This study examines the peculiar role and history of the New Hampshire primary in American presidential politics, through the 1996 election season. The work reviews the primary's history, analyzes the media's treatment of New Hampshire results, and provides a study of the phenomenon of "momentum," and the role played by local media such as the infamous Manchester Union Leader. There is also an examination of the strained relationship between New Hampshire's state parties and their national equivalents and of the efforts of Congress to reform the entire electoral system, with the express purpose of reducing New Hampshire's supposed power in determining nomination outcomes. Finally, the analysis addresses questions of the Granite State's suitability as a benchmark for testing and judging candidates. Is this tiny New England state "the last haven" for genuine interpersonal campaigning or a relic from a bygone political era which now distorts and oversimplifies candidate choice? And does the New Hampshire primary's increasing unpopularity with journalists and candidates reflect deeper changes in the nation's psyche? This book will be of interest to scholars and students of the American political process and 20th-century American history.

The first book-long analysis of the 'mediatization of politics', this volume aims to understand the transformations of the relationship between media and politics in recent decades, and explores how growing media autonomy, journalistic framing, media populism and new media technologies affect democratic processes.

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What happened in Florida after the 2000 presidential election brought out the ugliest side of American politics. Now acclaimed journalist Jake Tapper takes us deep inside the post-Election Day vote-trolling and the battle for the presidency of the United States in a book that reveals, once and for all, what actually happened, who got away with what, and how both sides—Democrats and Republicans—plotted to steal the presidency.

Down & Dirty explains exactly how the Bush forces out-maneuvered the Gore team, from the courtrooms to the canvassing boards, from the press rooms to the corridors of the legislature. Tapper paints vivid portraits of the major players—Katherine Harris, Jeb Bush, Sanders Sauls, David Boies, Bill Daley, Jim Baker, Phil Beck, supreme court justices, local judges, lawyers, pols, spinners, activists, and voters—drawing upon exclusive insider information and interviews. He reveals shocking details about what happened behind closed doors, what deals were cut and who did what. And he gives us wickedly perceptive insight into the two men at the center of it all: Al Gore and George W. Bush.

Like a master detective, Tapper has pieced together the clues, followed up every lead, and kept going until he reached the dark heart of an American mystery. Anyone who thinks they know what really happened in Florida should prepare to be surprised. It is a landmark in investigative reporting and a book that will change forever the way we look at our president and our political process. Down & Dirty reads like a classic political thriller, with an ultimate revelation that hits with the power of a lightning bolt, and every word is true.

An examination of the political participation of the six member states of the Gulf Co-operation Council: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Saudi Arabia paying particular attention to the popular demands within these countries for individual representation and the subsequent consequences of the establishment of national councils in response. The results of these actions have been mixed; in Kuwait and Bahrain the elected national assemblies have been suspended although the consultative councils in Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman have afforded some measure of success. It concludes that despite their limitations, the national councils have performed a number of functions including state legitimation, legislative review, government accountability and the legitimation of minority political participation.

Using a range of critical perspectives, On the Question of Truth in the Era of Trump closely examines notions of "truth in crisis" leading up to and after the election of Donald Trump. The authors explore how truth is constructed along the lines of race, social class, and gender as filtered through the self-referential characteristics of social media in particular. The authors assert that the US left has shown itself inadequate to the task of confronting right wing ideologies, which have only intensified since the 2016 election, resulting in increased mobilization of white supremacist and nationalist groups. Whether underestimating Trump by downplaying the threat of his candidacy during the primaries, trivializing the concerns of women and minorities as "identity politics," or rushing to prioritize the free speech rights of the far-right, left academics and the media have found themselves unable to use their traditional arsenal of evidence, rational discourse, and appeals to diversity of viewpoints. The authors assert that political resistance to the right is not a matter of playful use of signs and symbols or discourse alone and has to be fought directly and in solidarity. At this point, it is clear that Trump and his supporters have not just deployed relativism as a form of strategy, but have fully weaponized it against their perceived enemies: women, immigrants, minorities, LGBTQ people along with educational, scientific, and journalistic institutions. It is hoped that this in-depth, critical dissection of truth in the current political reality will assist in the project of resistance. Contributors are: Faith Agostinone-Wilson, Mike Cole, Jeremy T. Godwin, Jones Irwin, Austin Pickup, Daniel Ian Rubin, and Eric C. Sheffield.

Are American political parties really in decay? Have American voters really given up on the major parties? Taking issue with widely accepted theories of dealignment and party decay, Paulson argues that the most profound realignment in American history occurred in the 1960s, and he presents an alternative theory of realignment and party revival.

In the 1964-1972 period, factional struggles within the major American political parties were resolved, with conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats emerging as the majority factions within their parties. The result was a critical realignment in Presidential elections, in which the decisive realignment involved the movement of white voters in the south toward the Republican coalition. The impression of dealignment came from the fact that electoral change in Congressional elections moved at a much slower rate. The south continued to vote Democratic for congress, usually for incumbent conservative Democrats. The result was an electoral environment which produced divided government. Secular realignment in congressional elections produced the Republican majorities of 1994. Now the conservative Democrats who were the swing voters since the 1960s, were voting Republican. The result is that the coalitions for yet another realignment are in place at the turn of the twenty-first century. After three decades in which the swing voters were relatively conservative, the new swing voter is a genuine centrist; an independent who is ideologically moderate. The coming realignment, Paulson asserts, will consummate the birth of a new, ideologically, polarized party system with a greater potential for party government, which would be a fundamental change for American democracy. A major resource for scholars, students, and other researchers interested in American parties and elections.

This book, the last work of an eminent political scientist, is an innovative study of persuasion in a landmark political event: the 1787-88 campaign to ratify the United States Constitution. William Riker uses both historical and rational choice analysis to examine the rhetoric and strategic manipulations used in this campaign, and he points out patterns and principles that should be applicable to political campaigns in general. Riker examines the campaign's rhetoric and derives strategic principles that seem to guide campaigners. These principles explain, among other things, the frequent reliance on negative themes in campaigns. He also investigates what he calls "heresthetic" - how campaigners structured situations so that their preferred outcome was more likely to occur. He discusses several heresthetical maneuvers that made the Federalists' narrow victory possible, such as their proposal of a constitution that was broader than most citizens would have preferred, and their design of the ratification process as a take-it-or-leave-it proposition, so that they could prevent any ratifying state from altering it. Riker concludes by examining the relationship between rhetoric and heresthetic. He shows that both were necessary for the Federalist victory: rhetoric, to build support for Federalist positions, and heresthetic, to structure the choice process so that this level of support would be sufficient. His analysis yields a new understanding of the ratification campaign, and the tools and approaches he develops lead toward the further development of the science of political campaigns, of political rhetoric generally, and of the art and science of heresthetic.

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aA must-read for anyone interested in the intersection of law and politics. . . . [Hasenas] is an important framework against which election law scholars will react and upon which they will build for some time to come.a
--"Michigan Law Review"

"Hasen wrote this concise but substantive volume to assess the history, at least since 1901, of the Supreme Court's intervention in the political process."
--"The Law and Politics Book Review"

"A major contribution to the field of election law."
--Thomas E. Mann, The Brookings Institution

In the first comprehensive study of election law since the Supreme Court decided "Bush v. Gore," Richard L. Hasen rethinks the Court's role in regulating elections. Drawing on the case files of the Warren, Burger, and Rehnquist courts, Hasen roots the Court's intervention in political process cases to the landmark 1962 case, Baker v. Carr. The case opened the courts to a variety of election law disputes, to the point that the courts now control and direct major aspects of the American electoral process.

The Supreme Court does have a crucial role to play in protecting a socially constructed "core" of political equality principles, contends Hasen, but it should leave contested questions of political equality to the political process itself. Under this standard, many of the Court's most important election law cases from Baker to Bush have been wrongly decided.

Debate on public issues--and where candidates stand on them-- have traditionally represented the focal point of presidential campaigns. In recent decades, however, rather than asking where candidates stand on the issues, the public increasingly wants to know who they are. The issue of character has thus come to dominate presidential elections.

While there is increasing public awareness that the psychology, judgment, and leadership qualities of presidential candidates count, the basis on which these judgments should made remains unclear. Does it matter that Gary Hart changed his name or had an affair? Should Ed Muskie's loss of composure while defending his wife during a campaign speech, or Thomas Eagleton's hospitalization for depression, have counted against them?

Looking back over the past 25 years, Stanley Renshon, a political scientist and psychoanalyst, provides the first comprehensive accounting of how character has become an increasingly important issue in a presidential campaign. He traces two related but distinctive approaches to the issue of presidential character and psychology. The first concerns the mental health of our candidates and presidents. Are they emotionally and personally stable? Is their temperament suitable for the presidency? The second concerns character. Is the candidate honest? Does he possess the necessary judgment and motivation to deal with the tremendous responsibilities and pressures of the office?

Drawing on his clinical and political science training, Renshon has devised a theory which will allow the public to better evaluate presidential candidates. Why are honesty, integrity, and personal ideals so important in judging candidates? Is personal and political ambition necessarily a bad trait? Do extra-marital affairs really matter? Finally, and most importantly, how can the public tell whether a candidate's leadership will be enhanced or impeded by aspects of his personality?

With this sweeping volume, Stanley Renshon has provided us with the most comprehensive account to date of how the public judges, and should judge, our future presidents.

Journalist and "Salon" writer Rebecca Traister investigates the 2008 presidential election and its impact on American politics, women and cultural feminism. Examining the role of women in the campaign, from Clinton and Palin to Tina Fey and young voters, Traister confronts the tough questions of what it means to be a woman in today's America.
The 2008 campaign for the presidency reopened some of the most fraught American conversations--about gender, race and generational difference, about sexism on the left and feminism on the right--difficult discussions that had been left unfinished but that are crucial to further perfecting our union. Though the election didn't give us our first woman president or vice president, the exhilarating campaign was nonetheless transformative for American women and for the nation. In "Big Girls Don't Cry," her electrifying, incisive and highly entertaining first book, Traister tells a terrific story and makes sense of a moment in American history that changed the country's narrative in ways that no one anticipated.
Throughout the book, Traister weaves in her own experience as a thirtysomething feminist sorting through all the events and media coverage--vacillating between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama and questioning her own view of feminism, the women's movement, race and the different generational perspectives of women working toward political parity. Electrifying, incisive and highly entertaining, "Big Girls Don't Cry "offers an enduring portrait of dramatic cultural and political shifts brought about by this most historic of American contests.

This examination of the role of gender stereotyping in media coverage of executive elections uses nine case studies from around the world to provide a unique comparative perspective. In recent years, more and more high-profile women candidates have been running for executive office in democracies all around the world. Cracking the Highest Glass Ceiling: A Global Comparison of Women's Campaigns for Executive Office is the first study to undertake an international comparison of women's campaigns for highest office and to identify the commonalities among them. For example, women candidates often begin as front-runners as the idea of a woman president captures the public imagination, followed by a decline in popularity as stereotypes and gendered media coverage kick in to erode the woman's perceived credibility as a national leader. On the basis of nine international case studies of recent campaigns written by thirteen country specialists, the volume develops an overarching framework which explores how gender stereotypes shape the course and outcome of women's campaigns in the male-dominated worlds of executive elections in North America, South America, Europe, Africa, and Australasia. This comparative approach allows the authors to discriminate between the contingent effects of a particular candidate or national culture and the universal operation of gender stereotyping. Case studies include the campaigns for executive office of Hillary Rodham Clinton (United States, 2008), Sarah Palin (United States, 2008), Angela Merkel (Germany, 2005 and 2009), Ségolène Royal (France, 2007), Helen Clark (New Zealand, 1996-2008), Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (Argentina, 2007), Michelle Bachelet (Chile, 2006), Ellen Johnson Sirleaf (Liberia, 2005), and Irene Sáez (Venezuela, 1998).

This timely study examines the increasing importance of the Sunbelt and its megastates--Florida, California, and Texas--in the U.S. election process. The purpose of the work is to provide a longitudinal analysis of partisan and gender election success and incumbency in the elections of 1986, 1988, 1992, and the realignment of 1994 (bringing up to date some of the classic studies from the 1970s and 1980s). In tracing the pattern of partisan success, the effect of incumbency, and the success of males and females in each party, the author is able to project the likely success of the two parties in the 1996 and subsequent elections in each megastate. This important election-year book will be of interest to scholars, students, and practitioners of politics.

The debate between the promotion of personal interest and the general good of society has engaged political, social, and ethical theorists throughout history, and this volume addresses the topic of the Israeli electoral process within that theoretical framework. Abraham Diskin's analysis of the voting process in Israel involves a definition of its ideological basis, profiles of voting constituents, an outline of prominent political issues, as well as recommendations for needed reform within the system.

Introductory material lays the foundation for the study by establishing as a point of departure the concept that democracy and its reliance on elections provides a viable answer to the basic social dilemma of self-interest versus the public good. An historical review that identifies how elections have reflected changes within Israel from 1949 to 1988 follows. Voting procedures and results, polling accuracy, and a close look at the significance of the Jewish ethnic and Arab votes (and the nature of the conflicts that have resulted) are the primary concerns of the text. This approach yields an evaluation of the Israeli electoral process that demonstrates the extent to which it succeeds in the exercise of democracy and thereby may help to outline a method of analysis for other voting systems as they search for constructive solutions to the social dilemma.

This study examines how the Electoral College actually works, how it is supposed to work, and how it might be reformed. Robert Hardaway first looks at the Constitutional Convention, the Twelfth Amendment, and historical elections where the Electoral College has come into play, providing the historical background to the present-day College. Next he examines the electors themselves--how they are chosen in the states and the laws relating to the obligations of electors in casting their votes. The election of the president and vice president by the House of Representatives is also examined. Finally, Hardaway discusses and analyzes the proposed reforms to the Electoral College, including those before the Congress at present. Professor Hardaway's book makes a strong case for the preservation of the federalist principles incorporated into the constitutional framers' plan for election of the president of the United States. The book richly documents its case with examples from past elections, while at the same time providing the reader with all information needed to make an independent judgment.

Can electoral and parliamentary arenas be used toward revolutionary ends? This is precisely the question that held Lenin's attention from 1905 to 1917, leading him to conclude that they could-and would. This book explores the time in which Lenin initiated his use of the electorate, beginning with the Marxist roots of Lenin's politics, and then details his efforts to lead the deputies of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the First and Second State Dumas, concluding with Russia's first experiment in representative democracy from 1906 to 1907. During this time, Lenin had to address issues such as whether to boycott or participate in undemocratic elections, how to conduct election campaigns, whether to enter into electoral blocs and the related lesser of two evils dilemma, how to keep deputies accountable to the party, and how to balance electoral politics with armed struggle. Lenin later said that the lessons of that work were 'indispensable' for Bolshevik success in 1917, which means that this detailed analysis of that period is crucial to any thorough understanding of Leninism.

MSNBC counterterrorism analyst and New York Times bestselling author Malcolm Nance was the first person to blow the whistle on Russia's hacking of the 2016 election and to reveal Vladmir Putin's masterplan. Now, in THE PLOT TO COMMIT TREASON, Nance provides a detailed assessment of how Donald Trump lead a cabal of American financial charlatans, political opportunists and power-hungry sycophants to eagerly betray the nation in order to execute a Russian inspired plan to place him, a Kremlin-friendly President in power. It details an evidence-based conspiracy of a ravenously avaricious family leading an administration of political mercenaries who plotted to dismantle 244 years of American democracy and break up the American-led world order since WWII. Seduced by promises of riches dangled in front of them by Putin, the Trump administration has been was caught trying to use all of its political power to stop investigations by US Intelligence and the Special Counsel to conceal the greatest betrayal in American history: The sale of the American presidency to foreign adversaries. THE PLOT TO COMMIT TREASON will unscramble the framework and strategies used by the Republican Party and non-state conspirators, including Rudy Guiliani, Mitch McConnell, Jeff Sessions, and more. Nance's in-depth research and interviews with intelligence experts and insiders illustrate Trump's deep financial ties to Russia through his family's investments, the behaviours of his pro-Moscow associates and the carefully crafted seduction of numerous Americans by Russian intelligence led to work with Vladimir Putin to betray the nation. In what reads like a fast-paced geopolitical spy-thriller, Nance clarifies the spiders web of relationships both personal and financial (including Russia and American based mafia) that lead back to the Kremlin. THE PLOT TO COMMIT TREASON provides a step-by-step blueprint of how and why Trump will be brought to justice.

Analyzes the communication processes in direct democratic campaigns and their effect on the opinion formation of the voters. Based on a detailed analysis of the politicians' strategies, media coverage and the opinion formation of the public in three campaigns, this book argues that the campaigns are more enlightening than manipulating.

Ethnicity and ethnic parties have often been portrayed as a threat to political stability. This book challenges the notion that the organization of politics in heterogeneous societies should overcome ethnicity. Rather, descriptive representation of ethnic groups has potential to increase regime support and reduce conflict.

Every four years, the world watches as the United States passes the title and power of the presidency from one person to another in a peaceful and orderly manner. With a formal ceremony, a large parade, and gala inaugural balls, it's a big, colorful show-one rich with history, tradition, and ritual.

Through a compilation of vignettes, author Jim Bendat chronicles all of Inauguration Day's historic events. Democracy's Big Day tells stories about the outgoing and incoming presidents who did not get along, the chief justices who improperly administered the presidential oath, the vice president who showed up to the ceremony drunk, and the nine occasions in which the United States had an unplanned and unanticipated inauguration-often for a nation in mourning.

"Democracy's Big Day" presents a comprehensive history of presidential inaugurations-from George Washington through Barack Obama. From the morning White House coffee gathering to the evening's parties, the author provides a captivating look at what is truly democracy's biggest day.

A revelatory, inside look the Biden, Harris, and Trump camps during the 2024 battle for the White House, arguably the most consequential contest in American history.

The ride was so wild that it forced a sitting president to drop his re-election bid, a once and future president to survive felony convictions and a would-be assassin’s bullet, and a vice president, unexpectedly thrust into the arena, to mount an unprecedented 107-day campaign to lead the free world.

Fight is the backstage story of bloodsport politics in its rawest form—the clawing, backstabbing, and rabble-rousing that drove Donald Trump into the White House and Democrats into the wilderness. At every turn, the combatants went for the jugular, whether they were facing down rivals in the other party or their own.

Bestselling authors Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes give readers their first graphic view of the characters, their motivations, and their innermost thoughts as they battled to claim the ultimate prize and define a political era. Based on real-time interviews with more than 150 insiders—from the Trump, Harris, and Biden inner circles, as well as party leaders and operatives—Fight delivers the vivid and stunning tale of an election unlike any other.

In the end, Trump overcame voters’ concerns about his personal flaws by tapping into a deep vein of dissatisfaction with the direction of the country. At the same time, Democrats struggled to connect with an electorate that felt gaslit by Biden’s insistence that he had delivered economic prosperity—and his pledge to be a “bridge” president. He tore his party asunder, leaving destroyed personal relationships in his wake, as he clung to power. And when he gave it up, he kneecapped Harris by demanding unprecedented loyalty from her.

As Allen and Parnes have done in the #1 New York Times bestseller Shattered and Lucky, they provide readers with a skeleton key to the rooms where it all happened, revealing a story more shocking than previously reported.

Presidential campaigns have seen revolutionary changes in the past few decades in the United States and elsewhere. These changes include rapid advances in communications technology and marketing and survey methodology; an increased involvement of non-party groups and campaign professionals in electoral politics; a decreased role for political parties in the recruitment, screening, and nominating of candidates; and dramatic changes in campaign finance laws. While changes in presidential campaigning have not gone unnoticed, analysis of these changes is typically included in general works on presidential campaigns and elections or studied individually.

Baumgartner clarifies what is meant by candidate-centered as it applies to the organization and operation of presidential campaigns and elections. He demonstrates that campaign organizations have become increasingly more central to the campaign effort than party organizations throughout the process of presidential selection, and he shows that what is happening to electioneering practices in the United States is also happening, although still to a lesser extent, in France and Russia.

The media play active roles in politics with different media channels serving as bridges that link the politicians and citizens together. It is clear that what the media emphasize as important may be seen as such by the public. Hence, it is likely that the media may impact voter decisions during electoral processes and even during the elections. As such, it is imperative that research is collected on the impact of the media and the role it plays in strengthening party loyalty, improving public knowledge on elections, and swaying apathetic citizens to become involved in the electoral process. Global Perspectives on the Impact of Mass Media on Electoral Processes provides relevant theoretical frameworks and research findings that evidence the impact of the media in specific elections in different countries around the world. The book supports professionals who want to improve their understanding of the strategic roles that the media play in electoral politics as well as political candidates who may want to know if their heavy expenditures in paying the media to carry their political messages bring in returns on their investment. Covering topics that include social media, political cartoons, and media influence, this book seeks to provide fresh insights on the media's impact on elections whether at the national, regional, or local levels. It is ideal for politicians, campaign managers, media analysts, government officials, professionals, researchers, students, academicians, and individuals involved in electoral management, political parties, advertising agencies, and marketing companies.

Benoit, Blaney, and Pier apply the functional theory of political campaign discourse to the 1996 presidential campaign. When a citizen casts a vote, he or she makes a decision about which candidate is preferable. There are only three types of rhetorical strategies for persuading voters to believe a candidate is the better choice: acclaiming or self-praise, attacking or criticizing an opponent, and defending or responding to attacks. As they illustrate, acclaims, if accepted by the audience, make the candidate appear better. Attacks can make the opponent seem worse, improving the source's apparent preferability. If attacked, a candidate can attempt to restore-or prevent-lost credibility by defending against that attack. As Benoit, Blaney, and Pier point out, the functional theory of political communication is relatively new, and their book illustrates it with a detailed analysis of the most recent presidential campaign. One of the major strengths of the study is the variety of message forms examined: television spots, debates, talk radio appearances, keynote speeches, acceptance speeches, speeches by spouses, radio addresses, and free television time remarks. It also examines all three parts of the campaign-primary, nominating conventions, and general campaign. This comprehensive analysis of the '96 presidential campaign will be of considerable use to students, scholars, and other researchers dealing with contemporary American electioneering.

What role do civic associations play in generating free and fair elections? For over two decades, civic and social movement organizations throughout the Americas have mobilized thousands of individuals to act as civic watchdogs over the actions of state officials and political parties during elections. Although it is widely recognized that democratic consolidation depends on national actors, the existing literature on election monitoring focuses almost exclusively on the work of international observers. Lean's work fills this gap with a detailed analysis of the work of domestic election monitors. This book advances our understanding of when and how civic activism can strengthen election processes and provides new insight into the role of elections in democratic consolidation.