This open access book carefully explores the relationship between social democracy and its working-class electorate in Western Europe. Relying on different indicators, it demonstrates an important transformation in the class basis of social democracy. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the working-class vote is strongly fragmented and social democratic parties face competition on multiple fronts for their core electorate - and not only from radical right parties. Starting from a reflection on 'working-class parties' and using a sophisticated class schema, the book paints a nuanced and diversified picture of the trajectory of social democracy that goes beyond a simple shift from working-class to middle-class parties. Following a detailed description, the book reviews possible explanations of workers' new voting patterns and emphasizes the crucial changes in parties' ideologies. It closes with a discussion on the role of the working class in social democracy's future electoral strategies.

Illustrated most dramatically by the events of 9/11 and the subsequent war on terror, violence represents a challenge to democratic politics and to the establishment of liberal-democratic regimes. Liberal-democracies have themselves not hesitated to use violence and restrict civil liberties as a response to such challenges. These issues are at the centre of global politics and figure prominently in political debates today concerning multiculturalism, political exclusion and the politics of gender.

This book takes up these topics with reference to a wide range of case-studies, covering Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, Asia and Europe. It provides a theoretical framework clarifying the relationship between democracy and violence and presents original research surveying current hot-spots of violent conflict and the ways in which violence affects the prospects for democratic politics and for gender equality. Based on field-work carried out by specialists in the areas covered, this volume will be of high interest to students of democratic politics and to all those concerned with ways in which the recourse to violence could be reduced in a global context. This book has significant implications for policy-makers involved in attempts to develop safer and more peaceful ways of handling political and social conflict.

This book was published as a special issue of Democratizations.

A powerful exploration of the role of women in the Republican Party that enhances readers' understanding of gender representation in the GOP and suggests solutions to address the partisan gender gap. Why is the Republican Party dominated by men to a far greater extent than its primary rival? With literature on conservative women in the United States still in its infancy, this book fills an important gap. It does so by examining Republican women as distinct from their male Republican and Democratic female counterparts and also by exploring the shifting role of Republican women in their party and in politics overall. The book brings those subjects together in one volume that will provide fascinating reading to students, scholars, and anyone else interested in U.S. politics. The analysis is presented in four parts, beginning with a look at the role of women as voters and activists in the GOP. The second section explores the process of candidate emergence, tackling the question as to why so few women run as Republicans and why those who do are less successful than their Democratic female and Republican male counterparts. In the third part, the contributors shed light on Republican women in Congress and state legislatures and their behavior as lawmakers. The final section assesses the outcome of the 2016 election for Republican women in general and, specifically, for Carly Fiorina, the only female candidate for the Republican presidential nomination. Each section of the book concludes with a short "guide to action" that takes the insights set forth and applies them to suggest ways to promote a greater involvement of women in the Republican Party. Analyzes the role of women in the Republican Party, something that must be understood if America is to achieve equal representation of women in the U.S. Congress and state governments Fills an important gap in knowledge regarding the presence and impact of women in the Republican Party Suggests ways members of the Republican Party can remedy the underrepresentation of women in their ranks Brings together chapters contributed by leading experts in the field of women and politics

‘Stop the world, Scotland wants to get on.’ - Hamilton, Scotland, 3 November 1967 A young couple, married only one day, join a group of eager SNP supporters in the early morning of the by-election to gather last minute votes around Hamilton. Journalists scrap pre-recorded interview answers in the middle of the night as they do not adequately convey the political event that would transform Scottish politics thereafter. Instead, a 17-year-old is sent out to collect responses that better capture the tremendous political upset that has just occurred. ‘Winnie Wins by a Mile!’ was splashed across the Hamilton Advertiser’s front page. This book details the political history and moments leading up to the election of the SNP’s Winnie Ewing and the profound effect her success has had on the political landscape of Scotland and the UK since. Professor James Mitchell of the University of Edinburgh provides an insightful examination of the different factors that contributed to Ewing and the SNP’s 1967 success. Through interviews with and surveys of SNP members, archival research and trawling through contemporary sources, Mitchell presents a multi-layered understanding of this crucial turning point in Scottish politics. This watershed by-election was transformative for the SNP and for Scotland. In the increasingly turbulent waters of contemporary politics, Hamilton 1967 provides a necessary historical context to assist in one’s navigation of the political landscape today.

Over the past ten years, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Chad, Central African Republic, Republic of Congo and Rwanda all organized pluralist elections in a post conflict context, having experienced an armed conflict which either interrupted or prevented democratization processes. These polls were organized with the support of the international community, which viewed them as a crucial step in the peace-building process. The local media's role throughout was supposed to be to ensure that an electoral process is actually 'free and fair' - a role that becomes even more crucial in countries where the media have previously being perceived as warmongers or peace-builders in the conflicts. Giving a voice to African journalists and analysing the work they have been publishing or broadcasting during these elections, African media specialist Marie-Soleil Frere explores if and how the local media fulfilled their duties. In doing so, the book reveals journalists' professional challenges at a time when much is expected from the media, as well as the intense political pressure faced that can make their work particularly difficult. Insightful and comprehensive, Elections and the Media in Post-Conflict Africa underlines both the importance and the fragility of the role of the media in a democratic system.

Issue ownership theory is a tale of two actors. On the one hand, it theorizes how parties compete with each other in their struggle for votes. On the other hand, issue ownership is about the citizen. It claims that voters are more likely to support a party if they think it is competent to handle issues they care about. This book provides unique insights into the undertheorized and understudied links between party competence and the vote. It argues that issue ownership voting (or competence-based voting) consists of three assumptions: First, voters are primarily interested in having issues handled by a competent party. Unlike in other issue voting models this implies that voters are reluctant (or unable) to deal with the specificities of the exact solution to a political problem. Though positional considerations feed into evaluations of party competence, other factors are important, too. This is reflected by the second assumption, following which issue handling competence is a subjective preference with various sources. Third, competence is more decisive in the decision-making process if the voter cares deeply about the issue. These three assumptions yield the key formula of issue ownership voting: Voters support the most competent party on the most important issue.

This book explores the question of why and under which conditions right-wing populist parties receive electoral support. The author argues that neither economic variables, nor national culture or history are what account for their successes. Instead, he illustrates that the electoral success of populist parties in Western Europe, such as the French Front National or the Alternative for Germany, is best understood as the unintended consequence of misleading political messaging on the part of established political actors. A two-level theory explains why moderate politicians have changed their approaches to political messaging, potentially benefiting the nationalist, anti-elitist and anti-immigration rhetoric of their populist contenders. Lastly, the book's theoretical assumptions are empirically validated by case studies on the immigration societies of Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden.

Is political patronage the dark underbelly of American politics, whose practitioners are fortunate to keep one step ahead of the sheriff? Or is it an essential ingredient of effective governance, rewarding and cementing loyalty while greasing the gears of government? Political patronage awarding discretionary favors in exchange for political support is alive and well in twenty-first-century America. But patronage has changed. Instead of the Christmas turkey, political leaders now reward political supporters with billion-dollar contracts, and they have outsourced everything from garbage collection to national security. This new landscape is what the Tolchins call pinstripe patronage, and it includes the privatization of services previously conducted by government; earmarks, which are government grants specified for the use of an individual, corporation, or community; and the expansion of hybrid agencies, with highly paid salaries for top executives. Pinstripe patronage benefits those more at home in a boardroom than an assembly line, and it often affects foreign policy more than domestic policy.The patronage system is the way that things have worked for a long time in politics and government, the business community, and even in families. But in the wake of travesties in Iraq, Afghanistan, and on the world economic scene, seasoned political writers Susan and Marty Tolchin contend it may be time to trade pinstripes for prison stripes and to snap some suspenders."

This critical and systematic analysis of election reforms post-HAVA (Help America Vote Act of 2002) offers a detailed look ahead at the significant challenges that remain in the context of a new presidential administration. Employing a mixed methodological approach, this book analyzes the biggest election challenges faced by voters and election administrators in the areas of voter registration, polling place and non-polling place voting, election administration personnel, and voting technology. Within the framework of the competing values of integrity and access, this book fills a crucial gap in the existing literature by analyzing the impact of election reform wins and losses. The book concludes with a promising agenda for the future of election reform and the political considerations that will be brought to bear on that agenda.

This book provides the only available historical account and comprehensive assessment of the factors surrounding the 2004 referendum on an elected assembly in the North-East region of England.

The referendum delivered a 'no' vote of considerable magnitude and called a halt to the program of gradual reform being pushed through by the Labour government. This book examines the campaigns around and the lead-up to the referendum, and offers in-depth analysis of the result, plus explorations of future options available to policy-makers around the sub-national governance of England (a key aspect of the 'English Question'). Crucially, the book contains chapters from scholars who carried out cutting-edge research at the time of the referendum and are thus in a unique position to contribute authoritatively to the historical understanding of these events. This volume will be of great benefit to students and researchers in Regional Studies, Local Government Studies and Constitutional Studies.

This book reflects on the questions raised by the European Election Study 2004 whose analytical focus was on the legitimacy of EU politics after Eastern enlargement. It also assesses the dynamics and the contents of the campaign, on the determinants of the extremely low turnout in the new countries, and on the reasons of voter choice in West and East.

The book also examines the first European Parliament election after the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe joined the European Union. The central question is: what has changed? Are the voters in the new member countries different and if so, why? Did the Union suffer from a loss of democratic legitimacy after Eastern enlargement?

Each chapter is empirical-analytical; most are based on the post-election surveys of the group that were conducted in all but one of the 25 member countries, others focus on the results of content analyses of news media and party manifestos.

This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of European Integration.

This book studies the challenges to conventional politics posed by new ways of selecting candidates for legislative elections. The recent economic crisis had profound political consequences on politics, generating an upsurge in the demand for more participative ways of decision-making in politics channelled through social movements and individuals in different countries. Some parties have reacted by introducing changes in their internal organization (via intra-party democracy), particularly related to the selection of candidates for public office. This volume explores the trends and challenges of these new methods of selection, analyses how the internet is increasingly being used as a selection tool, and evaluates some of the relevant consequences related to political representation, party cohesion and party centralization, among others.

This book provides a systematic comparative analysis of how and why voting behaviour has changed in Europe in recent decades. It has been widely argued that radical changes have occurred in the how and why of voting behaviour in Europe as a result of changes in the structure of society, most notably the rise in material affluence and educational attainment, and the decline in religious observance and the size of the working class. But most tests of this proposition have been undertaken on single countries. This book, however, systematically tests the validity of this proposition across various European countries.
The argument that social change has altered voting behavior has been increasingly challenged on the grounds that it takes too little account of changes in the choices that are put before voters by the parties, such as the promises and proposals that are put forward at election time. This book, therefore, also assesses the relative explanatory power of claims that voting behaviour has changed because of changes in society against claims that it responds to changes in the offerings of political parties. And it is clear from the analyzes reported in this book that contrary to the claims of much of the extant literature, the latter argument appears better able to account for many of the patterns and changes in European voting behaviour, and thus the book constitutes an important challenge to much current academic orthodoxy.
This is the first book to provide a systematic comparison of the long-term dynamics of the voting behaviour of individual voters across such a wide range of European countries, taking into account the dynamics of the choices put before voters by the parties and, for the first time, relating this to the way voters behave.
Comparative Politics is a series for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. The General Editors are Max Kaase, Professor of Political Science, Vice President and Dean, School of Humanities and Social Science, International University Bremen; and Kenneth Newton, Professor of Comparative Politics, University of Southampton. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research.

The presidential election of 2008 is unique in a history of memorable campaigns for the highest office in the U.S. Never before has an African American captured the nomination of a major political party. Never before have the Republicans nominated a woman for vice president. Never before has a woman come so close to capturing the nomination of a major party. And with at once one of the oldest and youngest candidates contending for the office, never before has the campaign been stretched over such a range of voters and issues. Add to that the multiple threats to the U.S. economy and the longest war the country has ever waged and the electoral context is set. This book is the first to describe and assess these monumental developments with original analysis by an all-star cast of contributors. No other book captures both the range and depth of this one in its early look at the meaning of the most significant election in years-one with unprecedented institutional, constitutional, and policy consequences for all of us.

The presidential election of 2008 is unique in a history of memorable campaigns for the highest office in the U.S. Never before has an African American captured the nomination of a major political party. Never before have the Republicans nominated a woman for vice president. Never before has a woman come so close to capturing the nomination of a major party. And with at once one of the oldest and youngest candidates contending for the office, never before has the campaign been stretched over such a range of voters and issues. Add to that the multiple threats to the U.S. economy and the longest war the country has ever waged and the electoral context is set. This book is the first to describe and assess these monumental developments with original analysis by an all-star cast of contributors. No other book captures both the range and depth of this one in its early look at the meaning of the most significant election in years-one with unprecedented institutional, constitutional, and policy consequences for all of us.

In this exciting and insightful new work, Zillah Eisenstein engages the 2008 election of Barack Obama as a site of new anti-imperial possibility. Contiuning her relentless anti-racist feminist narrative to uncover the new shiftings and changes surrounding the meanings and practices of race, gender, and class, she likens the end of the Bush/Cheney presidency to the fall of Stalin, or Pinochet and asks whether this is a key historical moment that will alter race and gender in newly unknown ways. Tracing the social and political presence of Hillary Clinton, Michelle Obama, Sarah Palin and Barack Obama, the book present 25 conceptual "frames" of fast-paced critical analysis that places the US presidential election in the context of; the global economic crisis, the new positions of China and India, Islamic feminisms and new secularisms. Illuminated by Eisenstein's distinctive style and personal narrative as she travels the world, Eisenstein challenges her readers to always be looking for the "newly new" political configurations in order to create a politics of and for the globe.

Many Americans believe Barack Obama represents a hopeful future for America. But does he also reflect the American politics of the past? This book offers the broadest and best-informed understanding on the meaning of the Obama phenomenon to date.Paul Street was on the ground throughout the Iowa campaign, and his stories of the rising Obama phenomenon are poignant. Yet the author s background in American political history allows him to explore the deeper meanings of Obama s remarkable political career. He looks at Obama in relation to contemporary issues of class, race, war, and empire. He considers Obama in the context of our nation s political history, with comparisons to FDR, JFK, Bill Clinton, and other leaders. Street finds that the Obama persona, crafted by campaign consultants and filtered through dominant media trends, masks the change candidate s adherence to long-prevailing power structures and party doctrines. He shows how American political culture has produced misperceptions by the electorate of Obama s positions and values. Obama is no magical exception to the narrow-spectrum electoral system and ideological culture that have done so much to define and limit the American political tradition. Yet the author suggests key ways in which Obama potentially advances democratic transformation. Street makes recommendations on how citizens can productively respond to and act upon Obama s influence and the broader historical and social forces that have produced his celebrity and relevance. He also lays out a real agenda for change for the new presidential administration, one that addresses the recent failures of democratic politics.This study differs from previous books on Obama in at least three ways: (1) Street s determination to offer a balanced but critical assessment of the Obama phenomenon from a perspective shaped by years of engagement with Left theory and activism; (2) Street s effort to understand the phenomenon in a deeply researched historical, societal, and institutional context, consistently relating Obama s career and candidacy to the ongoing historical development and dilemmas of U.S. political culture; (3) Street s ability to deepen his account by drawing on his considerable direct experience with the phenomenon over years as a civil rights researcher and advocate on the south side of Chicago (2000 2005) and as a campaign activist in Iowa during the long and critical Iowa primary (caucus) season of 2007 2008.Read the "Huffington Post" interview with Paul Street: Huffington Post interviewRead the "ZNet" interview with Paul Street: ZNet Interview Read the "Firedoglake Book Salon" feature of this book: Firedoglake Review"

In an election year in which everyone seems to be looking for change, Tom Cronin reminds us that it is important to look back at presidential precedents and pitfalls, carrying forward these lessons as we look ahead in the "search for the perfect president." America has never had a perfect president, nor are we likely to. We yearn for qualities of mind, character, and experience that are rarely found in one person. Candidates always have the flaws associated with being human. Noted presidential scholar Thomas E. Cronin helps us consider these realities with clarity and empathy, as one who has both written about presidents and run for office himself. Cronin unabashedly issues three cheers for those who run, and for all their helpers and advisers who provide us choices. In this election year, incredible diversity and therefore sharp disagreements of ideology and values prevail. Cronin puts all this in context with the history of the American presidency from George Washington to George W. Bush with a special focus on what he calls the "Act III" presidency of JFK. He takes us from the fiction of "searching for the perfect president" to the facts of the presidency in the post-9/11 world. Whether the next president is soldier, shaman, or somewhere in-between, Cronin gives us a glimpse of presidents future through the lens of presidents past.

In an election year in which everyone seems to be looking for change, Tom Cronin reminds us that it is important to look back at presidential precedents and pitfalls, carrying forward these lessons as we look ahead in the "search for the perfect president." America has never had a perfect president, nor are we likely to. We yearn for qualities of mind, character, and experience that are rarely found in one person. Candidates always have the flaws associated with being human. Noted presidential scholar Thomas E. Cronin helps us consider these realities with clarity and empathy, as one who has both written about presidents and run for office himself. Cronin unabashedly issues three cheers for those who run, and for all their helpers and advisers who provide us choices. In this election year, incredible diversity and therefore sharp disagreements of ideology and values prevail. Cronin puts all this in context with the history of the American presidency from George Washington to George W. Bush with a special focus on what he calls the "Act III" presidency of JFK. He takes us from the fiction of "searching for the perfect president" to the facts of the presidency in the post-9/11 world. Whether the next president is soldier, shaman, or somewhere in-between, Cronin gives us a glimpse of presidents future through the lens of presidents past.

Just in time for the coming election year, this book looks at the changing of the guard in 2006 and speculates on where the system may be heading in 2008. It provides an in-depth examination of the ways in which candidates, interest groups, and parties perceived their opportunities and allocated their campaign resources during the midterm elections. The role of money, which was influenced by campaign finance reform, is a special focus in this book. The theme of political scandal has frequently raised concerns that Republican leadership had become a "culture of corruption" that had flourished under their watch, which is also addressed in this book. The war in Iraq, however, may be the most important factor-not only in the 2006 battle for Congress, but for the 2008 battle for the White House as well.

Want to change the world? The first step is to exercise your right to vote! In this step by step guide, you can learn everything you need to know. In What You Need to Know About Voting--and Why, law professor and constitutional scholar Kimberly Wehle offers practical, useful advice on the mechanics of voting and an enlightening survey of its history and future. What is a primary? How does the electoral college work? Who gets to cast a ballot and why? How do mail-in ballots work? How do I register? For new voters, would-be voters, young people and all of us looking ahead to the next election, What You Need to Know About Voting--and Why is a timely and informative guide, providing the background you need in order to make informed choices that will shape our shared destiny for decades to come.

Building beyond Lakoff's election-year best-seller, "Don't Think of an Elephant," this new book shows how the values of American voters are dramatically shifting. With the arrival of the 2008 election year, a rising feminized majority'-made up of both women and men-is emerging as the pivotal force in American politics. Emerging trends show these values are broadly progressive and address not just the needs of women but the general interests of society. They are held by women substantially more than by men but have become the values held by a majority of all voters, including millions of men. Like earlier eras in American history, such as the New Deal, the rise of the feminized majority today presents an opportunity for the Democrats to become the governing party for decades to come. Looking beyond the 2008 election, Adam and Derber describe a new political strategy that targets the feminized base and opens up a window for major social justice movements to make progressive change. Like Lakoff's, this striking new book-perfectly timed for election year 2008-offers a new vocabulary for every citizen who wants to understand (and reimagine) American politics. It will intrigue and provoke readers, stirring new conversation among progressives and new insights for every citizen interested in politics, morality, religion, values, and social justice.See the Youtube video featuring The New Feminized Majority at: http: //www.youtube.comRead the "American Chronicle" review by Jim Melvin at: 'http: //www.americanchronicle.com

Building beyond Lakoff's election-year best-seller, Don't Think of an Elephant, this new book shows how the values of American voters are dramatically shifting. With the arrival of the 2008 election year, a rising "feminized majority"-made up of both women and men-is emerging as the pivotal force in American politics. Emerging trends show these values are broadly progressive and address not just the needs of women but the general interests of society. They are held by women substantially more than by men but have become the values held by a majority of all voters, including millions of men. Like earlier eras in American history, such as the New Deal, the rise of the feminized majority today presents an opportunity for the Democrats to become the governing party for decades to come. Looking beyond the 2008 election, Adam and Derber describe a new political strategy that targets the feminized base and opens up a window for major social justice movements to make progressive change. Like Lakoff's, this striking new book-perfectly timed for election year 2008-offers a new vocabulary for every citizen who wants to understand (and reimagine) American politics. It will intrigue and provoke readers, stirring new conversation among progressives and new insights for every citizen interested in politics, morality, religion, values, and social justice.

While interest groups have long been at the center of the study of American politics, most explorations of their influence have tended to dwell on lobbying. When political scientists do look at groups' electoral activities, they tend to study contribution activity by political action committees. But a whole world of political activity has emerged that is not confined to PAC contributions. Activities such as issue advocacy, independent expenditures, and voter mobilization go well beyond the limits set by federal law. More Than Money is the first attempt to understand this world of interest group action in a theoretical fashion. It links data gathered through ten case studies to broader ideas about interest groups, political parties, and congressional elections. It examines what resources groups possess for political action, how they are linked to the incentives groups offer to members, and how groups can apply those resources effectively. It also looks at how groups adapt to changing political and legal contexts, and provides a better understanding of the relationship between interest groups and political parties. More Than Money does all this in a clear, accessible style and with numerous quotations from top players at interest groups such as NARAL and the NRA.