Concentrating on the politics of the Habsburg Monarchy's self-proclaimed "cultural mission" in occupied Bosnia in the period from 1878 to the outbreak of war in 1914, Taming Balkan Nationalism addresses two related issues: the impact of "Europeanization" in a backward society and the crystallization of the identities which have since dominated Bosnian life.
On the basis of wide reading in the Austrian, Hungarian, and south Slav sources, including the Hungarian-language papers of the two leading administrators of Bosnia, Benjamin von Kallay and Istvan Burian, Robin Okey provides fresh and wide-ranging perspectives on a whole range of issues, including the "Orientalist" assumptions of Austrian policy, the struggle of administrators for the moral high ground with nascent Serb and Croat intelligentsias, Kallay's controversial policy of the "Bosnian nation," and the strategy and personality of the intriguing Burian. He also opens up the hitherto unexplored background to student terrorism in the secondary schools of pre-1914 Bosnia, from which the assassin of Archduke Franz Ferdinand was to emerge.
Beyond this immediate historical context, the book also sheds much light on wider issues such as the construction of Serb and Croat nationhood in Bosnia, the beginnings of the Europeanization of Bosnian Muslims, and the new divisions created by the rapid pace of social, economic, and intellectual change as the nineteenth turned into the twentieth century.

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the last shah of Iran, is often remembered as a pliant instrument of American power during the Cold War. In this book Roham Alvandi offers a revisionist account of the shah's relationship with the United States by examining the partnership he forged with Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger in the 1970s. Based on extensive research in the British and U.S. archives, as well as a wealth of Persian-language diaries, memoirs and oral histories, this study restores agency to the shah as an autonomous international actor and suggests that Iran evolved from a client to a partner of the United States under the Nixon Doctrine. Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah offers a detailed account of three key historical episodes in the Nixon-Kissinger-Pahlavi partnership that shaped the global Cold War far beyond Iran's borders. First, the book examines the emergence of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf as the Nixon administration looked to the shah to fill the vacuum created by the British withdrawal from the region in 1971. Then it turns to the peak of the partnership after Nixon and Kissinger's historic 1972 visit to Iran, when the shah succeeded in drawing the United States into his covert war against Iraq in Kurdistan. Finally, the book focuses on the decline of the partnership under Nixon's successor, Gerald Ford, through a history of the failed negotiations from 1974 to 1976 for an agreement on U.S. nuclear exports to Iran. Taken together, these three episodes map the rise of the fall of Iran's Cold War partnership with the United States during the decade of superpower detente, Vietnam, and Watergate.

Kenneth Kaunda, the United States and Southern Africa carefully examines US policy towards the southern African region between 1974, when Portugal granted independence to its colonies of Angola and Mozambique, and 1984, the last full year of the Reagan administration's Constructive Engagement approach. It focuses on the role of Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda, the key facilitator of international diplomacy towards the dangerous neighborhood surrounding his nation. The main themes include the influence of race, national security, economics, and African agency on international relations during the height of the Cold War. Andy DeRoche focuses on key issues such as the civil war in Angola, the fight against apartheid, the struggle for Namibia's independence, the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe, and bilateral US/ Zambian relations. The approach is traditional diplomatic history based on archival research in Zambia and the USA as well as interviews with key players such as Kaunda, Mark Chona, Siteke Mwale, Vernon Mwaanga, Chester Crocker, and Frank Wisner. The result offers an important new insight into the nuances of US policy toward southern Africa during the hottest days of the Cold War.

Making the Best of Things is a record of the experiences of its author, Len Williams, over a period of more than thirty years. His narrative opens with a vivid and engaging memoir of childhood and adolescence in Camberwell during the 1910s and early 1920s, and culminates in a personal and anecdotal history of the Second World War, during which he served with the Auxiliary Fire Service and with an RAF Maintenance Unit (60 MU) based in Yorkshire and other parts of England. The central chapters are concerned with the changing fortunes of the Williams family during the 1920s and 1930s, offering an evocative account of the era of the Depression from the perspective of one who toiled, with little hope of advancement, as part of London's army of shopworkers. Williams presents these memoirs as a candid history of his family, and more particularly as his testimony with regard to an extraordinary and disturbing family secret uncovered in the wake of his father's death. The scope of the work quickly broadens, however, to form a rich and detailed panorama of his surroundings in Camberwell, one that pays special attention to the places he knew intimately, including Stobart Mansions, Kimpton Mission, the United Kingdom Tea Company and the Camberwell Green branch of the Royal Arsenal Cooperative Society. Making the Best of Things is a meticulous and absorbing recreation of a lost world, offering masterful descriptions of the rituals and routines of ordinary life as Williams knew it, as well as first-hand accounts of many of the more momentous episodes in London's history, including Zeppelin raids, Armistice Night, the General Strike and the Blitz. This new edition, which collects these memoirs into a single volume for the first time, features editorial notes, an index, and a series of appendices relating to Williams's father and other members of his family. Making the Best of Things is also copiously illustrated with photographs and maps.

This book is open access and available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. It is funded by Knowledge Unlatched. Greg Burgess's important new study explores the short life of the High Commission for Refugees (Jewish and Other) Coming from Germany, from its creation by the League of Nations in October 1933 to the resignation of High Commissioner, James G. McDonald, in December 1935. The book relates the history of the first stage of refugees from Germany through the prism of McDonald and the High Commission. It analyses the factors that shaped the Commission's formation, the undertakings the Commission embarked upon and its eventual failure owing to external complications. The League of Nations and the Refugees from Nazi Germany argues that, in spite of the Commission's failure, the refugees from Nazi Germany and the High Commission's work mark a turn in conceptions of international humanitarian responsibilities when a state defies standards of proper behaviour towards its citizens. From this point on, it was no longer considered sufficient or acceptable for states to respect the sovereign rights of another if the rights of citizens were being violated. Greg Burgess discusses this idea, amongst others, in detail as part of what is a crucial volume for all scholars and students of Nazi Germany, the Holocaust and modern Jewish history.

How can we understand what caused World War I? What role did Germany play? This book encourages us to re-think the events that led to global conflict in 1914.Historians in recent years have argued that German leaders acted defensively or pre-emptively in 1914, conscious of the Reich's deteriorating military and diplomatic position. Germany and the Causes of the First World War challenges such interpretations, placing new emphasis on the idea that the Reich Chancellor, the German Foreign Office and the Great General Staff were confident that they could win a continental war. This belief in Germany's superiority derived primarily from an assumption of French decline and Russian weakness throughout the period between the turn of the century and the eve of the First World War. Accordingly, Wilhelmine policy-makers pursued offensive policies - at the risk of war at important junctures during the 1900s and 1910s.The author analyses the stereotyping of enemy states, representations of war in peacetime, and conceptualizations of international relations. He uncovers the complex role of ruling elites, political parties, big business and the press, and contends that the decade before the First World War witnessed some critical changes in German foreign policy. By the time of the July crisis of 1914, for example, the perception of enemies had altered, with Russia - the traditional bugbear of the German centre and left - becoming the principal opponent of the Reich. Under these changed conditions, German leaders could now pursue their strategy of brinkmanship, using war as an instrument of policy, to its logical conclusion.

From the St. Lawrence to the Yser With the 1st Canadian Brigade
by Frederic C. Curry
"Crumps"-the Plain Story of a Canadian Who Went
by Louis Keen
Two first hand accounts in one value edition
When the First World War broke out, the view of the British Empire by those who built it, colonised it and spread its influence over the globe was that of a strong closely bonded family held together by common origin and purpose. There could be little doubt that the peoples of Australia, New Zealand, Canada and other countries would quickly rally to a flag they considered their own as readily as they had done in the past-particularly during the war in South Africa just a decade and a half previously. These young, enthusiastic, mostly citizen armies were comprised in the main of the flower of the country's young manhood. In Canada these first came from the members of the Canadian Militia, though such was the demand to 'do ones bit' that this was quickly absorbed by quantities of volunteers from the community at large eager to take up arms in the service of the 'mother country.' These two first accounts concern men of the First Canadians who join, train, sail to Europe and throw themselves into the early battles with the German Army in Belgium and France. They make absorbing reading as perspectives of the infantry war from the Canadian viewpoint and represent great value in this special two-in-one edition. Available in softcover and hardback with dustwrapper.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt coined the slogan "The Arsenal of Democracy" to describe American might during the grim years of World War II. The man who financed that arsenal was his Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau Jr. This is the first book to focus on the wartime achievements of this unlikely hero--a dyslexic college dropout who turned himself into a forceful and efficient administrator and then exceeded even Roosevelt in his determination to defeat the Nazis.
Based on extensive research at the FDR Library in Hyde Park, NY, author Peter Moreira describes Morgenthau's truly breathtaking accomplishments: He led the greatest financial program the world has ever seen, raising $310 billion (over $4.8 trillion in today's dollars) to finance the war effort. This was largely done without the help of Wall Street by appealing to the patriotism of the average citizen through the sale of war bonds. In addition, he championed aid to Britain before America entered the war; initiated and oversaw the War Refugee Board, spearheading the rescue of 200,000 Jews from the Nazis; and became the architect of the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference, which produced the modern economic paradigm.
The book also chronicles Morgenthau's many challenges, ranging from anti-Semitism to the postwar "Morgenthau Plan" that was his undoing.
This is a captivating story about an understated and often overlooked member of the Roosevelt cabinet who played a pivotal role in the American war effort to defeat the Nazis.

Her memoirs cover the pre WWII period of the 1930's in her birth country, Bulgaria and her growing up in the German and Russian cultures of her parents and that of Bulgaria. The uprooting of her family because of WWII and subsequent events tells of the increasing horrors and dislocations not only of her family but that of countless others.

John Lucas has dedicated his nearly half-century of academic life at Penn State University to researching and writing about his first love of sport, track and field, and the Olympics. He has attended every Summer Olympics since the 1960 Rome Games and has written several books, including 'Future of the Olympic Games.' From his over 200 monographs and articles, Lucas has selected a score of his articles written since 1953 for this anthology. They cover the range of his academic interests. (Hardcover) "In 1962, six years before I first met him, John Lucas defended his doctoral dissertation at the University of Maryland on "Pierre de Coubertin and the Formative Years of the Modern Olympic Movement." Almost a half century later, following 8 books and some 250 scholarly articles on Olympic history, comes this book, "The Best of John Lucas," compiled by the world's doyen of seriously researched, thoroughly documented, and passionately written Olympic history. As I have done, enjoy " (Dr. Robert Barney, founder of OLYMPICA: THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF OLYMPIC STUDIES and past-president of the North American Society for Sport History.)

Stacy Bannerman's husband, Lorin was a 43-year-old Sergeant First Class in the reserve army who had never thought he'd be called upon to wage war, but in October 2003 he was called to active duty as an Infantry Mortar Platoon Sergeant. He had completed his duty and commitment to the U.S. Army as of 22 June, 2004, but due to President Bush's Stop Loss order, he was on the war's front-lines until at least April 2005. Stacy Bannerman has a unique vantage point for writing "When The War Came Home". On the one hand, she is like the many thousands of women left behind while their reservist husbands and partners are sent to fight in Iraq - for as ill-equipped as their husbands are to wage war, the families left behind are often even less equipped to cope. On the other hand, Stacy Bannerman has the singular viewpoint of being a high-profile career peace activist, who ultimately finds herself at odds with her husband fighting on the front lines of Iraq in one of the most dangerous assignments in the Army. Bannerman describes the countdown to her husband's deployment, and documents her ongoing struggle to reconcile her anti-war sentiments with the need to support and honor her husband for the choice he made and for the risks he's taking for his country.

Myths of the Cold War: Amending Historiographic Distortions provides a corrective for the distortions and omissions of many previous domestic and foreign (including Russian) studies of the Cold War, especially those published since 2000. The "present interest" motivation in Weeks's analysis is gaining a clear understanding of the bi-polar, $4 trillion, nuclear-war-threatening standoff that lasted over 40 years after World War II until the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991. Without such knowledge and understanding of this dangerous conflict, any future encounter of the cold-war type with another nation-state is liable to be construed in confusing ways just as the U.S.-Soviet Cold War was. The consequence of such misunderstanding in the historiographic sense as well as in policy-making at the highest level is that the populations of the contending powers will have distorted conceptions of the reasons for the confrontation. The result of this, in turn, is skewed tendentiousness that masks concrete, underlying causes of intense inter-state contention. Practical benefits thus flow from an unprejudiced analysis of the past Cold War with Communist Russia. This understanding can help prevent a future conflict, such as one with Communist China, which some reputed sinologists are currently predicting, as well as one with post-Soviet Russia. Conversely, if a new cold war is imposed on the West, a clearer understanding of the post-World War II archetypical Cold War will be edifying.

From the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 through the years immediately after the collapse of the World Trade Center and Pentagon in 2001, and within the administrations of George H. W. Bush, William J. Clinton, and George W. Bush, soldiers' lives underwent enormous changes. Without the benefit of national conscription, these professionals, nurtured on stories of World War II, Korea, and Vietnam, experienced repetitive tours of duty in one combat zone after another to an extent the warriors of earlier eras could never have imagined. They fought every kind of war during this period; high-intensity mechanized war, air and heliborne raids, peace-keeping activities, urban combat, counter-insurgency operations, refugee support, and counter-narcotics operations. What makes the story of this era's soldiers all the more compelling is that these activities took place as the American military actually decreased its military strength during the period, leading to more and longer tours of duty. Some of the operations and issues covered in this volume include: The "Be All That You Can Be Soldier" with new roles for men and women and with new technology to learn The Persian Gulf 1990-91, with Operations Desert Shield/Desert Storm Interventions, War, and Insurgency after Desert Storm The book also includes a timeline to put dates and events in better perspective; a comprehensive, topically arranged bibliography; and a thorough index.

The revolutionary year of 1958 epitomizes the height of the social uprisings, military coups, and civil wars that erupted across the Middle East and North Africa in the mid-twentieth century. Amidst waning Anglo-French influence, growing US-USSR rivalry, and competition and alignments between Arab and non-Arab regimes and domestic struggles, this year was a turning point in the modern history of the Middle East. This multi and interdisciplinary book explores this pivotal year in its global, regional and local contexts and from a wide range of linguistic, geographic, academic specialties. The contributors draw on declassified and multilingual archives, reports, memoirs, and newspapers in thirteen country-specific chapters, shedding new light on topics such as the extent of Anglo-American competition after the Suez War, Turkey's efforts to stand as a key pillar in the regional Cold War, the internationalization of the Algerian War of Independence, and Iran and Saudi Arabia's abilities to weather the revolutionary storm that swept across the region. The book includes a foreword from Salim Yaqub which highlights the importance of Jeffrey G. Karam's collection to the scholarship on this vital moment in the political history of the modern middle east.

Ireland, 1919: When Sinn Fein proclaims Dail Eireann the parliament of the independent Irish republic, London declares the new assembly to be illegal, and a vicious guerilla war breaks out between republican and crown forces. Michael Collins, intelligence chief of the Irish Republican Army, creates an elite squad whose role is to assassinate British agents and undercover police. The so-called 'Twelve Apostles' will create violent mayhem, culminating in the events of 'Bloody Sunday' in November 1920. Bestselling historian Tim Pat Coogan not only tells the story of Collins' squad, he also examines the remarkable intelligence network of which it formed a part, and which helped to bring the British government to the negotiating table.

The German Empire was founded in January 1871 not only on the basis of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's "blood and iron" policy but also with the support of liberal nationalists. Under Bismarck and Kaiser Wilhelm II, Germany became the dynamo of Europe. Its economic and military power were pre-eminent; its science and technology, education, and municipal administration were the envy of the world; and its avant-garde artists reflected the ferment in European culture. But Germany also played a decisive role in tipping Europe's fragile balance of power over the brink and into the cataclysm of the First World War, eventually leading to the empire's collapse in military defeat and revolution in November 1918.
With contributions from an international team of twelve experts in the field, this volume offers an ideal introduction to this crucial era, taking care to situate Imperial Germany in the larger sweep of modern German history, without suggesting that Nazism or the Holocaust were inevitable endpoints to the developments charted here.