For a whole generation of Malaysians, no proper closure to the traumas of the racial riots of May 13, 1969 has been possible. But then came March 8, 2008 The surprising results of the General Election on that special day have started eclipsing the fears linked for so long to that spectral night forty years ago. All the three researchers from ISEAS who each authored separate chapters for this book were in different parts of Malaysia monitoring its 12th General Election during the thirteen days of campaigning. Their analyses provide new insights into the phenomenon that Malaysians now simply refer to as "March 8." Ooi Kee Beng scrutinizes in detail the electoral campaign in the state of Penang, Johan Saravanamuttu studies the case of Kelantan state and the elections in general, while Lee Hock Guan examines changes in the voting pattern in the Klang Valley.

The 2006 elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council, the first in which both Fatah and Hamas fielded candidates, resulted in a resounding victory for Hamas. Winning 74 out of the 132 seats (compared to Fatah s 45), Hamas election strategy had proved effective against Fatah s ineffectual campaign and failure to properly consider public opinion. Erika Schwarze offers here an in-depth examination of these two separate campaigns, and how Fatah s lack of responsiveness to the popular mood in the run-up to elections following Arafat s death and beyond, led to its defeat in spite of its considerable experience of electioneering. She analyses the conduct of Palestinian leadership during this critical period, exploring the reasons for Fatah s inability to prioritise responsiveness to public opinion, and providing insights into the movement s electoral prospects in the future and its chances of survival and revival."

Direct democracy has become an increasingly common feature of European politics with important implications for policy making in the European Union. The no-votes in referendums in France and the Netherlands put an end to the Constitutional Treaty, and the Irish electorate has caused another political crisis in Europe by rejecting the Lisbon Treaty. Europe in Question explains how voters decide in referendums on European integration. It presents a comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding voting behavior in referendums and a thorough comparative analysis of EU referendums from 1972 to 2008. To examine why people vote the way they do, the role of political elites and the impact of the campaign dynamics, this books relies on a variety of sources including survey data, content analysis of media coverage, experimental studies, and elite interviews. The book illustrates the importance of campaign dynamics and elite endorsements in shaping public opinion, electoral mobilization and vote choices. Referendums are often criticized for presenting citizens with choices that are too complex and thereby generating outcomes that have little or no connection with the ballot proposal. Importantly this book shows that voters are smarter than they are often given credit for. They may not be fully informed about European politics, but they do consider the issues at stake before they go to the ballot box and they make use of the information provided by parties and the campaign environment. Direct democracy may not always produce the outcomes that are desired by politicians. But voters are far more competent than commonly perceived.

Fox hunting with Godfrey Bloom; lunching on expenses with Janice Atkinson;talking 'shock and awful' campaign tactics with Douglas Carswell - nothingis off the table when you're on the trail of UKlP's People's Army.Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail '72 meets Louis Theroux, FollowingFarage recounts one hack's journey as he follows, drinks with, laughs atand even occasionally defends the phenomenon that is the United Kingdomlndependence Party as it prepares to march upon Westminster.With exclusive interviews and unfettered access to all the disgracedgenerals, trusty foot soldiers, deserters and dissenters who make up itsranks, Bennett delivers the inside scoop on what makes the People's Armytick - all the while making the transition from elbowed-out hanger-on tothe journalist Farage calls for an honest, post-election run-down of events.From the initial skirmishes and battle plans (the successful and thescuppered) to the explosive events of the battle for No. 10 itself -and the all-out civil war that broke out in its aftermath - FollowingFarage leaves no stone unturned, avenue untrod or pint undrunkin its quest for the truth about Britain's newest and mostcontroversial political force.

This detailed analysis examines the role of race and racism in American politics since the 1980s, and contends that-despite the election of Barack Obama-the effects of white supremacy still divide American society and affect voter behavior today. How have the increasing diversity of our people and the election of the first black president influenced American politics? This book investigates every aspect of race and politics from voter ID laws to redistricting to the use of racially divisive issues in campaigns. Each of the seven chapters explores a specific political issue from its historical origin to its legacy in present-day politics, and the book features some of the most controversial topics on the subject, including disguised racism and the myth of a post-racial America. The Color of Politics: Racism in the American Political Arena Today considers a wide spectrum of political issues as it relates to minority populations. The author asserts that from the Bradley effect of the 1980s to the discourse used by the Tea Party, racism has left a lasting imprint on contemporary politics over the last 30 years.

Coming off his unsuccessful 2004 New Hampshire state Senate campaign, Jerry Sorlucco realized something was fundamentally wrong in America. Across the country people had voted against their own best interest. The Republican far right-now the party of our modern robber barons-"waving the bloody shirt," and using the war on terrorism to instill fear, in league with the Christian evangelical movement, had won both houses of Congress and the White House. President George W. Bush, who had lost the popular vote in 2000 and won the election in a five to four vote by U.S. Supreme Court, had the power to put in motion an agenda that rewarded America's rich elitists and systematically set about destroying the nation's social safety net. Thoroughly researched and annotated, Facing Fascism takes the reader through the 2004 election, the manipulation of America's worldview, the mismanagement of the major issues facing the nation, and offers some solutions. It is a serious work, but essential reading for anyone who wants to understand what is happening in America. The book shows conclusively that the threat to America in the 21st century has all the characteristics of fascism, replete with class warfare, militarism, and religious nationalism.

La lucha por el poder en Mexico, es encarnizada y suele estar sazonada con descalificaciones, vituperios, infundios, y calumnias de la mas variada especie. Las trampas de cualquier indole, se ponen en juego y son tantos los artilugios utilizados, que es muy dificil encontrar el hilo de la madeja a tiempo para detenerlos u obstaculizarlos con la ley en la mano. Cuando se logran detectar las violaciones a la ley, es muy tarde para intentar, siquiera, revertir un resultado electoral emanado de actos delictivos, pues el tiempo requerido para documentarlos y evaluarlos es exageradamente largo. Un individuo cualquiera, inmiscuido en un proceso electoral en Mexico, puede violar la reglamentacion electoral de todas las formas que su imaginacion le dicte, tomar posesion de su cargo y despues enfrentar las acusaciones que se le imputen, desde la seguridad del fuero constitucional, pero nunca estara en riesgo el puesto obtenido de manera ilegal. Los expertos en cuestiones politicas, solo pueden mesarse los cabellos en actitud de impotencia y verter sus opiniones y sus puntos de vista en escritos dirigidos, por lo comun, a un restringido nucleo de lectores, que casi siempre es el mismo, porque a la mayoria de la gente no le interesa mayormente lo que ocurra despues de unas elecciones, ya sean locales o federales. Es un circulo vicioso muy dificil de romper; pero los analistas politicos raras veces se han preocupado porque sus opiniones lleguen al grueso de la poblacion. No tienen tiempo y tampoco les interesa demasiado, aunque ellos digan lo contrario. Una caracteristica comun, en la mayoria de los trabajos ensayisticos, es la frialdad de sus textos, derivada, en gran medida, de la rigidez tecnica con la que son abordados los temas que intenta retratar. Esta frialdad, esta rigidez, los hace poco atractivos a los ojos del lector impaciente, o del lector que no busca tanto el dato tecnico, preciso, sino la simple informacion que pueda servirle de referencia para enriquecer su propio punto de vista. " Por que perdimos?" Intenta conjugar el dato duro y la calidez de un texto, escrito con la unica finalidad de hacernos pasar un momento agradable, mientras nos invita a reflexionar sobre asuntos que nos afectan directamente y de los cuales, tal vez por falta de tiempo, no hacemos mucho caso. El escritor mexicano, F. Rubi, avecindado en la ciudad de Manzanillo por mas de treinta anos, se ha preocupado desde sus inicios, por ofrecernos trabajos literarios que nos ayuden a comprender nuestro entorno, pero adornados con esa dificil mezcla de rigor y jocosidad que hacen de sus libros un divertimento. Ojala que esten de acuerdo con nosotros

"Nigeria's Stumbling Democracy and its Implications for Africa's Democratic Movement" is the first book to recount and analyze Nigeria's controversial general elections of April 2007. Because Nigeria's immense and diverse population of 140 million people and its wealth of natural resources make it a microcosm of Africa, Nigerian politics are an ideal case study and bellwether by which to view and understand African politics and the ongoing democratic experiments on the continent. Ten leading scholars of Nigerian and African politics, variously based in Nigeria, the US, and Europe, contribute original chapters commissioned by Professor Okafor to provide an account at once deep and comprehensive of what went wrong with these disputed presidential, federal, and state elections; together with their implications for the future of the democratic movement, both in Nigeria and in Africa as a whole.

Although the 2007 general elections resulted in the first-ever handover of political power from one civilian government to another in the history of Nigeria, by which the two-term Christian president Olusegun Obasanjon was succeeded by a Muslim, Alhaji Musa Yar'Adua, they were condemned by internal and international watchdogs for pervasive vote-rigging, violence, intimidation, and fraud which were, as this book documents, perpetrated by and with the connivance of the nation's security forces. The disappointment of continental hopes that these elections might finally break with Nigeria's history of tainted elections has grave repercussions for the democracy movement not only in Nigeria but throughout Africa-as seen in the knock-on effect upon the disastrous general elections in Kenya later the same year.

The biggest contemporary challenge to democratic legitimacy gravitates around the crisis of democratic representation. To tackle this problem, a growing number of established and new democracies included direct democratic instruments in their constitutions, enabling citizens to have direct influence on democratic decision-making. However, there are many different empirical manifestations of direct democracy, and their diverse consequences for representative democracy remain an understudied topic. Let the People Rule? aims to fill this gap, analysing the multifaceted consequences of direct democracy on constitutional reforms and issues of independence, democratic accountability mechanisms, and political outcomes. Chapters apply different methodological approaches to study the consequences of direct democracy on democratic legitimacy. These range from single in-depth case studies, like the Scottish independence referendum in 2014, to cross-national comparative studies, such as the direct democratic experience within the European Union.

Electronic participation is an emerging and growing research area that makes use of internet solutions to enhance citizens' participation in government processes in order to provide a fair and efficient society. This book examines recommender-system technologies and voting advice applications as tools to enable electronic citizen participation during election campaigns. Further, making use of fuzzy classification, it provides an evaluation framework for eParticipation. A dynamic voting advice application developed for the 2017 Ecuador national election serves as a real-world case study to introduce readers to the practical implementation and evaluation issues. The book concludes with a comprehensive analysis of the 2017 election project based on altmetrics, Google Analytics and statistics from the case study.

Wiefek presents evidence of a link between individual-level economic concerns and political opinion. Conceptualizing economic anxiety by applying social psychological theory to the distinct characteristics of the new American economy, she presents evidence that this postindustrial economic anxiety shapes beliefs and policy opinions, above and beyond ideology, partisanship, and income. Journalists and political commentators have written extensively on the political consequences of the strains created by the transformation of the U.S. economy over the last thirty years. Yet, the individual-level anxiety accompanying America's transition to a postindustrial, globalized economy has not been explored in any systematic way. In fact, what clear empirical evidence we do have strongly suggests that citizens do not link their personal fortunes to their political opinions. Wiefek argues that the way in which political scientists normally go about looking for these connections misses what citizens experience in their daily lives, particularly their emotional reactions. The measures commonly used by political scientists do not tap the specific features of America's post-1973 economic transformation or the anxiety, insecurity, and fear it engenders. Wiefek presents a conceptualization of economic anxiety that draws upon psychological, sociological, economic, and political science theories and findings, and the distinct nature of the new economy. Using data from a mail survey, she estimates the impact of economic anxiety and presents strong evidence of its predictive power on political opinion. She concludes with a discussion of the political implications of these findings and argues that the progressive political potential of shared anxieties will require reversing the anti-government bias endemic to our current public dialogue.

In June 2010, Greg Fettig began a battle that would ultimately change the course of his life. Already involved in the Tea Party movement in Indiana, he started a campaign to target an icon of Washington elitism, six-term US Senator Richard Lugar, and ultimately oust him from power. He had no idea that the eighteen-month journey ahead would be fraught with twists and turns, bribes, threats, attacks, deception, and betrayal.

An inside look into the dark underbelly of politics, "Tea Party on Safari" takes you behind the scenes of one battle in an all-out war for the heart and soul of the Republican Party. Fettig, along with fellow Tea Party patriot Monica Boyer, united under the banner of constitutional conservatism and set out to reclaim the Republican Party by purging it of RINOs-and they started with Senator Lugar.

Voting Lugar out of office remained their goal, and they pursued it with steady resolve. With Fettig and Boyer at the helm, the unified Tea Party waged the largest grass roots political campaign ever conducted in the young movement's history, seeking to send shockwaves of fear to the Washington, DC, establishment of both national political parties.

Late deciders go for the challenger; turnout helps the Democrats; the gender gap results from a surge in Democratic preference among women--these and many other myths are standard fare among average citizens, political pundits, and even some academics. But are these conventional wisdoms--familiar to anyone who watches Sunday morning talk shows--really valid?
Unconventional Wisdom offers a novel yet highly accessible synthesis of what we know about American voters and elections. It not only provides an integrated overview of the central themes in American politics--parties, polarization, turnout, partisan bias, campaign effects, swing voters, the gender gap, and the youth vote--it upends many of our fundamental preconceptions. Most importantly, it shows that the American electorate is much more stable than we have been led to believe, and that the voting patterns we see today have deep roots in our history. Throughout, the book provides comprehensive information on voting patterns; illuminates (and corrects) popular myths about voters and elections; and details the empirical foundations of conventional wisdoms that many understand poorly or not at all.
Written by three experts on American politics, Unconventional Wisdom serves as both a standard reference and a concise overview of the subject. Both informative and witty, the book is likely to become a standard work in the field, essential reading for anyone interested in American politics.

This book explores why democratization processes in Sub-Saharan Africa have made so little progress despite more than two decades of multi-party politics on the subcontinent. By applying multiple linear regression analyses to a new data set on multi-party elections in Sub-Saharan Africa, the study investigates the relationship between political mobilizations and electoral competitiveness. It finds that the more societal groups engage in political mobilizations, such as protests and strikes, the more competitive elections become. Based on these results, the author argues for a change in the policies of international democracy assistance programs. The study's findings suggest that efforts to promote democracy would likely be more successful if international donors focused their support on organizations that have active constituencies and are willing to use their mobilization capacity to address ruling elites with political or socio-economic grievances.

Migrants have, for some time, engaged in the politics of their homelands from a distance, but, as this book argues, politicians are increasingly looking beyond their national boundaries for electoral and political support. While migrants rarely cast decisive votes in homeland elections, they are not marginal to homeland politics. Courting Migrants looks at how extraterritorial outreach by homeland states and parties alters the boundaries of political membership and intersects with migrant agency to transform politics at home. It addresses three specific questions: under what conditions and in what ways do homeland authorities reach out to migrants? How do these migrants respond? And, to what extent does their response affect homeland governance? Katrina Burgess argues that globalization and the spread of democracy since the 1970s have encouraged politicians in the Global South to reach out to migrants in search of economic resources, foreign policy support, and/or electoral advantage. They do so by cultivating feelings of loyalty that induce some kinds of migrant engagement while discouraging others. Whether or not these politicians succeed depends on where migrants are located, how many resources they have, what kinds of identities they value, and why they left their homeland in the first place. This interaction between outreach and engagement has implications, in turn, for how migrants are responding to the current wave of populism and authoritarianism around the globe. The book is based on in-depth research on state-migrant relations in four high-migration countries: Turkey, Dominican Republic, Philippines, and Mexico.

This book analyzes the verticalization of coalition cabinets from the national to the sub-national level. Presenting case studies for countries with federal systems of government, such as Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, and India, as well as those focusing on states with hybrid systems of government, such as Italy, the contributors analyze multilevel government formation processes to identify vertical congruence between national and sub-national coalitions. The book also examines various factors affecting the degree of congruence of political coalitions, such as the degree of decentralization, federalization and institutionalization of political systems, as well as cleavage structure. This book will be a valuable resource for all scholars interested in coalition politics, as well as for politicians and practitioners in government and parliament.

Explores and documents the causes and effects of the long history of vote denial on American politics, culture, law, and society. The debate over who can and cannot vote has been "on trial" since the American Revolution. Throughout U.S. history, the franchise has been awarded and denied on the basis of wealth, status, gender, ethnicity, and race. Featuring a unique mix of analysis and documentation, Voting Rights on Trial illuminates the long, slow, and convoluted path by which vote denial and dilution were first addressed, and then defeated, in the courts. Four narrative chapters survey voting rights from colonial times to the 2000 presidential election, focus on key court cases, and examine the current voting climate. The volume includes analysis of voting rights in the new century and their implications for future electoral contests. The coverage concludes with selections of documents from cases discussed, relevant statutes and amendments, and other primary sources. A timeline giving the history of voting rights from 1619, when Virginia planters voted for the first time, to 2000, when the Supreme Court invalidated Florida's recount process, which ultimately determined the outcome of the election Excerpts of key legal documents including Reynolds v. Sims (one person, one vote) and Bush v. Gore (debate over nationalization of voting rights)

This unique book examines election upsets in American presidential campaigns, offers in-depth analysis of several surprising election results, and explains why the front-running candidate lost. Controversial and unexpected presidential election results have occurred throughout American history. Presidential Upsets: Dark Horses, Underdogs, and Corrupt Bargains carefully examines eleven presidential upsets spread across two centuries of American history, ranking these election upsets by order of magnitude and allowing readers to compare the issues and processes of American elections. After an introductory chapter that establishes the factors that contribute to a presidential upset, such as the comparative advantages of candidates, the issues facing the candidates and electorate, and the political environment during the election, the book offers in-depth analysis of notable surprise election results and explains why the front-running candidate lost. Each major period of American history-such as the Jacksonian period, the Antebellum era, Reconstruction, World War I, the Cold War era, and the post-Cold War era-is covered. The author utilizes primary and secondary sources of material to provide contemporary and historical analysis of these elections, and bases his analysis upon criteria used by political scientists to predict presidential election results.

This unique edited volume by some of the leading scholars in the field, examines the importance, or non-importance, of the personalities of political leaders in determining the outcomes of democratic elections. The book argues, contrary to conventional wisdom, that relatively few voters are swayed by candidates' personal characteristics. Their findings imply that modern democratic pointers is not nearly as candidate-cent red and personality-orientated as is often supposed. They also suggest that parties' policies and their performance in office usually count for far more than the men and women they chose as their leaders.

When parties undergo abrupt organisational changes between elections - such as when they fuse, split, join or abandon party lists - they alter profoundly the organisation and supply of electoral information to voters. The alternatives on the ballot are no longer fixed but need to be actively sought out instead. This book examines how voters cope with the complexity triggered by party instability. Breaking with previous literature, it suggests that voters are versatile and ingenious decision-makers. They adapt to informational complexity with a set of cognitively less costly heuristics uniquely suited to the challenges they face. A closer look at the impact of party instability on the vote advances and qualifies quintessential theories of vote choice, including proximity voting, direction-intensity appeals, economic voting and the use of cognitive heuristics. The rich and nuanced findings illustrate that political parties hold a key to understanding voter behaviour and representation in modern democracy.