider sport as a vital sphere for understanding the complex geopolitics and cultural politics of the time, not just in terms of commerce and celebrity, but also with respect to shifting notions of race, class, and gender. Including contributions from an international lineup of historians, this volume suggests that the analysis of sport provides a valuable lens for understanding both how individuals experienced the Cold War in their daily lives, and how sports culture in turn influenced politics and diplomatic relations.
The year 2017 saw a multitude of conferences and exhibitions devoted to the centenary of the Russian Revolutions, both in Russia and in other parts of the world. The commemoration of this event would be incomplete without an exploration of its Northern dimension; in October 2017, the University of Tromso, The Arctic University of Norway hosted the conference The Russian Revolutions of 1917: The Northern Impact and Beyond. Norway and Russia are both northern states, and the two countries have a common border in the High North. Some articles in this volume, based on the conference proceedings, investigate the impact of the Russian Revolution in Norway and Sweden, while others deal with the High North, e.g. the Revolution and Civil War in Northern Russia and the radicalization of the workers' movement of Northern Norway; some are also devoted to representations of the Russian Revolution at exhibitions and on the big screen.
A Choice Outstanding Academic Title for 2002 Since the 1930s, appeasement has been labeled as a futile and possibly dangerous policy. In this landmark study, Stephen Rock seeks to restore appeasement to its proper place as a legitimate--and potentially successful--diplomatic strategy. Appeasement was discredited by Neville Chamberlain's disastrous attempt to satisfy Adolf Hitler's territorial ambitions and avoid war in 1938. Rock argues, however, that there is very little evidence to support the belief that dissatisfied states and their leaders cannot be appeased or that appeasement undermines a state's credibility in later attempts at deterrence. Rock looks at five case studies from the past 100 years, revealing under what conditions appeasement can achieve its goals. From British appeasement of the United States near the beginning of the twentieth century to American conciliation of North Korea in the early 1990s, Rock concludes that appeasement succeeds or fails depending on the nature of the adversary, the nature of the inducements used on the antagonist, and the existence of other incentives for the adversary to acquiesce. Appeasement in International Politics suggests the type of appeasement strategy most appropriate for various situations. The options range from pure inducements, reciprocity, to a mixture of inducements and threats. In addition to this theoretical framework, Rock's explicit comparison of appeasement and deterrence offers important guidelines for policymakers on when and how to implement a strategy of appeasement. At a time when the strategy of engagement plays an increasingly central--and controversial--role in U.S. foreign policy, Appeasement in International Politics reestablishes the long-discredited use of inducements as an effective means of preventing conflict.
The book examines diplomatic immunity and provides a historical analysis of the granting of diplomatic immunity to non-diplomats, based on the perspectives of several states. Featuring contributions in which experts from four continents and from academia and practice present their views and perspectives; it is an insightful resource for diplomats, academics and legal professionals, while at the same time it is useful and understandable for students, junior staff and anyone just starting their venture into the diplomatic immunity issues and general international law.
Although debating China's rise and its implications for Asia and beyond has become a cottage industry and much ink has been spilled on whether China is going to be benign or malign power and how other states ought to deal with China, few have bothered to tell the real stories of how China's neighbors have been living with a rising China. This book fills this vacuum. Many contributors in this volume have direct access to and have been often consulted by policy-making bodies in their respective countries and thus have intimate knowledge of their countries' way of living with China.
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Japan's Asian diplomacy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Under the Kantei-centred policymaking system, Shinzo Abe has implemented assertive foreign policies with a slogan of 'diplomacy taking a panoramic perspective of the world'. The analyses in the book cover the traditional and emerging fields of national security and international political economy. While its empirical examination is based on field-specific research, it also incorporates the analysis of Japan's bilateral relations with China, the US, India, and others. In addition, the book provides a solid, theory-driven analysis of Japan's external policy and relations. In an independent chapter, this work sets up integrative theoretical frameworks for empirical analyses by relying on key concepts drawn from the three international relations theories of realism, liberalism and constructivism. Going forward, research in this book also explores the development of key regional affairs. Maritime security and space security are two of major security-related affairs, in which the states in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific have to engage, including the development of the TPP (TPP-11) and RCEP, as well as infrastructure development and development cooperation, which are crucial in relation to China's initiatives in the BRI and AIIB. Lastly, the book provides valuable references to regionalism in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific by analyzing regional integration/cooperation through free trade agreements and the development of regional connectivity. This includes the evolution of cooperation and conflict within key regional frameworks such as the East Asia Summit and APEC, as well as key regional visions such as the Free and Open Indo-Pacific. It also takes into account the possible influence of ideational factors such as norms, principles, and rules on the development of regional cooperation.
Based on the diaries and political reports of Yosef Govrin, and
written during his mission as Israel's Ambassador to Romania
(1985-1989), this work exposes the fact that daily diplomatic
activity was aimed at deepening Israel's political dialogue with
the Romanian leadership - the only one within the communist bloc
not to have broken with Israel following the Six Day War (June
1967) - on ways to settle the Madrid Conference on peace in the
Middle East. At the same time, this diplomatic activity enlarged
the local Jewish communities (an unheard-of phenomenon in the
Communist States), combating anti-Semitic manifestations and
Romania's historian's denial of the Holocaust of Jews under
Romania's facist regime (1941-1944).
"The editors have assembled an outstanding group of scholars in this very welcome addition to our understanding of Latin American external relations and British foreign policy towards the region in the 20th century."- Victor Bulmer-Thomas, Honorary Professor, Institute of the Americas, University College London & Former Director, Chatham House "This is an important and timely book, reappraising the UK's role in Latin America in the 20th century. What emerges is far more interesting than the usual narrative of linear UK decline in the face of growing US predominance."- Peter Collecott, CMG, UK Ambassador to Brazil, 2004-2008 This book explores the role of Great Britain in twentieth-century Latin America, a period dominated by the growing political and economic influence of the United States. Focusing on three broad themes-war and conflict; commercial and business rivalries; and responses to economic nationalism, revolution, and political change-the individual chapters cover a number of countries and issues from 1914 to 1970, stressing the reluctance with which Britain ceded hegemony in the region. An epilogue focuses on Anglo-American relations and concerns in Latin America in the more recent past. The chapters, all written by leading scholars on their particular subjects, are based on original research in a wide variety of archives, going beyond the standard Foreign Office and State Department sources to which most earlier scholars were confined.
Characterized by new research, this much-needed investigation into the undeveloped field of the sociology of diplomacy offers important new conclusions and suggestions, as well as many new ideas gained from practical diplomatic experience. The book examines the establishment of diplomacies of the new small states that emerged in Europe after the fall of the Iron Curtain. The sociological and organizational application is combined with concepts from the fields of international relations, diplomatic studies, security studies and international public law. A systematic, stringent approach to the subject matter makes this book a substantial contribution to the field, suited to scholars, diplomats, students, civil servants and journalists alike.
This is one of the first books to analyse the full cycle of rise and fall of Brazil's foreign policy towards Africa in the beginning of the 21st century. During his government, former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) made the drive towards Africa one of the cornerstones of Brazilian diplomacy and cooperation. In a bid to build strategic trading partnerships with African counterparts, Lula's government committed itself to an ambitious program centred on provisions in loans and credits as well as the exponential growth of its South-South cooperation. After Lula, however, this drive towards Africa started to decline and finally collapsed in face of political meltdown in Brazil and the proliferation of controversial judicial investigations that directly involved political leaders at the centre of most initiatives undertook in the 2000s. The rise and fall of Brazil-Africa relations has provoked much discussion in policy-making, as well as scholarly research. This book seeks to provide valuable resources to the study of this process by presenting empirically based and updated analysis from different perspectives, such as: The diplomatic tradition of Brazil-Africa relations The role played by Brazilian big private companies in Africa Brazilian health cooperation with African countries The participation of civil society in Brazil-Africa relations Brazil-Africa trade relations Military cooperation between Brazil and Africa Brazil's drive to Africa left a durable mark, whose implications are yet to be understood. What were its main successes and failures? And what does the dramatic change of events, with Brazil moving from a pivotal player to an almost invisible one in merely half a decade, tell us about South-South cooperation? These are some of the questions that Brazil-Africa Relations in the 21st Century - From Surge to Downturn and Beyond intends to answer in order to provide a useful resource for Political Science and International Relations scholars interested in the study of South-South relations, as well as for policy makers interested in understanding the changing dynamics of International Relations in the wake of the 21st century.
Of all the world's mercantile lures, none was more persistent or more mesmeric for Americans than the fabled Far Eastern markets. In the 1890s, United States commercial expansion into the Pacific catapulted the nation to the status of a great power. In describing and analyzing American ambitions in China which led to the Open Door negotiations, Mr. McCormick argues that American leaders rationally and pragmatically sought the China market in order to absorb American "overproduction" and achieve domestic stability. The dilemmas that emerged from the nature of American aims and policies were to plague the United States throughout the twentieth century. "A most important volume."-American Historical Review. "Impressive...a significant contribution to ultimate understanding of an important and complex series of events."-Ernest R. May, Political Science Quarterly.
This book offers a range of perspectives on the Africa-China partnership in the context of the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). Incorporating historical, political, social and cultural dimensions, it offers innovative views on the Africa-China relationship that combine theory and practice, and critically examines the prospects of a Pan-African policy towards China, complementary to China's comprehensive African policy. The chapters address a number of key questions, including: What steps are being taken to achieve a more coordinated approach and policy towards China on the African continent? Does Africa even need a collective strategy in the first place? How would a coherent policy framework affect Africa's relations with Europe and other external partners? How do the pillars of the partnership align with the African Union's Agenda 2063 and the United Nation's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development?
This book examines Republican China's diplomatic strategies and engagement, and power reconfiguration in East Asia after 1914. Drawing on a vast trove of primary sources, including newly declassified archival materials, the book offers not only a richly-informed account of how the Beiyang government conducted diplomacy at the Paris Peace Conference but also new insights into why. Calling into question such long-held beliefs that the Beiyang government was inadequately prepared for the Conference, was treasonous in urging the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, and that its behavior at the Conference amounted to a thorough failure of diplomacy, the author tries to make a case for a much more nuanced re-interpretation and re-evaluation of this critical period in the country's diplomatic history.
This book mainly explored the driving forces and evolvement of Myanmar's China policy since 1988 by adopting a neo-classical realist apporach, an emerging theoretical paradigm aiming at analyzing state's foreign behaviour by connecting systemic and unit variables which refers to external environments and domestic restraints respectively. It is the first book that seeks to give a theoretical explanation of Myanmar's diplomacy, thereby bridging the gap from basic research to the deep one with theories. It also introduced the concept of strategic preference and argued that the competing strategic preference that the Burmese leaders have, namely "integration" and "isolation", determines Myanmar's responses to China in the Post-Cold War era, which not only demonstrates the neo-classical realism as an useful instrument of looking into state's foreign policy and deepens the understanding on Myanmar-China relations.The main content of this book is divided into seven parts, in which the first chapter introduces the background, the present study on Myanmar's China policy and China's Myanmar policy, the analytical framework, and the arrangement of the content. Chapter 2 focuses on the roots and changes of Myanmar's competing strategic preference as well as its influences on Myanmar's foreign policy. The following four chapters examine the international pressures and benefits imposed by systemic imperatives, and Burmese leaders' specific strategic preference since 1988, and investigate Myanmar's policy towards China in different periods. Finally, it provides a comprehensive conclusion that outlines and reviews the origins and evolution of Myanmar's China policy, and predicts its future directions.This book is suitable for the graduates and experts who are interested in international relations, the Asian studies and neo-classical realism in particular, and Myanmar politics and foreign relations, as well as China's relation with neighboring countries.
This book focuses on assessing China's international environment in the Indian Ocean including political, economic and secure environments through examining the characteristics of the international environment in the Indian Ocean. It figures out that there are four new changes and characteristics from the perspective of the current international environment in the Indian Ocean. Firstly, the turmoil in the security situation in the Indian Ocean has not been eased, but also showed signs of deterioration. Secondly, the strategic competition of the major powers in the Indian Ocean region has been exacerbated. Thirdly, the USA will remain the largest contributing variable in the international environment of the Indian Ocean in the future. Fourthly, India, a biggest country in the region, is becoming a major variable affecting the international environmental change in the Indian Ocean. This book also presents a picture of how the changes of great powers' geo-strategic competition in the Indian Ocean affect the development of China's BRI and believes that the Indian Ocean order will be gradually transforming from the American hegemony to the emergence of jointly governance including USA, China and India.
Starting with 1809, Sweden's 'year zero' and a period of deep national trauma, this book studies the relationship between Sweden and its environment, and foreign policy and overlapping security and defence policies. The book displays the pattern to Swedish foreign policy behavior, at times solidarity and involvement, at times disengagement and isolation, depending on the actions of larger powers in the neighbourhood. The author examines Sweden's independence from, dependence on, orientation towards, and then acquiescence in Europe, and the release of a 'revolution' in Swedish foreign policy from the early 1990s. The author also studies a process of steady Swedish Europeanization and the emergence of a post-neutral stance. The book's endpoint is the European Parliamentary election 2019, which resulted in a stemming of the populist tide in Sweden which had grown from disconnection between a Europe-reluctant electorate and Europe-enthusiastic politicians. The book also looks towards Swedish policy ambitions and prospects for the 2020s and continuation of the 'revolution'.
President Donald J. Trump's "America First" outlook has inspired both enthusiasm and condemnation among different segments of the American population. This book examines the meaning and implications of that perspective, and how the Trump Administration has implemented it-or failed to do so. Contributors, subject-matter experts with diverse points of view, place the Trump Doctrine within the succession of presidential foreign policy themes, and provide a case-by-case analysis of how it has been applied in specific regions and countries around the world. The book's aim is to provide a fair and balanced assessment, relatively rare in this period of intense partisanship and impending national election.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has implemented a set of policies toward his neighbors intended to help him re-establish his country's status as a major world power. These have included dominating, as far as possible, the independent states that once were part of the USSR and preventing further NATO encroachment on Russia's borders. He has also sought a pragmatic partnership with China to help bolster the Russian economy in the face of Western sanctions and declining revenues from oil and gas. This book argues that Putin's efforts have been largely, although not entirely, successful. In the future, however, the weakness of the Russian economy as compared to China's may pose a threat to Moscow's ability to maintain a Russian sphere of influence in its own neighborhood.
The wars that accompanied the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were the deadliest European conflicts since World War II. The violence escalated to the point of genocide when, over the course of ten days in July 1995, Serbian troops under the command of General Ratko Mladic murdered 8,000 unarmed men and boys who had sought refuge at a UN safe-haven in Srebrenica. Shocked, the United States quickly launched a diplomatic intervention supported by military force that ultimately brought peace to the new nations created when Yugoslavia disintegrated. Peacemakers is the first inclusive history of the successful multilateral intervention in the Balkans from 1995--2008 by an official directly involved in the diplomatic and military responses to the crises. A deadly accident near Sarajevo in 1995 thrust James Pardew into the center of efforts to stop the fighting in Bosnia. In a detailed narrative, he shows how Richard Holbrooke and the US envoys who followed him helped to stop or prevent vicious wars in Bosnia, Croatia, Kosovo, and Macedonia. Pardew describes the human drama of diplomacy and war, illuminating the motives, character, talents, and weaknesses of the national leaders involved. Pardew demonstrates that the use of US power to relieve human suffering is a natural fit with American values. Peacemakers serves as a potent reminder that American leadership and multilateral cooperation are often critical to resolving international crises.
This book examines media coverage and public diplomacy regarding the North Korea nuclear controversy, with a focus on the history of military and diplomatic efforts to resolve tensions on the Korean Peninsula. Chapters consider both legacy and social media coverage in the United States, South Korea, Japan, and China, as well as the power of visual images and the role of military and hard power in shaping public understanding and events in the region.
Hyper-partisanship represents a critical variable that undergirds President Donald Trump’s stewardship of American foreign policy while bipartisanship, a hallmark of American diplomacy, is in a period of rapid decline. The tenure of the 45th president of the United States is shaping up to be one of the most pivotal and contentious in the history of the Republic. Trump’s World: Peril and Opportunity in US Foreign Policy after Obama is an explosive study of the president’s foreign policy agenda. It provides an expansive examination of how Trump’s America First policy contributes to growing counter-US hysteria that could lead to a new wave of anti-Americanism around the world and explores an important question: When the Trump presidency concludes, what is the likely impact of “Trumpism” on world order, relations with traditional allies, the future of multilateralism, world trade, and American diplomacy?
This book examines the use of norms by British and Brazilian actors in aid/cooperation in the 21st century, unveiling the politics behind norm circulation. Inspired by a constructivist approach, this research analyses actors’ agency in asymmetric international and domestic environments, in which different norms, dissimilar identities, and opposing interests coexist. Regardless of the discourses and theories surrounding the differentiation between North-South and South-South aid/cooperation, British and Brazilian actors use norms to achieve their own goals at the domestic and international levels. Processes of norm circulation in aid/cooperation have a greater impact at the international level and within the domestic environment of donor/partner countries, than in promoting behavioral changes in recipient countries. However, the content of British and Brazilian norms is different given their historical position in the international architecture and domestic context. The present study sought to unveil the politics behind how actors use aid/cooperation norms in order to achieve their goals in three major instances: 1- the international forums where actors debate the aid/cooperation architecture; 2- the domestic environment of donor/partner countries; and, 3- the domestic level of recipient countries, where international norms are diffused.
In the fascinating story of Israel-China relations, unique history and culture intertwine with complex diplomacy and global business ventures - some of which have reached impressive success. China and Israel is a living collage that addresses these issues from a point of view that combines the professional and the personal. This book paints a broad picture of China-Israel relations from an historical and political perspective and from the Jewish and Israeli angle. To tell this story, Shai relies on rare documents, archival materials and interviews with individuals who were active in forming the relationship between these two states. He profiles Morris Cohen who, according to some, served as Sun Yat-sen's personal advisor; gynecologist Dr. Ya'akov Rosenfeld, who rose to the rank of general in the Chinese Red Army and ended his career as a family physician in Tel Aviv; and international business magnate Shaul Eisenberg, otherwise known as ""the king of China"", who executed the first Sino-Israeli military contacts. Shai also covers the attempts of major Israeli companies and business people to enter China, and describes the opportunities and risks involved when China purchases companies that are part of Israel's national infrastructure.
A concise yet penetrating analysis of how modern American presidents have-and have not-incorporated ethics into their foreign policy. Americans constantly make moral judgments about presidents and foreign policy. Unfortunately, many of these assessments are poorly thought through. In Do Morals Matter?, Joseph S. Nye, Jr. provides a concise yet penetrating analysis of the role of ethics in US foreign policy since Franklin Delano Roosevelt's presidency onward. Nye works through each presidency from FDR to Trump and scores their foreign policy on three ethical dimensions: their intentions, the means they used, and the consequences of their decisions. He also evaluates their leadership qualities, elaborating on which approaches work and which ones do not. Regardless of a president's policy preference, Nye shows that each one was not fully constrained by the structure of the system and actually had choices. Since we so often apply moral reasoning to foreign policy, Nye suggests how to do it better. Most importantly, he shows that presidents need to factor in both the political context and the availability of resources when deciding how to implement an ethical policy-especially in a future international system that presents not only great power competition from China and Russia, but a host of additional transnational threats. |
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