The Islamic Republic of Iran faced a favorable strategic environment following the US invasions of Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003. Its leadership attempted to exploit this window of opportunity by assertively seeking to expand Iran's interests throughout the Middle East. It fell far short, however, of fulfilling its long-standing ambition of becoming the dominant power in the Persian Gulf and a leading regional power in the broader Middle East. In Squandered Opportunity, Thomas Juneau develops a variant of neoclassical realism, a theory of foreign policy mistakes, to explore the causes and consequences of Iran's sub-optimal performance. He argues that while rising power drove Iranian assertiveness-as most variants of realism would predict-the peculiar nature of Iran's power and the intervention of specific domestic factors caused Iran's foreign policy to deviate, sometimes significantly, from what would be considered the potential optimal outcomes. Juneau explains that this sub-optimal foreign policy led to important and negative consequences for the country. Despite some gains, Iran failed to maximize its power, its security and its influence in three crucial areas: the Arab-Israeli conflict; Iraq; and the nuclear program. Juneau also predicts that, as the window of opportunity steadily closes for Iran, its power, security, and influence will likely continue to decline in coming years.

The New York Times said of Jozef Hieronim Retinger that he was on intimate terms with most leading statesmen of the Western World, including presidents of the United States. He has been repeatedly acknowledged as one of the principle architects of the movement for European unity after the World War II, and one of the outstanding creative political influences of the post war period. He has also been credited with being the dark master behind the so-called "Bilderberg Group," described variously as an organization of idealistic internationalists, and a malevolent global conspiracy. Before that, Retinger involved himself in intelligence activities during World War II and, given the covert and semi-covert nature of many of his activities, it is little wonder that no biography has appeared about him. This book draws on a broad range of international archives to rectify that.

Dancers as Diplomats chronicles the role of dance and dancers in American cultural diplomacy. In the early decades of the Cold War and the twenty-first century, American dancers toured the globe on tours sponsored by the US State Department. Dancers as Diplomats tells the story of how these tours in shaped and some times re-imagined ideas of America in unexpected, often sensational circumstances-pirouetting in Moscow as the Cuban Missile Crisis unfolded and dancing in Burma in the days just before the country held its first democratic elections. Based on more than seventy interviews with dancers who traveled on the tours, the book looks at a wide range of American dance companies, among them New York City Ballet, Alvin Ailey American Dance Theater, the Martha Graham Dance Company, Urban Bush Women, ODC/Dance, Ronald K. Brown/Evidence, and the Trey McIntyre Project, among others. These companies traveled the world. During the Cold War, they dance everywhere from the Soviet Union during the Cold War to Vietnam just months before the US abandoned Saigon. In the post 9/11 era, they traveled to Asia and Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East.

Few scholars have attempted to evaluate critically the role mediators play in managing international conflicts. Thomas Princen examines where mediation fits in the larger realm of diplomatic practice, going beyond the usual state-centric focus to account for the mediating activities of a wide range of actors-from superpowers to small states, from international organizations to nongovernmental groups.

Originally published in 1995.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

In this bold new interpretation of the origins of ancient Rome's overseas empire, Dr Burton charts the impact of the psychology, language and gestures associated with the Roman concept of amicitia, or 'friendship'. The book challenges the prevailing orthodox Cold War-era realist interpretation of Roman imperialism and argues that language and ideals contributed just as much to Roman empire-building as military muscle. Using a constructivist theoretical framework drawn from international relations, Dr Burton replaces the modern scholarly fiction of a Roman empire built on networks of foreign clients and client-states with an interpretation grounded firmly in the discursive habits of the ancient texts themselves. The results better account for the peculiar rhythms of Rome's earliest period of overseas expansion - brief periods of vigorous military and diplomatic activity, such as the rolling back of Seleucid power in Asia Minor and Greece in 192-188 BC, followed by long periods of inactivity.

This study, a realist interpretation of the long diplomatic record that produced the coming of World War II in 1939, is a critique of the Paris Peace Conference and reflects the judgment shared by many who left the Conference in 1919 in disgust amid predictions of future war. The critique is a rejection of the idea of collective security, which Woodrow Wilson and many others believed was a panacea, but which was also condemned as early as 1915. This book delivers a powerful lesson in treaty-making and rejects the supposition that treaties, once made, are unchangeable, whatever their faults.

Recruited straight from university, Ernest Satow (1843 1929) became one of the most respected British diplomats, particularly in Japan, where he is still remembered. After a career spent mostly in the rapidly developing Far East, he retired in 1906. Just before the outbreak of war, he was asked to compile a work on international diplomacy, and 'Satow', as it has become known, was first published in 1917, and in updated versions has not been out of print since. Satow's work was pioneering, there being at that time no comprehensive study in English of diplomacy. Volume 1 covers the history of international diplomacy, its practice and legal matters, and is notable for the author's clear language, and the inclusion of often whimsical anecdotes to illustrate a point in discussion. Writing at a time of enormous international upheaval, Satow provides an illuminating insight into diplomacy before the age of instant communications.

Recruited straight from university, Ernest Satow (1843 1929) became one of the most respected British diplomats, particularly in Japan, where he is still remembered. After a career spent mostly in the rapidly developing Far East, he retired in 1906. Just before the outbreak of war, he was asked to compile a work on international diplomacy, and 'Satow', as it has become known, was first published in 1917, and in updated versions has not been out of print since. Satow's work was pioneering, there being at that time no comprehensive study in English of diplomacy. Volume 2 concentrates on international conferences and congresses from 1648. Lasting weeks, and sometimes months, such gatherings were often, until well into the twentieth century, the only occasion when heads of state or government met face to face. We still live today with the consequences of many of these meetings.

Originally published in 1990, as number 16 in the Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks Series, this volume catalogues British diplomatic representatives for the period 1509 to 1688. These 179 years are of particular significance as a period in which the foundations of modern English diplomatic practices and institutions were established. The text was designed to continue the publications of D. B. Horn and S. T. Bindoff, who, in separate volumes, catalogued diplomatic representatives for the period 1689 to 1852.

Richard, Marquess Wellesley (1760-1842) became one of the most controversial politicians of his generation during his time as Governor-General of Bengal (1798-1805). Although this period saw him achieve territorial gains and military victories in India - including the defeat of Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore - the financial cost was considered too high. The East India Company Court of Directors in London disagreed with many of the changes he made, and Wellesley was forced to return to England. This five volume collection of papers, edited by the political activist and historian Robert Montgomery Martin (1800-1868), was published in 1836-1837 and documents Wellesley's period of office in India. Volume 2 spans the period from 1799 to 1802, including the settlement of Mysore, the treaty of Hyderabad and the encroaching threat from French troops. Wellesley also mentions his intention to establish a college to train civil servants.

Mountstuart Elphinstone (1779 1859) was a Scottish diplomat and colonial administrator. After joining the civil service of the East India Company in 1796 he was appointed the first British envoy to the Court of Kabul in 1808. In 1819 he was appointed the Governor of Bombay, and after his retirement in 1827 he devoted his life to historical and literary studies. First published in 1815, this volume contains Elphinstone's detailed description of the Kingdom of Afghanistan. Elphinstone describes the geography, economy and political situation of the kingdom and provides a brief account of Afghan history. He also gives the first detailed ethnographic accounts of the various Afghan tribes and ethnic groups in the kingdom. This fascinating volume informed British military and diplomatic policy in the region until the 1840s, and remained the main source of information on the culture of the Afghan tribes for much of the nineteenth century.

Richard, Marquess Wellesley (1760-1842) became one of the most controversial politicians of his generation during his time as Governor-General of Bengal (1798-1805). Although this period saw him achieve territorial gains and military victories in India - including the defeat of Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore - the financial cost was considered too high. The East India Company Court of Directors in London disagreed with many of the changes he made, and Wellesley was forced to return to England. This five volume collection of papers, edited by the political activist and historian Robert Montgomery Martin (1800-1868), was published in 1836-1837 and documents Wellesley's period of office in India. Volume 4 focuses on the period 1804-1805, and includes documents about peace treaties with local rulers, the establishment of Fort William College for the training of British civil servants (especially in Asian languages), and Wellesley's final departure for England.

Richard, Marquess Wellesley (1760-1842) became one of the most controversial politicians of his generation during his time as Governor-General of Bengal (1798-1805). Although this period saw him achieve territorial gains in India, the financial cost was considered too high and many in London disagreed with the changes he made in Bengal. In 1809, after his return to Britain, he was appointed ambassador to Spain during the height of the Peninsular War (1808-1814) between France and an alliance of Britain, Spain and Portugal. His younger brother Arthur, the Duke of Wellington, was one of the key generals during this campaign. This collection of papers, published in 1838, covers this brief but dramatic period of Wellesley's career, after which he was appointed foreign secretary. Its editor, the political activist and historian Robert Montgomery Martin (1800-1868), also edited five volumes of Wellesley's Indian correspondence (also available in this series).

Richard, Marquess Wellesley (1760-1842) became one of the most controversial politicians of his generation during his time as Governor-General of Bengal (1798-1805). Although this period saw him achieve territorial gains and military victories in India - including the defeat of Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore - the financial cost was considered too high. The East India Company Court of Directors in London disagreed with many of the changes he made, and Wellesley was forced to return to England. This five volume collection of papers, edited by the political activist and historian Robert Montgomery Martin (1800-1868), was published in 1836-1837 and documents Wellesley's period of office in India. Volume 1 (1836) contains correspondence between Wellesley and Indian rulers including the Nawob of Arcot and Tipu Sultan during the run-up to war, as well as letters to Britain's war secretary and army officials from 1797 to 1800.

Richard, Marquess Wellesley (1760-1842) became one of the most controversial politicians of his generation during his time as Governor-General of Bengal (1798-1805). Although this period saw him achieve territorial gains and military victories in India - including the defeat of Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore - the financial cost was considered too high. The East India Company Court of Directors in London disagreed with many of the changes he made, and Wellesley was forced to return to England. This five volume collection of papers, edited by the political activist and historian Robert Montgomery Martin (1800-1868), was published in 1836-1837 and documents Wellesley's period of office in India. Volume 3 covers the period 1802-1804, and focuses on Wellesley's turbulent relationship with the Court of Directors, to whom he had tendered his resignation, though he did not leave. It also refers to the ongoing conflict with the Maratha Empire.

During the Cold War, thousands of musicians from the United States traveled the world, sponsored by the U.S. State Department's Cultural Presentations program. Performances of music in many styles classical, rock 'n' roll, folk, blues, and jazz competed with those by traveling Soviet and mainland Chinese artists, enhancing the prestige of American culture. These concerts offered audiences around the world evidence of America's improving race relations, excellent musicianship, and generosity toward other peoples. Through personal contacts and the media, musical diplomacy also created subtle musical, social, and political relationships on a global scale. Although born of state-sponsored tours often conceived as propaganda ventures, these relationships were in themselves great diplomatic achievements and constituted the essence of America's soft power. Using archival documents and newly collected oral histories, Danielle Fosler-Lussier shows that musical diplomacy had vastly different meanings for its various participants, including government officials, musicians, concert promoters, and audiences. Through the stories of musicians from Louis Armstrong and Marian Anderson to orchestras and college choirs, Fosler-Lussier deftly explores the value and consequences of musical diplomacy."

Diplomacy is a neglected aspect of Hellenistic history, despite the fact that war and peace were the major preoccupations of the rulers of the kingdoms of the time. It becomes clear that it is possible to discern a set of accepted practices which were generally followed by the kings from the time of Alexander to the approach of Rome. The republican states were less bound by such practices, and this applies above all to Rome and Carthage. By concentrating on diplomatic institutions and processes, therefore, it is possible to gain a new insight into the relations between the kingdoms. This study investigates the making and duration of peace treaties, the purpose of so-called 'marriage alliances', the absence of summit meetings, and looks in detail at the relations between states from a diplomatic point of view, rather than only in terms of the wars they fought. The system which had emerged as a result of the personal relationships between Alexander's successors, continued in operation for at least two centuries. The intervention of Rome brought in a new great power which had no similar tradition, and the Hellenistic system crumbled therefore under Roman pressure.

First published in 1989, this title explores the nature and dimensions of the U.S. strategy in the Gulf in the formative years that followed the fall of the Shah, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war. It describes the formation of the U.S. Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force and the U.S. Central Command, their force structure and the network of U.S. bases and facilities in the region. The role of pro-Western countries in the wider region, in particular Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, and Israel, in the formulation of strategy is discussed in detail, along with a more general assessment of the achievements and failures of U.S. strategy in the Gulf towards the end of the 1980s. In light of the persistent struggle for peace within the Middle East, this is a timely reissue, which will be of great interest to students researching U.S. military strategy over the past thirty years.

During the 1920s and 1930s thousands of European and American writers, professionals, scientists, artists, and intellectuals made a pilgrimage to experience the "Soviet experiment" for themselves. Showcasing the Great Experiment explores the reception of these intellectuals and fellow-travelers and their cross-cultural and trans-ideological encounters in order to analyze Soviet attitudes towards the West. Many of the twentieth century's greatest writers and thinkers, including Theodore Dreiser, Andre Gide, Paul Robeson, and George Bernard Shaw, notoriously defended Stalin's USSR despite the unprecedented violence of its prewar decade. While many visitors were profoundly affected by their Soviet tours, so too was the Soviet system. The early experiences of building showcases and teaching outsiders to perceive the future-in-the-making constitute a neglected international part of the emergence of Stalinism at home. Michael David-Fox contends that each side critically examined the other, negotiating feelings of inferiority and superiority, admiration and enmity, emulation and rejection. By the time of the Great Purges, these tensions gave way to the dramatic triumph of xenophobia and isolationism; whereas in the twenties the new regime assumed it had much to learn from Western modernity, by the Stalinist thirties the Soviet order was declared superior in all respects. Drawing on the declassified archival records of the agencies charged with crafting the international image of communism, David-Fox shows how Soviet efforts to sell the Bolshevik experiment abroad through cultural diplomacy shaped and were, in turn, shaped by the ongoing project of defining the Soviet Union from within. These interwar Soviet methods of mobilizing the intelligentsia for the international ideological contest, he argues, directly paved the way for the cultural Cold War.

Demetrius C. Boulger (1853 1928) published several works on Asia, including this 1908 biography of Sir Halliday Macartney (1833 1906), a military doctor turned diplomat. Boulger describes how, interrupting his studies, Macartney served as a medical volunteer with the Anglo-Turkish contingent in the Crimea. After completing his medical degree Macartney joined the army and travelled to India and China. In the early 1860s he took an active part in crushing the Taiping Rebellion under the leadership of the young General (then Captain) Gordon, joined the Chinese Service, and was swiftly promoted. Macartney founded the first ever arsenal in China at Nanking and was its director for ten years. He transferred to the diplomatic service, and for over thirty years was a lead negotiator in Anglo-Chinese affairs. He also organised the diplomatic representation of China at various European courts and became a Counsellor to the Chinese Embassy in London.

This is the first historical biography in English to be published on Egyptian scholar-diplomat, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the most intellectually accomplished of the nine UN secretaries-general. The first African and first Arab to occupy the post, Boutros-Ghali held the office in the momentous five post-Cold War years (1992-1996), massively expanding UN peacekeeping and leading intellectual debates on development, democratisation, and human rights. He had earlier been a key architect of the Egypt-Israel peace treaty as Egypt's minister of state for foreign affairs, a major figure in Third World diplomacy, and a Professor of International Law and International Relations. This accessible biography sets Boutros-Ghali's career within the political, social, and cultural contexts from which he emerged. Please note: T&F does not sell or distribute the print version in Sub-Saharan Africa.

As a presidential candidate, John F. Kennedy established a reputation across Africa as a sympathetic supporter of African nationalism, who if elected would realign Washington's priorities toward the continent. Once in office, Kennedy indeed made changing the image of America in Africa a top priority of his administration, believing that the Cold War could be won or lost depending upon whether Washington or Moscow won the hearts and minds of the Third World. Africa was particularly important because a wave of independence saw nineteen newly independent African states admitted into the United Nations during 1960-61. By 1962, 31 of the UN's 110 member states were from the African continent, and both Washington and Moscow sought to add these countries to their respective voting bloc. Kennedy feared that neglect of the newly decolonized countries of the world would result in the rise of anti-Americanism and needed to be addressed irrespective of the Cold War. Philip Muehlenbeck demonstrates how Kennedy used all means at his disposal-economic, cultural, personal-to appeal to the leaders of the developing world, including Nkrumah, Senghor, Toure, Nyerere, and Ben Bella. Drawing on archival sources from Africa, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Muehlenbeck closely examines Kennedy's policies towards Guinea, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Egypt, Algeria, Tanganyika, and South Africa, which were to a large extent successful in winning the sympathies of its peoples, while at the same time alienating more traditional American allies. Betting on the Africans adds an important chapter to the historiography of John F. Kennedy's Cold War strategy as well as the history of decolonization.

History does not run in straight lines. Instead of inevitable progress, what we get is more often false starts, blind alleys, random events, good intentions that go wrong. Robert Cooper's incisive and elegant book is therefore not a continuous diplomatic history. Richelieu and Mazarin inhabited a 16th-century world we can hardly imagine today, but it is from their time that we can begin to see the outline of today's Europe. The Ambassadors includes a brilliant analysis of the people who built the Western side of the Cold War. Henry Kissinger is a pivotal figure in the post-war world, and his story is in some ways typical: he failed in his most important aims and succeeded in ways he never expected. Robert Cooper's pieces together history and considers the illuminating fragments it leaves behind.

This book examines and systematises the theoretical dimensions of paradiplomacy - the role of subnational governments in international relations. Subnational governments across the world (provinces in Canada, states in the USA, cantons in Switzerland, landers in Germany, etc.) actively participate in international relations. They open trade and cultural missions abroad, join international networks of cooperation, sign treaties and agreements with foreign state and non-state actors and sometimes even challenge the official foreign policy of their central governments through critical statements or controversial actions. All these kinds of external activities have been labeled as 'paradiplomacy'. Through a systematisation of the different approaches in understanding constituent diplomacy, the author constructs an integrative theoretical explanatory framework to guide research on regional governments' involvement in international affairs. This theoretical framework can be used as a research guide for the study of the external activities of different subnational governments in various contexts.The framework is based on a multiple-response questionnaire technique (MRQ) which provides the matrix of possible answers on a set of key questions for paradiplomacy scholarship, such as: Why do subnational units go abroad? What channels and methods they are prefer to use in their 'foreign policy'? What are the potential consequences of paradiplomacy actions? The explanatory framework is also a 'product with an open code' and therefore can be updated and improved by any scholar in accordance with his/her theoretical and practical discoveries in the broad field of paradiplomacy research. This comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of paradiplomacy sheds light on the development of federalism and multi-level governance in a new global environment and contributes to the debates on the issue of 'actorness' in contemporary international affairs. This book will be of much interest to students of diplomacy, federalism, governance, foreign policy and IR, as well as practitioners of diplomacy.

This book analyses the new and difficult roles of regional organizations in peacemaking after the end of the Cold War and how they relate to the United Nations (UN).

Regional organizations have taken an increasingly prominent role in international efforts to deal with international security. The book highlights the complex interaction between the regional and sub-regional organizations, on the one hand, and their relations with the United Nations, on the other. Thus, the general issues of UN and its authority are scrutinized from legal, practical and geopolitical perspectives. Taking on a broad geographical focus on Africa, the Arab world and Europe, the book also provides an extensive range of case studies, with detailed analysis of particular situations, organizations and armed conflicts.

The authors scrutinise the heterogeneous relationship between the different organizations as well as the challenges to them: political resources, legal standing, financial assets, capabilities and organizational set up. Moreover, they investigate whether regional organizations, as compared to the UN, are better suited to deal with today s intra-state conflicts. The book also aims to dissect the evolution of these institutions historically in relation to Chapter VIII of the UN Charter which mentions the resort to 'regional arrangements for conflict management as well as more generally in relation to the principles of international law and UN principles of peacemaking.

This book, written by a mixture of established scholars, diplomats and high-level policymakers, will be of great interest to students as well as practitioners in the field of peace and conflict studies, regional security, international organisations, conflict management and IR in general."