Gaming the System takes an active approach to learning about American government, using novel, exciting, and highly instructive games to help students learn politics by living it. These timeless games are the perfect complement to a core textbook in American government-covering key topics like the Constitution, the Supreme Court, Congress, political participation, campaigns and elections, the federal bureaucracy, the social contract, social movements, and public opinion-and can be applied to specific courses at other levels, as well. For Instructors: These nine games are designed to be easily inserted into courses, with all but one fitting into one class session and all flexible enough to adapt or scale as needed. Games are designed so that students will be ready to play after minimal preparation and with little prior knowledge; instructors do not need to design or prepare any additional materials. An extensive instructor-only online resource provides everything needed to accompany each game: summary and discussion of the pedagogical foundations on active learning and games; instructions and advice for managing the game and staging under various logistical circumstances; student handouts and scoresheets, and more. For Students: These games immerse participants in crucial narratives, build content knowledge, and improve critical thinking skills-at the same time providing an entertaining way to learn key lessons about American government. Each chapter contains complete instructions, materials, and discussion questions in a concise and ready-to-use form, in addition to time-saving tools like scorecards and 'cheat sheets.' The games contribute to course understanding, lifelong learning, and meaningful citizenship.

The 1999 Israeli elections focused on the character of the main political contenders for prime minister - Binyamin Netanyahu and Ehud Barak. Along with Barak's victory, the Israeli public made important statements concerning the shape and direction of Israeli political culture with a hope of a centrist vision. Leading Israeli political scientists discuss the revival of the Israeli left and the increased strength of ethnic Sephardi, Russian and Arab electorates. They also examine the place of foreign policy, media, and other socio-economic factors on the outcome of the election.

Contents:
Chapter 1: Introduction, Chapter 2: The Colonial Era and Its Political Legacies, 1656-1945, Chapter 3: The Postwar Clientelist Electoral Regime, 1945-1972, Chapter 4: The Institutionalization of Centralized Authoritarian Rules, 1972-1978, Chapter 5: Election and Democratization in the Marcos Era, Chapter 6: Local Democratization Struggles and National Regime Transition, Chapter 7: Conclusion, Bibliography, Interviews

The European Union beyond the Polycrisis? explores the political dynamics of multiple crises faced by the EU, both at European level and within the member states. In so doing, it provides a state-of-the-art overview of current research on the relationship between politicization and European integration. The book proposes that the EU's multi-dimensional crisis can be seen as a multi-level 'politics trap', from which the Union is struggling to escape. The individual contributions analyze the mechanisms of this trap, its relationship to the multiple crises currently faced by the EU, and the strategies pursued by a plurality of actors (the Commission, the European Parliament, national governments) to cope with its constraints. Overall, the book suggests that comprehensive, 'grand' bargains are for the moment out of reach, although national and supranational actors can find ways of 'relaxing' the politics trap and in so doing perhaps lay the foundations for more ambitious future solutions. This book, dedicated to the exploration of the political dynamics of multiple, simultaneous crises, offers an empirical and theoretical assessment of the existing political constraints on European integration. Analysing domestic and European political reactions to the EU's polycrisis and assessing how EU institutions, national governments and broader publics have responded to a new era of politicization, The European Union beyond the Polycrisis? will be of great interest to scholars of European politics and the EU, as well as professionals working in EU institutions, national administrations and European advocacy groups. The chapters were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of European Public Policy.

Officeholders in contemporary parliaments and cabinets are more likely than not to be male, wealthy, middle-aged or older, and from the dominant ethnicity, whereas young adults have an insufficient presence in political office. Young adults-those aged 35 years or under-comprise a mere ten percent of all parliamentarians globally, and three percent of all cabinet members. Compared to their presence in the world's population, this age group faces an underrepresentation of one to three in parliament and one to ten in cabinet. In this book, Stockemer and SundstrOEm provide a holistic account of youths' marginalization in legislatures, cabinets, and candidacies for office through a comparative lens. They argue that youths' underrepresentation in political office constitutes a democratic deficit and provide ample evidence for why they think that youth must be present in politics at much higher rates. They further embed this book within what they label a vicious cycle of political alienation, which involves the declining political sophistication of the young, their waning electoral participation, and their insufficient of representation in office. Empirically, the authors combine a global focus with in-depth studies, discussing the country-level, party-level, and individual-level factors that bar young adults' entry to positions of political power. This is the first comprehensive book on youth representation and it has relevance for those broadly interested in issues of representation, democracy, inequality, and comparative politics.

Officeholders in contemporary parliaments and cabinets are more likely than not to be male, wealthy, middle-aged or older, and from the dominant ethnicity, whereas young adults have an insufficient presence in political office. Young adults—those aged 35 years or under—comprise a mere ten percent of all parliamentarians globally, and three percent of all cabinet members. Compared to their presence in the world’s population, this age group faces an underrepresentation of one to three in parliament and one to ten in cabinet. In this book, Stockemer and Sundström provide a holistic account of youths’ marginalization in legislatures, cabinets, and candidacies for office through a comparative lens. They argue that youths’ underrepresentation in political office constitutes a democratic deficit and provide ample evidence for why they think that youth must be present in politics at much higher rates. They further embed this book within what they label a vicious cycle of political alienation, which involves the declining political sophistication of the young, their waning electoral participation, and their insufficient of representation in office. Empirically, the authors combine a global focus with in-depth studies, discussing the country-level, party-level, and individual-level factors that bar young adults’ entry to positions of political power. This is the first comprehensive book on youth representation and it has relevance for those broadly interested in issues of representation, democracy, inequality, and comparative politics.

The "secret garden of politics", where some win and others lose their candidate selection bids, and why some aspirant candidates are successful while others fail have been enduring puzzles within political science. This book solves this puzzle by proposing and applying a universally applicable multistage approach to discover the relationship between selection rules, selectors' biases, aspirants' attributes, and selection outcomes. Rare party and survey data on winning and losing candidates and insider views on what it takes to win a selection contest at multiple selection stages are compared and used to reveal the inner workings of the secret garden. With a primary focus on the British Labour party over several elections, the findings challenge many long-held assumptions about why some aspirant candidate types are successful over others and provides real-world and controversial solutions to addressing women's and other marginalised groups' descriptive underrepresentation. As such, it provides a much-needed fresh look at party selection processes and draws new conclusions as to why political underrepresentation occurs and should inform policies to remedy it. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of gender and ethnicity in politics, political parties and candidate selection, and more broadly to the study of political elites, comparative politics, sociology, labour studies, gender, race, and disability studies, and to practitioners.

This second edition presents Clinton's self-repositioning during the 1996 election, her official role during the second term, her role during the impeachment proceedings, and the beginnings of an independent political career.

This title was first published in 2003. This precise and well-structured book focuses on the mechanics (its evolution and the debates it generates) of the German electoral system. Briefly outlining the past German electoral systems and the influence they exerted on the political systems of the time, it differs from existing literature by being the first volume in the English language which gives in-depth treatment to local and regional electoral systems in Germany, as well as the federal system. Identifying the strengths and weaknesses of German electoral systems and their role and contribution within the party and political systems, it is particularly relevant at a time when other European countries' electoral systems are under review. Students and academics concerned with German politics in particular and German or European studies more generally, will find this book valuable.

This book examines the unintended consequences of top-down reforms in Iran, analysing how the Iranian reformist governments (1997-2005) sought to utilise gradual reforms to control independent activism, and how citizens responded to such a disciplinary action. While the governments successfully 'set the field' of permitted political participation, part of the civil society that took shape was unexpectedly independent. Despite being a minority, independent activists were not marginal: without them, in fact, the Green Movement of 2009 would not have taken shape. Building on in-depth empirical analysis, the author explains how autonomous activism forms and survives in a semi-authoritarian country. The book contributes to the debate about the implications of elite-led reforms for social reproduction, offering an innovative interpretation and an original analysis of social movements from a political science perspective.

My Own Story (1914) is a memoir by English political activist and suffragette Emmeline Pankhurst. Written at the onset of the First World War, My Own Story brings attention to Pankhurst's cause while defending her decision to cease activism until the end of the war. Notable for its descriptions of the British prison system, My Own Story is an invaluable document of a life dedicated to others, of a historical moment in which an oppressed group rose up to advocate for the simplest of demands: equality. Born in a politically active household, Emmeline Pankhurst was introduced to the women's suffrage movement at a young age. In 1903, she founded the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), an organization dedicated to the suffragette movement. As their speeches, rallies, and petitions failed to make headway, they turned to militant protest, and in 1908 Emmeline was arrested for attempting to enter Parliament to deliver a document to Prime Minister H.H. Asquith. Imprisoned for six weeks, she observed the horrifying conditions of prison life, including solitary confinement. This experience changed her outlook on the struggle for women's suffrage, and she increasingly saw imprisonment as a means of radical publicity. Over the next several years, she would be arrested seven times for rioting, destroying property, and assaulting police officers, and while in prison staged hunger strikes in order to gain the attention of the press and political establishment. My Own Story is a record of one woman's tireless advocacy for the sake of countless others. With a beautifully designed cover and professionally typeset manuscript, this edition of Emmeline Pankhurst's My Own Story is a classic of English literature reimagined for modern readers.

This widely acclaimed book is at last made available in paperback. Described by History Today as a 'landmark in the study of the women's movement' it is the only comprehensive reference work to bring together in one volume the wealth of information available on the women's movement.
Drawing on national and local archival sources, the book contains over 400 biographical entries and more than 800 entries on societies in England, Scotland and Wales. Easily accessible and rigorously cross-referenced, this invaluable resource covers not only the political developments of the campaign but provides insight into its cultural context, listing novels, plays and films.

Gender, Heteronormativity and the American Presidency places notions of gender at the center of its analysis of presidential campaign communications. Over the decades, an investment in gendered representations of would-be leaders has changed little, in spite of the second- and third-wave feminist movements. Modern candidates have worked vigorously to demonstrate "compensatory heterosexuality," an unquestionable normative identity that seeks to overcome challenges to their masculinity or femininity. The book draws from a wide range of archived media material, including televised films and advertisements, public debates and speeches, and candidate autobiographies. From the domestic ideals promoted by Eisenhower in the 1950s, right through to the explicit and divisive rhetoric associated with the Clinton/Trump race in 2016; intersectional content and discourse analysis reveals how each presidential candidate used his or her campaign to position themselves as a defender of traditional gender roles, and furthermore, how this investment in "appropriate" gender behaviour was made manifest in both international and domestic policy choices. This book represents a significant and timely contribution to the study of political communication. While communication during presidential elections is a well-established research field, Aidan Smith's book is the first to apply a gendered lens over such an extended historical period and across the political spectrum.

Volume 10 contains articles covering party membership, voting behaviour and elections, parliamentary voting, candidate selection, and campaigning on the internet, as well as examining US opinion on impeachment. The comprehensive reference section provides researchers with an authoritative source of data on public opinion polls. elections results, political parties, as well as a chronology of the major political events of 1999.

Volume 10 contains articles covering party membership, voting behaviour and elections, parliamentary voting, candidate selection, and campaigning on the internet, as well as examining US opinion on impeachment. The comprehensive reference section provides researchers with an authoritative source of data on public opinion polls. elections results, political parties, as well as a chronology of the major political events of 1999.

This Seminar Study was the first book to trace the British womens suffrage campaign from its origins in the 1860s through to the achievement of equal suffrage in 1928. In this second edition, Smith provides new evidence drawn from the authors research on how the main post-1918 womens organisation (the NUSEC) worked with Conservative Party women to persuade the Conservative Party to endorse equal franchise rights. Smith focuses on the actions of reformers and their opponents, with due attention paid to the campaigns in Scotland and Wales as well as the movements in England. He explores why womens suffrage was such a contentious issue, and how women gained the vote despite opponents fears that it would undermine gender boundaries. Suitable for students studying the Suffrage Movement, modern British history and the history of gender.

The year is 1987. Having made history by becoming the UK's first female Prime Minister and then driving out the most left-wing manifesto the country has ever seen, Margaret Thatcher faces a climactic third election campaign. Her eight years in power have been pivotal in guiding the UK back onto the path towards prosperity, and as he surveys the scene, David Young, Secretary of State for Employment, can see the fragile seeds of Thatcher's government beginning to grow. But this third election threatens to destroy it all, plunging the nation back into the chaos of union militancy, the three-day week and the Winter of Discontent, when Britain ground to a halt and even the bodies lay unburied. Drafted in to run the campaign, Young knows one thing for certain: the country cannot afford to go back. Written in lucid, powerful prose, Young's remarkable diary of the election that set the UK on course for the next thirty years invites readers into the room with the key players, including the Prime Minister herself. Full of gut-wrenching claustrophobia, tension and paranoia, Inside Thatcher's Last Election reveals the personality clashes that threatened to derail the campaign from the beginning and presents a very different woman from the Thatcher we think we know. For those in the eye of the storm, there was little doubt about what was at stake: the future of Britain's enterprise.

British election campaigns are shaped not simply by what politicians do and say, but by how they are reported to the public through the mass media. This book examines the dialogue conducted via the press, television, advertising and the opinion polls beween politicians and the people in the 1997 campaign and its run-up. Special attention is paid to the innovations and changes that marked the 1997 campaign, including the Labour Party's Millbank communications machine, the Sun's endorsement of Labour, the political parties' strengthening grip of the campaign agenda, party campaigning on the Internet, the role of satellite TV, and changes of technique in the opinion polls. One expected innovation that failed to materialize - a television debate between the party leaders - is also explored.

Fourteen general elections have been held in Britain in the post-war period, from Clement Attlee's surprise sweep to power in 1945 to the Conservatives' fourth consecutive victory in 1992. Several of these fourteen landmark events in British political history had unexpected results; all had far-reaching consequences.

In this fully revised and updated edition of "British General Elections Since 1945" David Butler chronicles the demeanor and result of each post-war election. He also draws on the most recent research to examine how much the way in which elections have been staged and fought has altered, with press conferences, advertizing, opinion polls and media events transforming the electoral process. In considering these issues alongside other aspects - the law, the constituencies, the electoral system itself, voter behavior - Dr Butler provides an invaluable guide to the continuities and change which have characterized British general elections for two generations.

This book explores the nature of electoral change in Britain during the last half century. The period from 1945-70 was the classic era of two-party dominance at every level of British politics: at Westminster, county hall, and in the electorate. Since the early seventies Conservative and Labour hegemony has remained virtually unaltered in Parliament, but their grip has been loosened in local government, and the popular foundations of the two-party system have been eroded among voters.

Why has Britain evolved from a dominant to a declining two-party system during the last fifty years? This study considers alternative explanations for these developments, focusing on changes in voters, parties, and political communications.

The book provides students with a fresh and accessible perspective on theories of electoral change, placing developments in Britain within their broader comparative context, and challenging many conventional assumptions about trends in voting behaviour.

Can autocrats establish representative subnational governments? And which strategies of manipulation are available if they would like to reduce the uncertainty caused by introducing political decentralisation? In the wake of local government reforms, several states across the world have introduced legislation that provides for subnational elections. This does not mean that representative subnational governments in these countries are all of a certain standard. Political decentralisation should not be confused with democratisation, as the process is likely to be manipulated in ways that do not produce meaningful avenues for political participation and contestation locally. Using examples from Africa, Lovise Aalen and Ragnhild L. Muriaas propose five requirements for representative subnational governments and four strategies that national governments might use to manipulate the outcome of political decentralisation. The case studies of Ethiopia, Malawi, South Africa, and Uganda illustrate why autocrats sometimes are more open to competition at the subnational level than democrats. Manipulating Political Decentralisation provides a new conceptual tool to assess representative subnational governments' quality, aiding us in building theories on the consequences of political decentralisation on democratisation.

The general elections held in 2014 in India - the largest democracy in the world - to elect the 16th Lok Sabha brought in dramatic results. This important volume explains not only the startling victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) but also the equally surprising downfall of the Congress Party. It examines not why BJP won and the Congress lost, but why the scale of BJP's victory and that of Congress's defeat was so very different from the results in the years 2004 and 2009. The volume presents an in-depth analysis of the electoral results, state-wise studies, the factors leading up to these outcomes, and the road India has travelled since then. With contributions from India's leading political scientists, psephologists, sociologists and political commentators, this book will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of Indian politics, democracy and political parties, as well as South Asian studies.

This study catalogues campaign finance practices and their consequences. Topics covered include the sea-change in campaign finance; presidential and congressional candidate committees; and categories of campaign contributors, ranging from individual donors to interest groups.

The 1996 elections revealed that unmistakable, dramatic changes have occurred in the way federal campaigns are paid for. Through soft money donations, issue advocacy campaigns, and other strategems, parties and candidates have been able to circumvent the regulations put in place after the Watergate scandal.

Despite rhetorical condemnations, there is every reason to expect these trends to continue in the future.

This study of the 1996 election -- the latest in a highly praised series sponsored by the Citizens' Research Foundation -- systematically examines the new campaign finance practices and their consequences.

The "British Elections and Parties" series publishes research on parties, elections and voting behaviour in Britain, providing analyses of current and historical developments. It is produced under the auspices of the Political Studies Association's Election, Public Opinion and Parties study group.
Volume 9 includes research based around four themes: electoral reform; partisanship and voting; parliamentary behaviour; and the attitudes of the young. It provides a source of data on public opinion polls, a summary of local election results, UK referendums, key economic indicators, political parties and a chronology of major political events in 1998.