From the acclaimed author of The Gunpowder Age, a book that casts new light on the history of China and the West at the turn of the nineteenth century George Macartney's disastrous 1793 mission to China plays a central role in the prevailing narrative of modern Sino-European relations. Summarily dismissed by the Qing court, Macartney failed in nearly all of his objectives, perhaps setting the stage for the Opium Wars of the nineteenth century and the mistrust that still marks the relationship today. But not all European encounters with China were disastrous. The Last Embassy tells the story of the Dutch mission of 1795, bringing to light a dramatic but little-known episode that transforms our understanding of the history of China and the West. Drawing on a wealth of archival material, Tonio Andrade paints a panoramic and multifaceted portrait of an age marked by intrigues and war. China was on the brink of rebellion. In Europe, French armies were invading Holland. Enduring a harrowing voyage, the Dutch mission was to be the last European diplomatic delegation ever received in the traditional Chinese court. Andrade shows how, in contrast to the British emissaries, the Dutch were men with deep knowledge of Asia who respected regional diplomatic norms and were committed to understanding China on its own terms. Beautifully illustrated with sketches and paintings by Chinese and European artists, The Last Embassy suggests that the Qing court, often mischaracterized as arrogant and narrow-minded, was in fact open, flexible, curious, and cosmopolitan.

This book investigates China's foreign policy concerning the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs of other states in the post-Cold War period. The principle of non-intervention has traditionally been central to Chinese foreign policy, but as China's economy has boomed, international attention to her foreign policy has been increasingly hostile. Accordingly, an exploration of China's non-intervention policy is worthwhile to understand China's foreign policy and its international behavior. This book will be of interest to China watchers, scholars of geopolitics, and Asian historians.

This book argues that critical international and domestic crises, such as the U.S. war in Iraq and the Great Recession, forced President Barack Obama to readjust U.S. foreign policy after over 70 years of American hegemony and defending the global status quo. It examines the range of external pressures and challenges brought on by an increasingly multipolar international system, shifting domestic political forces, and limited foreign policy choices. The book provides an overview of the extent of foreign policy change and continuity in Obama's foreign policy toward Europe, Asia and the Pacific, and the Middle East. The book assesses domestic and international pressure points in the wake of the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq and the Great Recession that shaped and defined Obama's foreign policy preferences. The war in Iraq and the Great Recession, in addition to rising economic inequality and hyper-partisanship at home, emerging markets in Asia and the rise of China, and Russian resurgence in Europe and the Middle East, would determine and constrain the extent to which Obama was able to lead U.S. foreign policy and the foreign policymaking process. These ultimately contributed to a more scaled-back and limited U.S. role in the world during Obama's presidency, culminating in the 2016 presidential election of Donald Trump who promised to turn the U.S. away from globalization and questioned longstanding U.S. alliances. In the end, the theme of "nation-building here at home" under Obama gave way to "America First" under Trump.

In the Cold War era, the confrontation between capitalism and communism played out not only in military, diplomatic, and political contexts, but also in the realm of culture-and perhaps nowhere more so than the cultural phenomenon of sports, where the symbolic capital of athletic endeavor held up a mirror to the global contest for the sympathies of citizens worldwide. The Whole World Was Watching examines Cold War rivalries through the lens of sporting activities and competitions across Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the U.S. The essays in this volume consider sport as a vital sphere for understanding the complex geopolitics and cultural politics of the time, not just in terms of commerce and celebrity, but also with respect to shifting notions of race, class, and gender. Including contributions from an international lineup of historians, this volume suggests that the analysis of sport provides a valuable lens for understanding both how individuals experienced the Cold War in their daily lives, and how sports culture in turn influenced politics and diplomatic relations.

The year 2017 saw a multitude of conferences and exhibitions devoted to the centenary of the Russian Revolutions, both in Russia and in other parts of the world. The commemoration of this event would be incomplete without an exploration of its Northern dimension; in October 2017, the University of Tromso, The Arctic University of Norway hosted the conference The Russian Revolutions of 1917: The Northern Impact and Beyond. Norway and Russia are both northern states, and the two countries have a common border in the High North. Some articles in this volume, based on the conference proceedings, investigate the impact of the Russian Revolution in Norway and Sweden, while others deal with the High North, e.g. the Revolution and Civil War in Northern Russia and the radicalization of the workers' movement of Northern Norway; some are also devoted to representations of the Russian Revolution at exhibitions and on the big screen.

A Choice Outstanding Academic Title for 2002 Since the 1930s, appeasement has been labeled as a futile and possibly dangerous policy. In this landmark study, Stephen Rock seeks to restore appeasement to its proper place as a legitimate--and potentially successful--diplomatic strategy. Appeasement was discredited by Neville Chamberlain's disastrous attempt to satisfy Adolf Hitler's territorial ambitions and avoid war in 1938. Rock argues, however, that there is very little evidence to support the belief that dissatisfied states and their leaders cannot be appeased or that appeasement undermines a state's credibility in later attempts at deterrence. Rock looks at five case studies from the past 100 years, revealing under what conditions appeasement can achieve its goals. From British appeasement of the United States near the beginning of the twentieth century to American conciliation of North Korea in the early 1990s, Rock concludes that appeasement succeeds or fails depending on the nature of the adversary, the nature of the inducements used on the antagonist, and the existence of other incentives for the adversary to acquiesce. Appeasement in International Politics suggests the type of appeasement strategy most appropriate for various situations. The options range from pure inducements, reciprocity, to a mixture of inducements and threats. In addition to this theoretical framework, Rock's explicit comparison of appeasement and deterrence offers important guidelines for policymakers on when and how to implement a strategy of appeasement. At a time when the strategy of engagement plays an increasingly central--and controversial--role in U.S. foreign policy, Appeasement in International Politics reestablishes the long-discredited use of inducements as an effective means of preventing conflict.

The book examines diplomatic immunity and provides a historical analysis of the granting of diplomatic immunity to non-diplomats, based on the perspectives of several states. Featuring contributions in which experts from four continents and from academia and practice present their views and perspectives; it is an insightful resource for diplomats, academics and legal professionals, while at the same time it is useful and understandable for students, junior staff and anyone just starting their venture into the diplomatic immunity issues and general international law.

Although debating China's rise and its implications for Asia and beyond has become a cottage industry and much ink has been spilled on whether China is going to be benign or malign power and how other states ought to deal with China, few have bothered to tell the real stories of how China's neighbors have been living with a rising China. This book fills this vacuum. Many contributors in this volume have direct access to and have been often consulted by policy-making bodies in their respective countries and thus have intimate knowledge of their countries' way of living with China.

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Japan's Asian diplomacy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Under the Kantei-centred policymaking system, Shinzo Abe has implemented assertive foreign policies with a slogan of 'diplomacy taking a panoramic perspective of the world'. The analyses in the book cover the traditional and emerging fields of national security and international political economy. While its empirical examination is based on field-specific research, it also incorporates the analysis of Japan's bilateral relations with China, the US, India, and others. In addition, the book provides a solid, theory-driven analysis of Japan's external policy and relations. In an independent chapter, this work sets up integrative theoretical frameworks for empirical analyses by relying on key concepts drawn from the three international relations theories of realism, liberalism and constructivism. Going forward, research in this book also explores the development of key regional affairs. Maritime security and space security are two of major security-related affairs, in which the states in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific have to engage, including the development of the TPP (TPP-11) and RCEP, as well as infrastructure development and development cooperation, which are crucial in relation to China's initiatives in the BRI and AIIB. Lastly, the book provides valuable references to regionalism in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific by analyzing regional integration/cooperation through free trade agreements and the development of regional connectivity. This includes the evolution of cooperation and conflict within key regional frameworks such as the East Asia Summit and APEC, as well as key regional visions such as the Free and Open Indo-Pacific. It also takes into account the possible influence of ideational factors such as norms, principles, and rules on the development of regional cooperation.

Based on the diaries and political reports of Yosef Govrin, and written during his mission as Israel's Ambassador to Romania (1985-1989), this work exposes the fact that daily diplomatic activity was aimed at deepening Israel's political dialogue with the Romanian leadership - the only one within the communist bloc not to have broken with Israel following the Six Day War (June 1967) - on ways to settle the Madrid Conference on peace in the Middle East. At the same time, this diplomatic activity enlarged the local Jewish communities (an unheard-of phenomenon in the Communist States), combating anti-Semitic manifestations and Romania's historian's denial of the Holocaust of Jews under Romania's facist regime (1941-1944).
This book also makes public for the first time the political assessments made at the time by the author concerning the main events that lead gradually to Ceausescu's internal and external policies, to his execution and, finally, to the collapse of his regime at the end of 1989.
The inter-connection's exposed here constitute a first-hand documentary source for all those interested in getting to know this period - probably the most dramatic chapter in Romania's history in its relations with Israel, the USA, the USSR and Hungary.

Chronicling the emergence of an international society in the 1920s, Daniel Gorman describes how the shock of the First World War gave rise to a broad array of overlapping initiatives in international cooperation. Though national rivalries continued to plague world politics, ordinary citizens and state officials found common causes in politics, religion, culture, and sport with peers beyond their borders. The League of Nations, the turn to a less centralized British Empire, the beginning of an international ecumenical movement, international sporting events, and audacious plans for the abolition of war all signaled internationalism's growth. State actors played an important role in these developments and were aided by international voluntary organizations, church groups, and international networks of academics, athletes, women, pacifists, and humanitarian activists. These international networks became the forerunners of international NGOs and global governance.

"The editors have assembled an outstanding group of scholars in this very welcome addition to our understanding of Latin American external relations and British foreign policy towards the region in the 20th century."- Victor Bulmer-Thomas, Honorary Professor, Institute of the Americas, University College London & Former Director, Chatham House "This is an important and timely book, reappraising the UK's role in Latin America in the 20th century. What emerges is far more interesting than the usual narrative of linear UK decline in the face of growing US predominance."- Peter Collecott, CMG, UK Ambassador to Brazil, 2004-2008 This book explores the role of Great Britain in twentieth-century Latin America, a period dominated by the growing political and economic influence of the United States. Focusing on three broad themes-war and conflict; commercial and business rivalries; and responses to economic nationalism, revolution, and political change-the individual chapters cover a number of countries and issues from 1914 to 1970, stressing the reluctance with which Britain ceded hegemony in the region. An epilogue focuses on Anglo-American relations and concerns in Latin America in the more recent past. The chapters, all written by leading scholars on their particular subjects, are based on original research in a wide variety of archives, going beyond the standard Foreign Office and State Department sources to which most earlier scholars were confined.

Characterized by new research, this much-needed investigation into the undeveloped field of the sociology of diplomacy offers important new conclusions and suggestions, as well as many new ideas gained from practical diplomatic experience. The book examines the establishment of diplomacies of the new small states that emerged in Europe after the fall of the Iron Curtain. The sociological and organizational application is combined with concepts from the fields of international relations, diplomatic studies, security studies and international public law. A systematic, stringent approach to the subject matter makes this book a substantial contribution to the field, suited to scholars, diplomats, students, civil servants and journalists alike.

This is one of the first books to analyse the full cycle of rise and fall of Brazil's foreign policy towards Africa in the beginning of the 21st century. During his government, former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) made the drive towards Africa one of the cornerstones of Brazilian diplomacy and cooperation. In a bid to build strategic trading partnerships with African counterparts, Lula's government committed itself to an ambitious program centred on provisions in loans and credits as well as the exponential growth of its South-South cooperation. After Lula, however, this drive towards Africa started to decline and finally collapsed in face of political meltdown in Brazil and the proliferation of controversial judicial investigations that directly involved political leaders at the centre of most initiatives undertook in the 2000s. The rise and fall of Brazil-Africa relations has provoked much discussion in policy-making, as well as scholarly research. This book seeks to provide valuable resources to the study of this process by presenting empirically based and updated analysis from different perspectives, such as: The diplomatic tradition of Brazil-Africa relations The role played by Brazilian big private companies in Africa Brazilian health cooperation with African countries The participation of civil society in Brazil-Africa relations Brazil-Africa trade relations Military cooperation between Brazil and Africa Brazil's drive to Africa left a durable mark, whose implications are yet to be understood. What were its main successes and failures? And what does the dramatic change of events, with Brazil moving from a pivotal player to an almost invisible one in merely half a decade, tell us about South-South cooperation? These are some of the questions that Brazil-Africa Relations in the 21st Century - From Surge to Downturn and Beyond intends to answer in order to provide a useful resource for Political Science and International Relations scholars interested in the study of South-South relations, as well as for policy makers interested in understanding the changing dynamics of International Relations in the wake of the 21st century.

This book offers a range of perspectives on the Africa-China partnership in the context of the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). Incorporating historical, political, social and cultural dimensions, it offers innovative views on the Africa-China relationship that combine theory and practice, and critically examines the prospects of a Pan-African policy towards China, complementary to China's comprehensive African policy. The chapters address a number of key questions, including: What steps are being taken to achieve a more coordinated approach and policy towards China on the African continent? Does Africa even need a collective strategy in the first place? How would a coherent policy framework affect Africa's relations with Europe and other external partners? How do the pillars of the partnership align with the African Union's Agenda 2063 and the United Nation's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development?

An all-inclusive, exhaustive evaluation of the foreign policy of the European Union.Ten years ago the 2009 Lisbon Treaty put into place the legal and structural foundations for the European Union to play a role as a global actor. In the decade since, the EU itself has undergone intense political and economic stress, from debt crises to the rise of nationalist parties and the strains of Brexit. What effect have these changes had on the EU's foreign policy and its role in the world? This new edition of The Foreign Policy of the European Union offers an up-to-date and comprehensive examination of that question. The globe-spanning contributions to the book include a look at relations between Brussels and its regional neighbors, including Russia; the tensions that have arisen with the United States during the Trump administration; and the burgeoning relationship with China. How the EU is dealing with issues such as migration, terrorism, trade, and security round out the volume.

This book examines Republican China's diplomatic strategies and engagement, and power reconfiguration in East Asia after 1914. Drawing on a vast trove of primary sources, including newly declassified archival materials, the book offers not only a richly-informed account of how the Beiyang government conducted diplomacy at the Paris Peace Conference but also new insights into why. Calling into question such long-held beliefs that the Beiyang government was inadequately prepared for the Conference, was treasonous in urging the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, and that its behavior at the Conference amounted to a thorough failure of diplomacy, the author tries to make a case for a much more nuanced re-interpretation and re-evaluation of this critical period in the country's diplomatic history.

This book mainly explored the driving forces and evolvement of Myanmar's China policy since 1988 by adopting a neo-classical realist apporach, an emerging theoretical paradigm aiming at analyzing state's foreign behaviour by connecting systemic and unit variables which refers to external environments and domestic restraints respectively. It is the first book that seeks to give a theoretical explanation of Myanmar's diplomacy, thereby bridging the gap from basic research to the deep one with theories. It also introduced the concept of strategic preference and argued that the competing strategic preference that the Burmese leaders have, namely "integration" and "isolation", determines Myanmar's responses to China in the Post-Cold War era, which not only demonstrates the neo-classical realism as an useful instrument of looking into state's foreign policy and deepens the understanding on Myanmar-China relations.The main content of this book is divided into seven parts, in which the first chapter introduces the background, the present study on Myanmar's China policy and China's Myanmar policy, the analytical framework, and the arrangement of the content. Chapter 2 focuses on the roots and changes of Myanmar's competing strategic preference as well as its influences on Myanmar's foreign policy. The following four chapters examine the international pressures and benefits imposed by systemic imperatives, and Burmese leaders' specific strategic preference since 1988, and investigate Myanmar's policy towards China in different periods. Finally, it provides a comprehensive conclusion that outlines and reviews the origins and evolution of Myanmar's China policy, and predicts its future directions.This book is suitable for the graduates and experts who are interested in international relations, the Asian studies and neo-classical realism in particular, and Myanmar politics and foreign relations, as well as China's relation with neighboring countries.

This book takes an in-depth look at China's diplomacy in the New Era under the leadership of Xi Jinping. It begins with the analysis of China's rise and world transformation, the connotations of China's New Era and its new world ideal as "Community of Shared Future for Mankind" and then presents Xi Jinping's grand strategy by analyzing his new ideas on the governance of China and global governance, theory and practice of China's diplomacy in the New Era. Key concepts and innovation cases in China's diplomacy around security, BRI, opening-up strategy, and its strategic approach to the USA are introduced as well, which builds an overview of China's diplomacy.

This book focuses on assessing China's international environment in the Indian Ocean including political, economic and secure environments through examining the characteristics of the international environment in the Indian Ocean. It figures out that there are four new changes and characteristics from the perspective of the current international environment in the Indian Ocean. Firstly, the turmoil in the security situation in the Indian Ocean has not been eased, but also showed signs of deterioration. Secondly, the strategic competition of the major powers in the Indian Ocean region has been exacerbated. Thirdly, the USA will remain the largest contributing variable in the international environment of the Indian Ocean in the future. Fourthly, India, a biggest country in the region, is becoming a major variable affecting the international environmental change in the Indian Ocean. This book also presents a picture of how the changes of great powers' geo-strategic competition in the Indian Ocean affect the development of China's BRI and believes that the Indian Ocean order will be gradually transforming from the American hegemony to the emergence of jointly governance including USA, China and India.

Starting with 1809, Sweden's 'year zero' and a period of deep national trauma, this book studies the relationship between Sweden and its environment, and foreign policy and overlapping security and defence policies. The book displays the pattern to Swedish foreign policy behavior, at times solidarity and involvement, at times disengagement and isolation, depending on the actions of larger powers in the neighbourhood. The author examines Sweden's independence from, dependence on, orientation towards, and then acquiescence in Europe, and the release of a 'revolution' in Swedish foreign policy from the early 1990s. The author also studies a process of steady Swedish Europeanization and the emergence of a post-neutral stance. The book's endpoint is the European Parliamentary election 2019, which resulted in a stemming of the populist tide in Sweden which had grown from disconnection between a Europe-reluctant electorate and Europe-enthusiastic politicians. The book also looks towards Swedish policy ambitions and prospects for the 2020s and continuation of the 'revolution'.

This book provides a critical and updated analysis of the nature of the EU's strategic partnership diplomacy, and of the partnerships themselves, in times of power shift and contestation. It links with key aspects of the EU's Global Strategy; it brings together a strong list of experts who work within a clear framework for analysis; and it deals not only with the substance of the policy but also with the ways in which the policy as a whole has emerged, is conducted and might develop in the future. In offering an inclusive set of case studies and diverse perspectives, this book aims to advance both conceptualization and analysis of the implementation of the established EU partnerships. The book highlights the notion of strategic partnership as a foreign policy instrument to support EU external action in a context of multilevel change and crisis; its policy dimension as a gradually separated, but not separable policy within the Union's external action; the institutional component given the emergence of SPs as a sort of self-preserving institutional platform allowing for denser and deeper cooperation in various policy areas; and the implications for the EU's self-conception as an international actor with a global identity and role.

The wars that accompanied the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were the deadliest European conflicts since World War II. The violence escalated to the point of genocide when, over the course of ten days in July 1995, Serbian troops under the command of General Ratko Mladic murdered 8,000 unarmed men and boys who had sought refuge at a UN safe-haven in Srebrenica. Shocked, the United States quickly launched a diplomatic intervention supported by military force that ultimately brought peace to the new nations created when Yugoslavia disintegrated. Peacemakers is the first inclusive history of the successful multilateral intervention in the Balkans from 1995--2008 by an official directly involved in the diplomatic and military responses to the crises. A deadly accident near Sarajevo in 1995 thrust James Pardew into the center of efforts to stop the fighting in Bosnia. In a detailed narrative, he shows how Richard Holbrooke and the US envoys who followed him helped to stop or prevent vicious wars in Bosnia, Croatia, Kosovo, and Macedonia. Pardew describes the human drama of diplomacy and war, illuminating the motives, character, talents, and weaknesses of the national leaders involved. Pardew demonstrates that the use of US power to relieve human suffering is a natural fit with American values. Peacemakers serves as a potent reminder that American leadership and multilateral cooperation are often critical to resolving international crises.

This book examines media coverage and public diplomacy regarding the North Korea nuclear controversy, with a focus on the history of military and diplomatic efforts to resolve tensions on the Korean Peninsula. Chapters consider both legacy and social media coverage in the United States, South Korea, Japan, and China, as well as the power of visual images and the role of military and hard power in shaping public understanding and events in the region.