This book analyses how China has engaged in global IP governance and the implications of its engagement for global distributive justice. It investigates five cases on China's IP engagement in geographical indications, the disclosure obligation, IP and standardisation, and its bilateral and multilateral IP engagement. It takes a regulation-oriented approach to examine substate and non-state actors involved in China's global IP engagement, identifies principles that have guided or constrained its engagement, and discusses strategies actors have used in managing the principles. Its focus on engagement directs attention to processes instead of outcomes, which enables a more nuanced understanding of the role that China plays in global IP governance than the dichotomic categorisation of China either as a global IP rule-taker or rule-maker. This book identifies two groups of strategies that China has used in its global IP engagement: forum and agenda-related strategies and principle-related strategies. The first group concerns questions of where and how China has advanced its IP agenda, including multi-forum engagement, dissembling, and more cohesive responsive engagement. The second group consists of strategies to achieve a certain principle or manage contesting principles, including modelling and balancing. It shows that China's deployment of engagement strategies makes its IP system similar to those of the EU and the US. Its balancing strategy has led to constructed inconsistency of its IP positions across forums. This book argues that China still has some way to go to influence global IP agenda-setting in a way matching its status as the second largest economy.

Understand the complexities of the most lethal insurgent group of America's longest war-the Taliban. Battle hardened, tribally oriented, and deeply committed to its cause, the Taliban has proven itself resourceful, adaptable, and often successful. As such, the Taliban presents a counterinsurgency puzzle for which the United States has yet to identify effective military tactics, information operations, and Coalition developmental policies. Written by one of the Department of the Army's leading intelligence and military analysts on the Taliban, this book covers the group's complete history, including its formation, ideology, and political power, as well as the origins of its current conflict with the United States. The work carefully analyzes the agenda, capabilities, and support base of the Taliban; forecasts the group's likely course of action to retake Afghanistan; and details the Coalition forces' probable counterinsurgency responses. Author Mark Silinsky also reviews the successes and failures of the latest U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine to extrapolate the best strategies for future counterinsurgency campaigns. Provides insights from an author with academic training in politics and economics as well as a 30-year defense intelligence community background, including serving as an Army analyst in Afghanistan Presents information recently obtained under the Freedom of Information Act Analyzes the tribal, religious, political, and international elements of the greater Taliban problem

This book provides an expanded conceptualization of legalization that focuses on implementation of obligation, precision, and delegation at the international and domestic levels of politics. By adding domestic politics and the actors to the international level of analysis, the authors add the insights of Kenneth Waltz, Graham Allison, and Louis Henkin to understand why most international law is developed and observed most of the time. However, the authors argue that law-breaking and law-distorting occurs as a part of negative legalization. Consequently, the book offers a framework for understanding how international law both produces and undermines order and justice. The authors also draw from realist, liberal, constructivist, cosmopolitan and critical theories to analyse how legalization can both build and/or undermine consensus, which results in either positive or negative legalization of international law. The authors argue that legalization is a process over time and not just a snapshot in time.

This book examines the relationship between national identity and foreign policy discourses on Russia in Germany, Poland and Finland in the years 2005–2015. The case studies focus on the Nord Stream pipeline controversy, the 2008 Russian-Georgian war, the post-electoral protests in Russian cities in 2011–2012 and the Ukraine crisis. Siddi argues that divergent foreign policy narratives of Russia are rooted in different national identity constructions. Most significantly, the Ukraine crisis and the Nord Stream controversy have exposed how deep-rooted and different perceptions of the 'Russian Other' in EU member states are still influential and lead to conflicting national agendas for foreign policy towards Russia.

International Organizations play a pivotal role on the modern global stage and have done, this book argues, since the beginning of the 20th century. This volume offers the first historical exploration into the formative years of international public administrations, covering the birth of the League of Nations and the emergence of the second generation that still shape international politics today such as the UN, NATO and OECD. Centring on Europe, where the multilaterization of international relations played out more intensely in the mid-20th century than in other parts of the world, it demonstrates a broad range of historiographical and methodological approaches to institutions in international history. The book argues that after several 'turns' (cultural, linguistic, material, transnational), international history is now better equipped to restate its core questions of policy and power with a view to their institutional dimensions. Making use of new approaches in the field, this book develops an understanding of the specific powers and roles of IO-administrations by delving into their institutional make-up.

Corn Crusade: Khrushchev's Farming Revolution in the Post-Stalin Soviet Union is the first history of Nikita Khrushchev's venture to cover the Soviet Union in corn, a crop common globally but hitherto rare in his country. Lasting from 1953 until 1964, this crusade was an emblematic component of his efforts to resolve agrarian crises inherited from Joseph Stalin. Using policies and propaganda to pressure farms to expand corn plantings tenfold, Khrushchev expected the resulting bounty to feed not people, but the livestock necessary to produce the meat and dairy products required to make good on his frequent pledges that the Soviet Union was soon to "catch up to and surpass America." This promised to enrich citizens' hitherto monotonous diets and score a victory in the Cold War, which was partly recast as a "peaceful competition" between communism and capitalism. Khrushchev's former comrades derided corn as one of his "harebrained schemes" when ousting him in October 1964. Echoing them, scholars have ridiculed it as an "irrational obsession," blaming the failure on climatic conditions. Corn Crusade brings a more complex and revealing history to light. Borrowing technologies from the United States, Khrushchev expected farms in the Soviet Union to increase productivity because he believed that innovations developed under capitalism promised greater returns under socialism. These technologies generated results in many economic, social, and climatic contexts after World War II but fell short in the Soviet Union. Attempting to make agriculture more productive and ameliorate exploitative labor practices established in the 1930s, Khrushchev achieved only partial reform of rural economic life. Enjoying authority over formal policy, Khrushchev stood atop an undisciplined hierarchy of bureaucracies, local authorities, and farmworkers. Weighing competing incentives, they flouted his authority by doing enough to avoid penalties, but too little to produce even modest harvests of corn, let alone the bumper crops the leader envisioned.

Many geographically diverse regions in the world contain a rich variety of cultures within them. While some have many socio-cultural similarities, tensions can still arise to make such areas unstable and vulnerable. Intercultural Relations and Ethnic Conflict in Asia is a critical reference source for the latest scholarly research on the economic, political, and socio-cultural disputes occurring throughout various South Asian countries and the effects of these struggles on citizens and governments. Highlighting pertinent issues relating to patterns of conflict, the role of media outlets, and governmental relations, this book is ideally designed for academicians, upper-level students, practitioners, and professionals.

How do countries democratize? What route does the way out of totalitarianism take? Students of Russian politics have pursued answers to these questions by surveying Russians on a variety of attitudes, beliefs, norms, and practices. This book attends to political discourse to demonstrate how it creates and constraints political opportunities. It examines an important period of Russian political history: from Boris Yeltsin's second presidential election in 1996, when democracy was pronounced victorious, through its gradual slide toward authoritarian practices during Vladimir Putin's initial two terms in office, and to the election of his protege Dmitry Medvedev in 2008. This analysis challenges the assertions of Russian democracy as doomed by the governing rationalities of the elites. Likewise, it refutes the notion of Russians as an apathetic nation in chronic need of a "strong hand." It argues that if we are to understand how Russia lives, how it endures, and how it can change, we need to pay attention to the discourses that shape Russian political identities and the nation's political future.

Composer and cultural official Nicolas Nabokov (1903-78) led an unusual life even for a composer who was also a high-level diplomat. Nabokov was for nearly three decades an outstanding and far-sighted player in international cultural exchanges during the Cold War, much admired by some of the most distinguished minds of his century for the range of his interests and the breadth of his vision. Nicolas Nabokov: A Life in Freedom and Music follows Nabokov's life through its fascinating details: a privileged Russian childhood before the Revolution; exile, first to Germany, then to France; the beginnings of a promising musical career, launched under the aegis of Diaghilev and his Ballets Russes with Ode in 1928; his twelve-year "American exile" during which he occupied several academic positions; his return to Europe after the war to participate in the denazification of Germany; his involvement in anti-Stalinist causes in the first years of the Cold War; his participation in the Congress for Cultural Freedom; his role as cultural adviser to the Mayor of Berlin and director of the Berlin Festival in the early 1960s; the resumption of his American academic and musical career in the late 1960s and 1970s. Nabokov is unique not only in that he was involved on a high level in international cultural politics, but also in that his life intersected at all times with a vast array of people within, and also well beyond, the confines of classical music. Drawing on a vast array of primary sources, Vincent Giroud's first-ever biography of Nabokov will be of interest readers interested in twentieth-century music, Russian music, Russian emigration, and the Cold War, particularly in its cultural aspects. Musicians and musicologists interested in Nabokov as a composer, or in twentieth century Russian composers in general, will find in the book information not available anywhere else.

Most observers who follow nuclear history agree on one major aspect regarding Israel's famous policy of nuclear ambiguity; mainly that it is an exception. More specifically, it is largely accepted that the 1969 Nixon-Meir understanding, which formally established Israel's policy of nuclear ambiguity and transformed it from an undeclared Israeli strategy into a long-lasting undisclosed bilateral agreement, was in fact a singularity, aimed at allowing Washington to turn a blind eye to the existence of an Israeli arsenal. According to conventional wisdom, this nuclear bargain was a foreign policy exception on behalf of Washington, an exception which reflected a relationship growing closer and warmer between the superpower leading the free world and its small Cold War associate. Contrary to the orthodox narrative, this research demonstrates that this was not the case. The 1969 bargain was not, in fact, an exception, but rather the first of three Cold War era deals on nuclear tests brokered by Washington with its Cold War associates, the other two being Pakistan and South Africa. These two deals are not well known and until now were discussed and explored in the literature in a very limited fashion. Bargaining on Nuclear Tests places the role of nuclear tests by American associates, as well as Washington's attempts to prevent and delay them, at the heart of a new nuclear history narrative.

Product of a Post-doctoral research done at the University of Washington, (Seattle), USA, the present work is an attempt to conceptualise and analyse the postulates underlying India's Foreign Policy from its formative years in the early fifties to its maturation in the early eighties of the last century. It subjects the management of foreign relations by India to a full scale theoretical examination from the political economy angle-an exercise few scholars then or now have undertaken .Notions of security, national interest, diplomatic leverage, decision making process and so on have, in this work, been revisited in the decisive context of a domestic-external continuum in which forces of economic origin were seen as defining the rationale of a foreign policy that was supposed to take a developing nation to the fulfilment of its legitimate aspirations. At the same time, the innovations that were made with practically no earlier precedent to go by and the kind of institution building required for the purpose have been dealt with critically so as to bring out the interplay of domestic development aspirations and the art of ensuring policy independence by appropriate diplomacy. In the turbulent context of the Cold War the Indian experiment in the management of foreign relations and the positive gains it reaped in collectivising the principle of non-alignment did constitute a subject that demanded a non-conventional approach to get to the bottom of it. That is precisely what distinguishes the book by one of the most qualified experts in International Relations, enjoying intellectual acclaim both at home and abroad. The book starts with a theoretical discourse on the applicability or otherwise of the political economy approach as it stood at the time of writing. In subsequent chapters it examines a dependent economy's quest for an independent foreign policy, the central challenge before the external affairs ministry of the country. It needed, among other things handling of external aid, and foreign investment to recharge the developmental enterprises at home in a manner that would not interfere with the autonomy in judging and reacting to external events. Economic restructuring at home which brought a strong public sector as complementary to a fledgling private sector constituted an essential aspect. So also came up the new experiment of building a collective economic front with other developing nations. In its compact, yet well documented, analysis the book provides the most engaging scholarly presentation of the subject in all its relevant technicalities.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Global health arguably represents the most pressing issues facing humanity. Trends in international migration and transnational commerce render state boundaries increasingly porous. Human activity in one part of the world can lead to health impacts elsewhere. Animals, viruses and bacteria as well as pandemics and environmental disasters do not recognize or respect political borders. It is now widely accepted that a global perspective on the understanding of threats to health and how to respond to them is required, but there are many practical problems in establishing such an approach. This book offers a foundational study of these urgent and challenging problems, combining critical analysis with practically focused policy contributions. The contributors span the fields of ethics, human rights, international relations, law, philosophy and global politics. They address normative questions relating to justice, equity and inequality and practical questions regarding multi-organizational cooperation, global governance and international relations. Moving from the theoretical to the practical, Global Health and International Community is an essential resource for scholars, students, activists and policy makers across the globe.

Now updated and expanded for its second edition, this book investigates the role intelligence plays in maintaining homeland security and emphasizes that effective intelligence collection and analysis are central to reliable homeland security. The first edition of Homeland Security and Intelligence was the go-to text for a comprehensive and clear introduction to U.S intelligence and homeland security issues, covering all major aspects including analysis, military intelligence, terrorism, emergency response, oversight, and domestic intelligence. This fully revised and updated edition adds eight new chapters to expand the coverage to topics such as recent developments in cyber security, drones, lone wolf radicalization, whistleblowers, the U.S. Coast Guard, border security, private security firms, and the role of first responders in homeland security. This volume offers contributions from a range of scholars and professionals from organizations such as the Department of Homeland Security, the Center for Homeland Defense and Security at the Naval Postgraduate School, the National Intelligence University, the Air Force Academy, and the Counterterrorism Division at the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center. This breadth of unique and informed perspectives brings a broad range of experience to the topic, enabling readers to gain a critical understanding of the intelligence process as a whole and to grasp what needs to happen to strengthen these various systems. The book presents a brief history of intelligence in the United States that addresses past and current structures of the intelligence community. Recent efforts to improve information-sharing among the federal, state, local, and private sectors are considered, and the critical concern regarding whether the intelligence community is working as intended-and whether there is an effective system of checks and balances to govern it-is raised. The book concludes by identifying the issues that should be addressed in order to better safeguard our nation in the future. Addresses the most recent changes in homeland security and intelligence, explains the dynamics and structure of the intelligence community, and assesses the effectiveness of new intelligence processes Focuses on the evolving structure of the intelligence community and its processes in the age of ISIS and organized, widespread terrorist threats as witnessed by the events in Boston, San Bernardino, and Paris Contains seven new chapters as well as revisions and updates throughout this second edition Underscores how intelligence can work-and needs to function-across homeland security efforts at the federal, state, and local levels

Historians of American environmentalism have long given religion either a negligible role or a negative one in the development of the field. According to the standard view, Christianity fostered attitudes hostile or indifferent to nature, with Protestantism the worst offender. While virtually all leading environmental figures did eventually leave organized religion, a large majority however had religious childhoods, usually in Reformed Protestant churches, and often counted clergy as close relatives. And although popular support for conservation and environmentalism was relatively non-denominational, Congregationalists provided the foundational ideas of conservation, while the rise and decline of environmentalism as a powerful national movement coincided with the prevalence of Presbyterian leadership. By tracing the history of American environmentalism from a perspective that puts religion at the center rather than the margins, Mark Stoll opens up a fundamentally new and much needed narrative in environmental studies. Inherit the Holy Mountain argues against the divide between religion and American environmentalism, demonstrating how religion necessarily provided environmentalists with deeply-embedded moral and cultural ways of viewing the world giving content, direction, and tone to the environmental causes they espoused. The book demonstrates how individuals' denominational origins corresponded with characteristic sets of ideas about nature and the environment, with each denomination fostering a distinctive culture with its own moral framework and its own placement of humans within the natural world. Stoll also demonstrates how each denomination also fostered a distinctive aesthetic reaction to nature, beginning each chapter of the book with an analysis of a representative work of art. Inherit the Holy Mountain also provides insight into the possible future of environmentalism in the United States, concluding with an examination of the current religious scene and consideration of what it may tell us. Whatever form the response to these problems will take in the twenty-first century, Stoll says, it will look very different, with different values, goals, and styles of leadership, than it did when the children of the Reformed churches created and led it.

This book comparatively assesses the China and India's soft power strategy in Iran. By employing Joseph S. Nye's "Soft Power" theory and forming the new concept of "Power of Bonding", this book formulated China and India's soft power narratives and applied it through the empirical analysis in Iran. Based on this theory, this book seeks explanations for the question of "How China and India respectively, strategically and comparatively use the soft power strategy in Iran?". To reach the find-out, this book compares the understanding, resources, strategies, influences and uses of China and India's soft power in Iran under three thematic areas, including "power of bonding through cultural attractions, and attributions"; "political and diplomatic engagement" and "economic partnerships". By analysing China and India's soft power strategy in Iran, this book seeks to contribute to the soft power literature through a theoretical replication based on non-Western soft power strategy, the concept and its empirical application in China and India.

Since 2001, Afghanistan has provided New Delhi an opportunity to underline its role as a regional power. In the rapidly evolving geo-strategic scenario, India was forced to reconstitute and reassess its policies towards Afghanistan. India-Afghanistan Cooperation took a leap forward after the defeat of the Taliban and the installation of an Interim Authority. India's main focus has been to support the Afghan government and the political process in the country mandated under the Bonn Agreement of 2001. In the past decade, India pursued a policy of high-level engagement with Afghanistan through wide-ranging humanitarian, financial and infrastructural project assistance, as well as participation in international efforts aimed at political and economic rebuilding of Afghanistan. India has growing stakes in peace and stability in Afghanistan and the 2011 India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement underlines India's commitment to ensure that a positive momentum in the Indo-Afghanistan ties in maintained. One of the foremost aims of India's involvement in Afghanistan has been to assist in building indigenous Afghan capacity and institutions which encompasses all the sectors of development. This book, apart from examining the changing trajectory of India's policy towards Afghanistan, focuses on two particular areas of Indian intervention in Afghanistan namely Capacity Building and Education. It also evaluates its importance in strengthening the Delhi-Kabul ties. Identification of factors that are aiding or blockading the smooth functioning of these policies, have been the purpose of this academic pursuit. Attempts have been made to reach out to the Afghan beneficiaries in both India and Afghanistan, in order to understand their perspectives, requirements and disgruntlements. This research underscores that the purpose behind India's involvement in Afghanistan should not be defeated and thereby attempts to put forward certain steps and directions that can be adopted by Indian Government in order to achieve long-lasting dividends by smooth implementation of India's aid disbursement policy. As US led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces prepare to leave Afghanistan in 2014, India stands at a crossroads as it remains keen to preserve its interest in Afghanistan. This book apart from underlying ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan provides concrete recommendations that can enhance the effectiveness of ongoing Indo-Afghanistan cooperation.

Despite the boycott Hamas was subjected to since its victory in the 2006 parliamentary elections, it has become a significant player on the international stage. It boasts a territory identifiable by its borders, internationally recognized cease-fire lines and effective authority over a population. This book, a study in international relations, shows how Hamas willingly mobilizes Palestinian internal issues to establish its legitimacy on a global scale, and at the same time, uses its relations with non-Palestinian players to compete against its political rivals on the Palestinian national stage. Leila Seurat reveals that Hamas's foreign and internal policy are strongly intertwined and centred mainly on Hamas's quest for recognition. The book then is a comprehensive diplomatic history of Palestine, focused on the political orientations of Hamas towards both Israel and other countries. Its coverage spans the movement's victory in 2006 up until more recent momentous events, including, Hamas' response to Trump's 'deal of the century' and Israel's announcement of the annexation of the Jordan Valley, as well as the proclamation of normalization accords between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and the impact of Covid19. The book is based on Leila Seurat's extensive fieldwork and interviews with Hamas's leading officials across the West Bank, Gaza, Damascus, Geneva and Beirut in addition to recent video-conferences planned by various NGOs and attended by West Bank, Gaza and Diaspora Palestinians.

Guatemala emerged from the clash between Spanish invaders and Maya cultures that began five centuries ago. The conquest of these "rich and strange lands," as Hernan Cortes called them, and their "many different peoples" was brutal and prolonged. ""Strange Lands and Different Peoples"" examines the myriad ramifications of Spanish intrusion, especially Maya resistance to it and the changes that took place in native life because of it.
The studies assembled here, focusing on the first century of colonial rule (1524-1624), discuss issues of conquest and resistance, settlement and colonization, labor and tribute, and Maya survival in the wake of Spanish invasion. The authors reappraise the complex relationship between Spaniards and Indians, which was marked from the outset by mutual feelings of resentment and mistrust. While acknowledging the pivotal role of native agency, the authors also document the excesses of Spanish exploitation and the devastating impact of epidemic disease. Drawing on research findings in Spanish and Guatemalan archives, they offer fresh insight into the Kaqchikel Maya uprising of 1524, showing that despite strategic resistance, colonization imposed a burden on the indigenous population more onerous than previously thought.
Guatemala remains a deeply divided and unjust society, a country whose current condition can be understood only in light of the colonial experiences that forged it. Affording readers a critical perspective on how Guatemala came to be, ""Strange Lands and Different Peoples" "shows the events of the past to have enduring contemporary relevance.

The Kremlin's ability to shape global affairs appeared decimated following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Coupled with the internal instability that gripped Russia in the 1990s, Moscow struggled to develop a coherent and effective foreign policy for almost a decade. But under President Vladimir Putin, Russia has steadily reemerged as one of the most significant countries in the world-and one that is increasingly willing to challenge the United States. In Budget Superpower, geopolitics journalist John P. Ruehl explores how Russia has achieved this feat, despite its relatively limited economic strength. The book is divided into eight chapters, each exploring a tool or approach of the Kremlin's and how and where it has used this method to maximize Russia's influence. Each chapter also analyzes the weaknesses and vulnerabilities of Russia's strategies, as well as cautious predictions for how they may evolve in the future. Russia's determination to confront the United States has become increasingly apparent over the last decade, culminating in the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. In addition to demonstrating how Russia has effectively undermined the American-led global order, Budget Superpower will help readers understand why Russia has committed to this policy in the face of increasing push back and globally destabilizing consequences.

Although the concept of international public goods has been established, new international public needs arise by the day. For example, while there are many taxation problems and debates that have not yet been resolved internationally, many new tax-related problems like international transfer pricing, taxation of virtual profits, and taxation of electronic commerce are being added. These issues require studies that will discuss a new agenda and propose solutions for these dilemmas and problems. Global Challenges in Public Finance and International Relations provides an innovative and systematic examination of the present international financial events and institutions, international financial relations, and fiscal difficulties and dilemmas in order to discuss solutions for potential problems in the postmodern world. Highlighting topics such as international aid, public debt, and corporate governance, this publication is designed for executives, academicians, researchers, and students of public finance.

Intelligence is currently facing increasingly challenging cross-pressures from both a need for accurate and timely assessments of potential or imminent security threats and the unpredictability of many of these emerging threats. We are living in a social environment of growing security and intelligence challenges, yet the traditional, narrow intelligence process is becoming increasingly insufficient for coping with diffuse, complex, and rapidly-transforming threats. The essence of intelligence is no longer the collection, analysis, and dissemination of secret information, but has become instead the management of uncertainty in areas critical for overriding security goals--not only for nations, but also for the international community as a whole. For its part, scientific research on major societal risks like climate change is facing a similar cross-pressure from demand on the one hand and incomplete data and developing theoretical concepts on the other. For both of these knowledge-producing domains, the common denominator is the paramount challenges of framing and communicating uncertainty and of managing the pitfalls of politicization National Intelligence and Science is one of the first attempts to analyze these converging domains and the implications of their convergence, in terms of both more scientific approaches to intelligence problems and intelligence approaches to scientific problems. Science and intelligence constitute, as the book spells out, two remarkably similar and interlinked domains of knowledge production, yet ones that remain traditionally separated by a deep political, cultural, and epistemological divide. Looking ahead, the two twentieth-century monoliths--the scientific and the intelligence estates--are becoming simply outdated in their traditional form. The risk society is closing the divide, though in a direction not foreseen by the proponents of turning intelligence analysis into a science, or the new production of scientific knowledge.

The advent of the all-volunteer force and the evolving nature of modern warfare have transformed our military, changing it in serious if subtle ways that few Americans are aware of. Edited by Pulitzer Prize-winning historian David M. Kennedy, this stimulating volume brings together insights from a remarkable group of scholars, who shed important new light on the changes effecting today's armed forces. Beginning with a Foreword by former Secretary of Defense William J. Perry, the contributors take an historical approach as they explore the ever-changing strategic, political, and fiscal contexts in which the armed forces are trained and deployed, and the constantly shifting objectives that they are tasked to achieve in the post-9/11 environment. They also offer strong points of view. Lawrence Freedman, for instance, takes the leadership to task for uncritically embracing the high-tech Revolution in Military Affairs when "conventional" warfare seems increasingly unlikely. And eminent psychiatrist Jonathan Shay warns that the post-battle effects of what he terms "moral wounds" currently receive inadequate attention from the military and the medical profession. Perhaps most troubling, Karl Eikenberry raises the issue of the "political ownership" of the military in an era of all-volunteer service, citing the argument that, absent the political protest common to the draft era, government decision-makers felt free to carry out military operations in both Iraq and Afghanistan. Andrew Bacevich goes further, writing that "it's no longer our army; it hasn't been for years; it's theirs [the government's] and they intend to keep it." Looking at such issues as who serves and why, the impact of non-uniformed "contractors" in the war zone, and the growing role of women in combat, this volume brings together leading thinkers who illuminate the American military at the beginning of the twenty-first century.

This book analyses the growing relationships among India, the United States and Japan in the Indo-Pacific region, which can broadly be defined as the space encompassing both the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, though different nations have their competing visions of its extent. While on the one hand we have an ascendant China in all respects, at the same time, the US has continued interests in maintaining its leadership role in the region and beyond. Washington appears to employ a hub-and-spoke model where its most important ally in the region, Japan, fits in perfectly as a point from which to connect to the rest of the region. However, the critical role will be that of India, which is not an American ally but is key to many American plans in the region. Will India cooperate?By examining the rapidly-evolving relations among the three countries, this book explores India's position in this region. Crucially, this book will analyse how the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic will upset power relations in the region. It is suitable reading for advanced undergraduate and graduate students, researchers, and practitioners in the fields of international relations, politics, security studies, political science, and geopolitics.