What is the impact of populism on the EU? How did the EU institutions and civil society react to the recent rise of populist parties? To answer such relevant questions and understand populism in terms of ideas, political outcomes, and social dynamics, academia needs to engage with institutional actors, civil society organizations, and policy makers. By bringing together academics, members of European institutions and agencies, and leaders of civil society organizations, this edited volume bridges the gap between research and practice. It explores how populism impacted on European institutions and civil society and investigates their reactions and strategies to overcome the challenges posed by populists. This collection is organized into three main sections, i.e., general European governance; European Parliament and Commission; European organized civil society. Overall, the volume unveils how the populist threat was perceived within the EU institutions and NGOs and discusses the strategies they devised to react and how these were implemented in institutional and public communication.

The Academy of European Law was established by the European University Institute in 1990 and extends the Institute's current programmes into a larger field of interest. It has as its main activity the holding of annual Summer Courses in the law of the European Community and the protection of human rights in Europe. In addition to General Courses, shorter courses are held on subjects of special academic and practical interest in both fields. Finally, special guest lectures on topical issues are given by policy makers, judges and persons who have held or currently hold the highest position in these fields. The courses are published in the language in which they were delivered (English and French).

Is the EU multi-level governance system weakening the implementation of policies at a state level? It does appear that a clear gap exists between European Union level policy-making and Member State implementation. All too often, EU public policy content and planning are little more than statements of intent without successful adoption. Policy implementation processes are the key follow-up of policy cycles, as they turn ideas into social output. Simona Milio argues that implementation deficiencies are a direct result of the multi-level structure of European governance. Italy, Spain and Poland are studied in order to identify the main factors undermining implementation process. The findings will help guide future strategies to improve implementation processes both within old and new Member States, thus minimising past mistakes in the multi-level system of EU governance.

This book addresses the complex origins of the Ukrainian crisis. It places the crisis in a longer-term perspective and shows how the domestic political regime interpreted, balanced and eventually chose between the competing integration offers of Russia and the EU. It also explores the key implications for Ukraine's relations with the EU and Russia.

Although interest in spatial growth regressions has been growing in recent years, formal theoretical approaches that acknowledge the role of space in economic growth have been sparse. In particular in a regional context, the assumption of independent, non-interacting closed economies can lead to misinterpretations. This book fills the void by discussing neoclassical growth theory in a spatial context, in order to examine growth both theoretically and empirically in a system of N regional economies. A formal model is presented that allows for interregional fixed capital relocations, which are in turn determined by the economies' relative locations in space. It is shown how initial endowments with human capital play a decisive role regarding the evolution of output, and how both convergence and divergence processes may occur. Using a spatial econometric model specification, the theoretical model is tested empirically for 255 European regions.

Through the application of public opinion, interview, and print-media analyses, this book provides evidence that the state of transnational identification among citizens in the EU as a result of post-Maastricht integration measures, such as the completion of the Common Market, the introduction of the Euro, the initiation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy etc. in the United Kingdom, Ireland, and Germany had limited effects in the member states to the extent that national political cultures and mass media orientations are compatible with the goals of EU integration. Policy recommendations are derived by reviewing the complex relationship between EU policies and structural factors such as immigration, ageing and the mediatization of politics in which European integration occurs.

This volume, from the Centre for Economic Policy Research, examines the discussion surrounding both actual and possible future expansion of the European Union (EU). The contributors address the key issues in the debate, including the implications of expansion for the global trading system, enlargement-related pressures to reform EU decision making, and the economic consequences of membership for new entrants. Using the latest theoretical techniques to report new results and insights, this book not only sheds light on the consequences of Austria, Finland and Sweden joining the EU, but also discusses and evaluates the possible membership of Central European ex-socialist countries. This should be a useful book for students and scholars interested in regional integration, and also for policy-makers in the new EU member countries and in applicant countries. Many of the issues addressed in this volume will be relevant for the EUs inter-governmental conference in 1996."

This book provides an evaluation of the European Community's transformation from a rather uncoordinated small group of member states, with a barely visible foreign policy, into a relatively cohesive and independent foreign policy actor, that is today known as the European Union. The EC's extensive and hitherto undocumented intervention in the high-profile Central American conflict of the 1980s demonstrates a coherence and convergence around a policy that was different from that of the United States and, in the end, more effective. The book also discusses how four key member states - Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany, France and Spain - reacted both to the growing crisis in Central America and to West Europe's conflictual relations with the US. The EC's foreign policy success will not easily be emulated in another international crisis. While the EU remains a non-unitary, non-state actor, it is only in 'non-crises' that the EU, particularly an enlarged EU, will be able to operate an effective foreign policy post-Maastricht.

The single market has been operating in Europe since 1 January 1993 but the twelve national fiscal systems remain independent. How will this be resolved? Harmonization and coordination or fiscal competition with distortions in the allocation of resources, in factor use, in localization of activities?

Just as feminist scholars began to develop an analysis of "the state" and women in Europe gained access to its political, legal and bureaucratic arenas, increased attention and reliance on European institutions have begun to take precedence over the more parochial concerns of the nation state. With the creation of the European super-state, feminist scholars will have to enhance their understanding of the European Union while activists will increasingly focus their efforts upon its institutions. This volume provides a comprehensive examination of EU policy implications for some of the most burning issues concerning women. This is the first book to transcend the emphasis on economics, the conventional basis for EU public policy discussions, thus providing a basis upon which one can begin to assess the politics of European integration from a feminist perspective.

Over the past 40 years, the European Union has been a great force of attraction for new members. At the same time it has entered a host of bilateral and multilateral regional agreements with non-member countries. The result of these developments is a rather unique form of regionalism in Europe, consisting of deep integration within the European Union and a network of sometimes overlapping arrangements involving the Union. Regionalism in Europe: Geometries and Strategies After 2000 brings together a collection of studies of the nature and the implications of this unique regionalism in Europe written by a group of renowned economists from various countries. The issues discussed in this book range from theoretical and institutional aspects to empirical studies of the EU's regional policy, the regional implications of European Monetary Union, and empirical studies of the trade and welfare effects of regional arrangements between the EU and other countries.

When the initiative of Andrea Ott to write a Handbook on the legal aspects of the next enlargement of the European Union was f ir s t brought to my attention, I must confe ss my initial reluctance and even scepticism at its feasibility. Of course, I did s e e the great merits of the concept of such a venture. A handbook implies precision, simplicity and a great deal of mental discipline in order to cover the full breadth of the topic and thus facilitate the readers' understanding, especially by providing the necessary source material for further research. The European Union had already declared its read iness to embark upon a massive enlargement eastwards and this will be the largest ever. It is the EU's official position that enlargement, after all, is vital to achieving the ideals of prosperity, peace and security in Europe as a whole . If all goes according to plan, in 2004 the EU anticipates extending its borders to take in eight Central and East Eu- pean countries as well as Cyprus and Malta. Moreover, the Union's enlargement policy reaches even further afield to include the Balkan countries . Seen in this context, the enlargement process is a complex and ever changing one and any attempt to demystify it, such as that involved in putting together a handbook on the subject, is most welcome. But the pitfalls of enlargement cannot be ignored .

This book presents 14 case studies of lobbying campaigns recently directed toward influencing policy and decisions in the EU, and illustrates the effects of recent wide-ranging change. Company lobbying has changed as cross-border mergers have concentrated their activity. The balance of power between member state governments and their devolved regions has shifted, and the regions are increasingly active players. The ability of NGOs to take a recognized part in policy formulation has increased and this change is accelerating. The included cases have been selected to illustrate the range of interest groups who lobby, and to broaden the coverage of lobbying cases in Europe.

Although previous advocates of European Unity proposed the replacement of the "balance of power" model of international relations, Jean Monnet was the first to try to do so along Franco-German rather than Franco-British lines. He concluded that restrictions on national sovereignty were essential and that there were steps that could be taken prior to full federation. Through his Community method, Monnet hoped to create a French-led, continental federation within a Western association. His "United States of Europe" was aimed not only back at the Franco-German conflict, but also forward to the problem of Europe's place in the world. This study explores Jean Monnet's European project and the intentions behind it from World War I to the 1960s. Fransen relies on a close and comparative reading of Monnet's notes and documents, placed in their political and historical context. Most work on Monnet's contribution begins with his later presence as an elder statesman of the European movement and reads his later pronouncements back into his earlier work. This book takes the opposite approach and, by concentrating on his earlier work, is able to show a more complicated picture of Monnet's aspirations than has been presented to date.

This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defence Policy--to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the integration of Europe or berated as a wasteful threat to U.S. power, European citizens are increasingly interested in the common defense policy. Today, "European Defence" is more popular than the European Union itself, even in Great Britain.
Merand addresses the fundamental challenge posed by military integration to the way we think about the state in the 21st Century. Looking back over the past 50 years, he shows how statesmen, diplomats and soldiers have converged towards Brussels as a "natural" solution to their concerns but also as something worth fighting over. The actors most closely associated to the formation of nation-states are now shaping a transgovernmental security and defense arena. As a result, defense policy is being denationalized. Exploring the complex relations between the state, the military, and citizenship in today's Europe, Merand argues that European Defence is a symptom, but not a cause, of the transformation of the state.
This book is an original contribution to the theory of European integration. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, Merand develops a political sociology of international relations which seeks to bridge institutionalism and constructivism. His careful study of practices, social representations and power structures sheds new light on security and defence cooperation, but also on European cooperation more generally.

Today's Euroscepticism contrasts sharply with the idealism of the thousands of Poles thrust out of their country after 1939 by war, occupation and communism. How could a future Poland find security and progress, but by membership in a union of European states? This book explores how Poles in exile attempted to shape opinion in Poland and the West.

For the European Union of the 21st century, the search for sustainable prosperity and stability includes the challenge of reconciling democratic ideals and practices with the construction of a European constitutional order. From the 2001 Laeken Summit to the 2009 Lisbon Treaty and beyond EU leaders have repeatedly set out to bring citizens closer to EU governance by making it more democratic and effective yet several national ratification referendums have shown that publics are divided about whether and why to endorse or veto complex EU reform packages imposed from the top down. Despite these limitations people do effectively engage in the making of a European polity. By initiating national court proceedings active citizens are promoting fundamental European rights in Member States' practices. As party members they contribute to shaping mass media communication about, and national publics' understanding of, European political alternatives. As civil society activists citizens help build social networks for contesting certain EU reforms or advocating others. Last but not least, as voters in national and European elections they choose between competing party visions, and national parliamentary stances regarding the role of democratic citizenship. This original contribution to the debate about democratic citizenship vis-A -vis the challenges of economic globalization and European political integration presents critical explorations of different fields of direct, representative, participatory and deliberative democratic citizenship practices that affect the transformation of Europe.

An authoritative and wide-ranging analysis of current issues and dilemmas in the European Union's relations with the developing world. The book brings together politicians, academics and policy-makers to address recent experience and the way ahead after the EU's leading policy, the Lome Convention, expires in February 2000. Development policy in the various member states and at EU level and the prospects for furthering the international community's human rights and good governance agenda are examined in detail. This thorough assessment of one of the EU's oldest, most important and yet little known policy fields will be of use to scholars and students of development, of European integration and international relations.

The People of Europe have seen their lives profoundly affected by the policies of the European Union. The contributors provide an overview of the EU within global capitalism, a survey of policies within key issue areas, and a treatment of the economics of family care, migrant workers, and pensioners. It concludes with an analysis of the insider-outsider dilemmas of the imperfectly united Europe. This book takes a social perspective on economic issues and is accessible even to the non-specialist.

Describes the origins (since 1925), the foundation (1978) and the evolution (until today) of the 'European People's Party' and shows how political parties are vital to the integration process within the European Union. The book examines the emergence of a transnational party system to which the Christian Democrats contribute with the EPP alongside the Social Democrats (ESP) and the Liberal Democrats (ELDR). The analysis of the political, structural and programmatic development of the EPP shows clearly that European politics have become to a large extent domestic affairs and vice versa.

The volume at hand contains invited papers addressing the normative is sues of democracy and the European Union. Most papers were fIrst discussed at the conference "Democracy and the European Union," held in Oslo on Au gust 8-10, 1996, with the support of the Norwegian research programme Ad vanced Research on the Europeanisation of the Nation-State (ARENA). The editors wish to thank the organisers and participants of the Oslo con ference. They are grateful to Kristin Johansen and Simen Brrein for managing the conference, to Anna Maria Hauk and Victoria Pogosian for professional assistance with the manuscript, and to Andreas Holm Bakke and Torstein Buggeland for generating the index. Hannover, Germany, and Oslo, Norway, May 1997 Peter Koslowski Andreas F011esdal Contents Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V PETER KOSWWSKI, ANDREAS F0LlESDAL Democracy and the European Union: Challenges ANDREAS F0LlESDAL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Part A EU Institutions Chapter 1 Is it Really Possible to Democratize the Euro-Polity? PHILIPPE C. SCHMITTER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Chapter 2 Democracy and Governance in the European Union MARKUS JACHTENFUCHS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Chapter 3 Democratic Legitimacy and the Role of the Commission JANNE: HAALAND MA'ILARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 CONTENTS Chapter 4 The EU Intergovernmental Conference 1996/97: The Moment of Constitutional Choice for a Democratic Europe? MICHAEL NENTWICH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Chapter 5 Double Asymmetry as Normative Challenge SVERKERGUSTAVSSON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 PartB Historical and Comparative Perspectives Chapter 6 Democracy in Multicultural Societies and Multinational Settings RUSSELL L. HANSON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Chapter 7 How to Create Supra-National Institutions Democratically."

One of the most enduring questions in economics involves how a nation could accelerate the pace of its economic development. One of the most enduring answers to this question is to promote exports -either because doing so directly influences development via encouraging production of goods for export, or because export promotion permits accumulation of foreign exchange which permits importation of high-quality goods and services, which can in turn be used to expand the nation's production possibilities. In either case, growth is said to be export-led; the latter case is the so-called "two-gap" hypothesis (McKinnon, 1964; Findlay, 1973). The early work on export-led growth consisted of static cross-country com parisons (Michaely, 1977; Balassa, 1978; Tyler, 1981; Kormendi and Meguire, 1985). These studies generally concluded that there is strong evidence in favour of export-led growth because export growth and income growth are highly correlated. However, Kravis pointed out in 1970 that the question is an essen tially dynamic one: as he put it, are exports the handmaiden or the engine of growth? To make this determination one needs to look at time series to see whether or not exports are driving income. This approach has been taken in a number of papers (Jung and Marshall, 1985; Chow, 1987; Serletis, 1992; Kunst and Marin, 1989; Marin, 1992; Afxentiou and Serletis, 1991), designed to assess whether or not individual countries exhibit statistically significant evidence of export-led growth using Granger causality tests."

This book provides a comprehensive analysis on the design of institutions for the new Europe. Addressing critical issues such as the appropriate distribution of political powers, the next step in the constitution process, allocation of taxing powers and distribution of policy-making responsibilities.

An interdisciplinary approach to the study of the EU in UN human rights and environmental governance which addresses the legal and political science dimensions. With contributions from academics and policy-makers, this volume is a comprehensive analysis of how the challenges it faces impact on the EU's position in UN fora.

This book offers a novel contribution to the study of post-Cold War European defence. Interdisciplinary in approach, it uses the insights of EU law to assess the utility of existing theoretical accounts of European defence cooperation.Dyson and Konstadinides link legal and IR scholarship to undertake a detailed exploration of the structural factors which facilitate and hinder closer cooperation in the field of defence. Exploring the explanatory power of Neorealism, they focus on the balance of threat as a driver of the European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This book critiques the assumption inherent in governance accounts of CSDP that a transition from the 'sovereign' to the 'functional' will be possible in this policy area.European Defence Cooperation in EU Law and IR Theory sheds new light on the factors underpinning the development of the CSDP and the potential for more extensive cooperation in trans-Atlantic relations. The capacity of legal analysis to provide important empirical insight and of international relations theory to enrich legal scholarship by contextualizing it within its political context, makes this book of great relevance to scholars from both disciplines.