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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Elections & referenda
In 1994, the Republican Party won control of the House of Representatives for the first time since 1954 and the Senate for the first time since 1986, bringing to an end the longest uninterrupted period of single party rule in the entire history of the United States Congress. In this text, scholars from Britain and the United States document these developments and evaluate their significance. They aim to answer the following questions: what political messages did the 1994 election results carry?; how significant were the institutional changes introduced?; how distinctive was Newt Gingrich's style and strategy?; how conservative was the legislation enacted by the 104th Congress?; how in the course of a single Congress was President Bill Clinton able to evolve from political irrelevant to major policy player?; how were despondent congressional Democrats able to recover to play an important role in shaping legislative outcomes?; are there many similarities with the Republican Congress which faced President Harry Truman in the 1940s?; and what is the significance of the 104th Congress for the future development of this complex institution and the governing of America.
This timely book presents a critique of binary majority rule and provides insights into why, in many instances, the outcome of a two-option ballot does not accurately reflect the will of the people. Based on the author's first-hand experience, majority-voting is argued to be a catalyst of populism and its divisive outcomes have prompted countless disputes throughout Europe and Asia. In like manner, simple majority rule is seen as a cause of conflict in war zones, and of dysfunction in so-called stable democracies. In order to safeguard democracy, an all-party power-sharing approach is proposed, which would make populism less attractive to voters and governments alike. In geographically arranged chapters, well-tested alternative voting procedures (e. g. non-majoritarian Modified Borda Count) are presented in case studies of Northern Ireland, Central Europe, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Russia, China, North Korea and Mongolia.
Providing a unique resource for readers seeking to understand the relationship between presidents, parties, and Congress, this book offers a new explanation of the motivations, strategies, and impacts of presidential midterm campaigns. Congress has been shaped by an unlikely force-presidential involvement in midterm campaigning. This book argues that midterm campaigning is a presidential Trojan horse and that in undertaking it, presidents have brought their parties to heel; indebted individual representatives and senators to them; and broken the ability of Congress to effectively check the executive office. Midterm Campaigning and the Modern Presidency looks at why presidential midterm campaigning emerged during the post-war period and why it did not emerge sooner; it then describes how presidents have shrewdly coordinated their midterm actions to not only shore up their immediate needs but also to remake in their own image both their party and Congress as a whole. Not merely about any particular election or candidate, the book shows that presidential midterm campaigning has a lasting impact on the behavior of Congress and on the future course of American political affairs. Examines all presidential midterm campaigning from 1954 (the inception of the "imperial" presidency) through 2014 Includes case studies of nine presidents as midterm campaigners: Johnson, Taft, FDR, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon, Clinton, Bush, and Obama Shows that presidents use campaigns not to aid their own party but to reshape it around their own ideological preferences Explains the relationship between presidential midterm campaigning and the U.S. party system Explores how presidential midterm campaigning affects subsequent Congressional behavior and federal elections
According to numerous scholars and pundits, JFK's victory in 1960
symbolized America's evolution from a politically Protestant nation
to a pluralistic one. The anti-Catholic prejudice that many blamed
for presidential candidate Alfred E. Smith's crushing defeat in
1928 at last seemed to have been overcome. However, if the
presidential election of 1960 was indeed a turning point for
American Catholics, how do we explain the failure of any
Catholic--in over forty years--to repeat Kennedy's accomplishment?
In this exhaustively researched study that fuses political,
cultural, social, and intellectual history, Thomas Carty challenges
the assumption that JFK's successful campaign for the presidency
ended decades, if not centuries, of religious and political
tensions between American Catholics and Protestants.
'A pioneering and important study.' David Denver, University of Lancaster 'This study is long overdue. It will inevitably attract a great deal of interest.' James Mitchell, University of Sheffield 'The debates on ethnic minority electoral participation have been bedevilled by methodological problems and political disputes. Shamit Saggar's sensitive analysis and careful use of the British Election Study data make this an important and authoritative contribution to the understanding of ethnic minority politics." Zig Layton-Henry, University of Warwick The central concern of "Race and Representation" is the political integration of Britain's ethnic minorities. The book provides a direct and extensive comparison between the voting behaviour of ethnic minorities and the electorate as a whole. The book pioneers innovative use of the British Election Study and features the results of the 1997 ethnic minority election study. It also contains an in-depth look at party strategy with regard to ethnic minorities, ethnic minority attitudes on key issues and policies, and the lessons to be learned from the performance of black and Asian parliamentary candidates. In particular, the analysis aims to uncover whether electoral abstention, orientation towards issues and party alignment are primarily circumstantial, as existing research suggests is the case among the white population. It is a major re-examination of the role of ethnicity in shaping political outlook and voting choice. The book will be essential reading for students, teachers and scholars interested in the involvement of Britain's ethnic minorities in the democratic process. It will also have extensive appeal among activists, policy-makers and opinion formers concerned with ethnic diversity, race relations and political inclusion.
An analysis of the 2009 European elections in each of the 27 member
states of the newly enlarged European Union, and assessment of the
European Parliament in 2004-2009. This book looks at the
implications of low turnout for the future of European Union
democracy and accountability.
In modern electoral processes, Information and Communication Technologies play a crucial role, whether used in voter registration, ballot casting, or processing of results. Securing these systems is a necessary step in ensuring the fairness of the democratic process. Design, Development, and Use of Secure Electronic Voting Systems analyzes current research on the integration of modern technologies with traditional democratic systems, providing a framework for designing and deploying electronic voting systems in any context or society. Stakeholders, researchers, architects, designers, and scholars interested in the use of electronic systems in government processes will use this book to gain a broader understanding of some of the latest advances in this emerging field.
In 2010, the Conservative Party returned to office after over a decade of largely ineffective opposition to New Labour. This book explains why it took so long to recover, and why the party was unable to win an overall majority despite the charismatic leadership of David Cameron. It covers all aspects of Conservative Party politics since 1997.
Political parties are crucial to British democracy, providing the foundations for mobilising voters. Their constituency branches are key links between voters and Parliamentary candidates and their activities require two vital resources - people and money. Much has been written on the decline of party membership but far less on money. In this much-needed new book, Ron Johnston and Charles Pattie use the latest research and hitherto unpublished material to explore financial differences across the UK's three main parties in the four years leading up to the 2010 General Election. They look at how much local parties raise for election campaigns and find that the more money candidates spend then, the better their performance. Analyses of their annual accounts, however, show that many local parties are unable to raise all of the money that they are entitled to spend on such campaigns. This reveals an unhealthy picture of grassroots party organisation in which the capacity to engage effectively with many voters is concentrated in a relatively small number of constituencies and is likely to remain so. This timely and essential book will make a major contribution to the literature on British elections and parties, especially to continuing debates regarding party funding. It will make important reading for academics, students, politicians, civil servants and others interested in this topic.
In the first study of comparative direct-democracy, Laurent Bernhard explores the nature of direct-democratic campaigning in Switzerland. The author examines four policy areas: immigration, healthcare, welfare and economic liberalism focussing on interviews with campaign managers to provide a comprehensive analysis of direct-democratic campaigning.
A data-rich analysis of how the four inter-related crises of 2020 — the COVID-19 pandemic, the economic collapse and K-shaped recovery, the clashes over the legacy of racism and policing, and assaults on the legitimacy of democratic institutions (abetted by conspiracy theories) — shaped not only the 2020 election, but also the future of our democracy. The 2020 election cycle was one of the most tumultuous in the nation's history. Early in the cycle, a global pandemic hit the US, paralyzing much of the economy and raising a multitude of questions about how people would go about voting. Then, beginning in late spring, a series of police brutality cases set off a nationwide wave of protests and civil disturbances related to racial justice concerns. In the final phase, the president of the United States refused to accept the results and incited his followers to storm the US Capitol. How did all of these momentous events shape voters' opinions? And what impact did they have on the outcome? To answer these questions, Kathleen Hall Jamieson and her collaborators surveyed 9,000 Americans over the course of the year to determine how voters reacted to the events on the ground, the campaigns' attempts at persuasion, and the post-election chaos that followed Biden's victory. Generally, American voters saw the multitude of crises through the lens of their polarized partisan predispositions. But why? Jamieson and her co-authors first stress that America has multiple electorates, and they are exposed to different informational environments. The divergent messages they received shaped not only their vote choice, but also how they made sense of these crises. Interestingly, though, while many voters were locked in place by their partisan priors, a majority of those who ended up voting for either Biden or Trump were unsure of their choice and whether they would actually vote at some point during the year. What led to both the wavering in people's choices and the attitudes they eventually adopted were in large part due to the differing media environments enveloping them: the messages from the campaigns, from their family and friends, as well from those in mass and social media. But this is not a simple story of "echo chambers," where individuals are immersed in only one type of media — far from it. The distinct media environments in which these electorates experienced the election were in fact complex and varied, and the interaction between these different types of media was key. Indeed, most voters were subject to cross-cutting information pressures and not only one type of partisan source. This book's focus on the ebb and flow of the campaign over time and the centrality of wavering voters makes this an authoritative and essential account of one of the most momentous American elections ever.
Get ready for some candid views on politics and society that are "Politically Un-Correct." Yes, you read that right-"un-correct." Author Robert Alan, a military veteran, lifelong worker, and patriot, takes America's politicians to task and calls for real leadership to get the country back on track. He attacks the wasteful spending by members of Congress, the misguided policies of President Barack Obama, the abuse of foreign aid, and much more. More importantly, he offers a blueprint to solve our most
serious problems, which includes eliminating the US Senate and
transferring its responsibilities to the House of
Representatives; It's time for the government to stop spending money it doesn't have while sending out thugs from the Internal Revenue Service to collect from its hardworking people. Learn more about Alan's "un-correct" views, and join him at the ballot box to throw out the thieves and scalawags that are ruining the United States of America.
This book deals with how uncertainty can be dealt with in models of voting procedures. Using the recent U.S. presidential elections as an example, it demonstrates the extremely large variation in voter opinions that would have resulted in the same observed outcome. Another case discussed to some extent is the vote in German Bundestag that resulted in the transfer of government and parliament from Bonn to Berlin. Also this vote as well as the 2001 British parliamentary elections exhibit a high degree of procedure dependence of outcomes. It turns out that differences in voting outcomes can be explained by differences in the description of consensus states and ways in measuring preferences distances.
If free and fair elections are the heart of our prized democratic system of government, the integrity of our electoral system must be beyond question. Yet all too often, flaws in the administration of our elections have undermined public confidence in the results. This volume is virtually unique in focusing closely on the procedural problems of our electoral system, including those posed by the computerization of voting systems. The author analyzes events in the electoral history of the United States (and, tangentially, of certain other nations) to reveal the particular dynamics of democratic electoral systems that permit purportedly free and fair elections to subvert rather than express the public will. Past electoral crises shedding light on our electoral deficiencies are chronicled in detail, allowing the author to diagnose systemic failures that can, he contends, be remedied in order to strengthen our democratic system. Chapters focus on current laws and procedures regarding voter registration, provisional ballots, absentee ballots, computerized voting systems, and the Electoral College. The author recommends specific reforms in all these areas that will safeguard our democratic heritage and ensure that the voice of the people is heard. The book presents often-complex material in lucid prose, illuminating issues vital to democracy. BLSystematic exploration of election administration BLHistorical and comparative perspective BLChronology BLGlossary BLAnnotated bibliography of print and electronic materials for further study
Modern advertising moved into the 20th century borne on many vehicles and distinguished by many techniques, three of the most frequently used being reason why advertising, celebrity endorsements, and pre-emptive claims. Best known for his reason why advertising, Albert Davis Lasker, president of the Lord & Thomas Agency of Chicago, championed all three techniques, helping Lucky Strike Cigarettes, Van Camp's Pork & Beans, and Sunkist Oranges become business successes. His least known but best work was in the political area, where he helped the Republicans gain control of Congress in 1918, and with the election of Warren G. Harding, recapture the White House in 1920. This book covers events leading to Harding's nomination and election and the key role Lasker played in his election. Bringing along the tricks he had used to sell soap, beer, cigarettes, and canned food, Lasker plunged into political advertising, forever changing the way political candidates are publicized.
A groundbreaking argument that the political spectrum today is inadequate to twenty-first century America and a major source of the confusion and hostility that characterize contemporary political discourse. As American politics descends into a battle of anger and hostility between two groups called "left" and "right," people increasingly ask: What is the essential difference between these two ideological groups? In The Myth of Left and Right, Hyrum Lewis and Verlan Lewis provide the surprising answer: nothing. As the authors argue, there is no enduring philosophy, disposition, or essence uniting the various positions associated with the liberal and conservative ideologies of today. Far from being an eternal dividing line of American politics, the political spectrum came to the United States in the 1920s and, since then, left and right have evolved in so many unpredictable and even contradictory ways that there is currently nothing other than tribal loyalty holding together the many disparate positions that fly under the banners of "liberal" and "conservative." Powerfully argued and cutting against the grain of most scholarship on polarization in America, this book shows why the idea that the political spectrum measures deeply held worldviews is the central political myth of our time and a major cause of the confusion and vitriol that characterize public discourse.
This is the third of a series of studies of presidential election politics in the South (the first two addressing the 1984 and 1988 elections, respectively). It examines the nomination process in the region, presents a state-by-state analysis of the 1992 presidential election results, and offers some general conclusions regarding contemporary developments in southern electoral and party politics. The volume presents election data of interest to students of presidential elections, the U.S. party system, and southern politics. As such, the work represents a significant contribution to the literature on partisan politics in the South.
In this first scholarly reflection on the 2012 elections, a distinguished cast of contributors enlightens students, scholars, and serious political readers about the issues involved in one of the most polarised presidential elections in history. The book includes groundbreaking research on e-politics and online fund-raising, the role of race, class, and gender, and the influence of the Tea Party, Occupy, the economic crisis, and other actors and factors in the election. Characterised by diversity, liveliness, and data-informed analysis, Winning the Presidency 2012 captures the highlights as well as looking ahead.
Recent years have witnessed widespread changes in state voting and registration laws. These include same day registration, automatic voter registration, early voting, mail voting, and no-excuse absentee voting where people mail in their ballots. Most research on these voting reforms has downplayed their effects, showing that they generally benefit educated, older, and more affluent people. This book shows the positive effects that these reforms have on overall voter turnout, and among voters of disadvantaged groups. Specifically, it emphasizes the ways that state governments are making it easier to participate in elections in an effort to strengthen democratic government. In Accessible Elections, Michael Ritter and Caroline J. Tolbert explore the wide variation from state to state in convenience voting methods and provide new empirical analysis of the beneficial effects of these policies, not only in boosting participation rates overall, but in increasing voter turnout for disadvantaged groups. The authors measure both convenience methods and implementation of the laws, and explore how elections are conducted across the fifty states, where average turnout has varied more than 25 percentage points over the past four decades. The authors also draw on national voter files with millions of cases and vote histories of the same individuals over time in order to show the real effects of election reform and to make a case for how state governments can modernize their electoral practices, increase voter turnout, and make the experience of voting more accessible and equitable. Ritter and Tolbert assert that in the wake of covid-19 and efforts to maintain social distancing, early voting and absentee/mail voting are of particular importance to avoid election-day crowds and ensure equitable elections in states with large populations. With important implications for the 2020 general election and beyond, Accessible Elections underscores how state governments can modernize their electoral procedures to increase voter turnout, address inequalities, and influence campaign and party mobilization strategies.
Wall Street Journal Bestseller | USA Today Bestseller "Really an interesting read, would make a great Christmas gift! Get your copy of The Return: Trump's Big 2024 Comeback"-Donald J. Trump, 45th President of the United States "The Return is a fantastic political analysis of what very well may be taking place in the not-too-distant future. Dick Morris is a #1 New York Times Bestselling Author, who is also a true political pro. Great book, get it now!!!"-Donald J. Trump, 45th President of the United States The Trump revolution cannot succeed without Trump. Will he run in 2024? You bet he will. Will he be the GOP nominee? Absolutely. Will he win the election? YES. New York Times bestselling author, Dick Morris, is a winning presidential strategist and the man Time magazine dubbed "the most influential private citizen in America." In his new book, The Return: Trump's Big 2024 Comeback, lays-out Trump's secret plan to return to the Oval Office in 2024. Since 2016, Dick Morris has been a behind-the-scenes adviser to Donald Trump, playing a key role in Trump's surprise 2016 win. For the first time, Dick Morris reveals President Trump's strategy to win in 2024 (And yes, he's running!). The stakes for the next elections could not be higher. "President Trump knows the future of America rests on his shoulders," Morris says bluntly. Morris explains that we cannot repeat 2020-and we can't let the Democrats get away with it again or America is lost. He provides the road map that Trump is prepared to implement in his effort to take-back the White House and the nation. Conservatives and MAGA supporters must realize that there are new rules. The Democrats, Big Media, Soros, and the Deep State have decided Trump must be stopped at any cost. Morris reveals how to beat the Democrats and the radical left at their own game - and getting freedom-loving Americans to rise up for Trump and our democracy. Morris outlines the strategy for victory on three fronts: Make certain more legal, eligible voters cast ballots for Republicans, and that their votes are not offset by a torrent of illegal ballots. Morris says a new group of Trump voters are emerging who will create a New Majority. The Republican candidate in 2024 will, and must, be Donald J. Trump. Accept no substitutes. As Morris explains, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis is not ready for prime time. The Winning (Trump) Message: The Democrats will transform America into a nation none of us will recognize by destroying social, cultural, economic, and political freedoms. Morris says time is short. This election really is critical. With the results of the 2020 election, everything pundits knew-or thought they knew-is obsolete in this new era of massively higher turnout. Read The Return to find out how conservatives can take advantage of the new rules to make America great again!
In this book, the sixth in the highly regarded "How Ireland Voted" series, leading Irish political scientists examine what happened; analyze the election results, the opinion poll evidence and the media coverage to establish why it happened; and assess the long-term significance. |
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