Outcomes in major multilateral trade negotiations are conventionally explained as resulting from interests weighted by (trading) power. Offering a different overview of the concepts we use to talk about the international trade regime, this edited collection puts the ideational foundation of world trade politics centre stage, and critically examines the terms in which we make sense of world trade politics. The concepts used to make sense of world trade politics are often employed strategically, making some aspects of reality visible and others invisible. Reflecting upon ten key concepts from 'trade' itself to 'protectionism' and 'justice', this book poses two broad questions: first, how and by whom have the meanings of different terms used to describe, challenge and defend world trade politics been constructed? Second, how have the individual terms changed over time, and with what consequences? The editors and contributors draw on a broad range of theoretical approaches, from post-structuralism or cognitivism to normative theory, shedding new light on why certain trade issues and agendas win out over others, who benefits from the current system of trade governance, and what contemporary challenges the World Trade Organization faces. In doing so, the book speaks to a growing and diverse constructivist literature in International Political Economy. This book will be of interest to scholars, students and policy professionals working within International Relations, International Political Economy and economics.

In mid-1989, the Bulgarian communist regime seeking to prop up its legitimacy played the ethnonational card by expelling 360,000 Turks and Muslims across the Iron Curtain to neighboring Turkey. It was the single largest ethnic cleansing during the Cold War in Europe after the wrapping up of the postwar expulsions ('population transfers') of ethnic Germans from Central Europe in the latter half of the 1940s. Furthermore, this expulsion of Turks and Muslims from Bulgaria was the sole unilateral act of ethnic cleansing that breached the Iron Curtain. The 1989 ethnic cleansing was followed by an unprecedented return of almost half of the expellees, after the collapse of the Bulgarian communist regime. The return, which partially reversed the effects of this ethnic cleansing, was the first-ever of its kind in history. Despite the unprecedented character of this 1989 expulsion and the subsequent return, not a single research article, let alone a monograph, has been devoted to these momentous developments yet. However, the tragic events shape today's Bulgaria, while the persisting attempts to suppress the remembrance of the 1989 expulsion continue sharply dividing the country's inhabitants. Without remembering about this ethnic cleansing it is impossible to explain the fall of the communist system in Bulgaria and the origins of ethnic cleansing during the Yugoslav wars. Faltering Yugoslavia's future ethnic cleansers took a good note that neither Moscow nor Washington intervened in neighboring Bulgaria to stop the 1989 expulsion, which in light of international law was then still the legal instrument of 'population transfer.' The as yet unhealed wound of the 1989 ethnic cleansing negatively affects the Bulgaria's relations with Turkey and the European Union. It seems that the only way out of this debilitating conundrum is establishing a truth and reconciliation commission that at long last would ensure transitional justice for all Bulgarians irrespective of language, religion or ethnicity.

The annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Russia's support for military insurgency in eastern Ukraine undermined two decades of cooperation between Russia and the EU leaving both sides in a situation of reciprocal economic sanctions and political alienation. What is left of previous positive experiences and mutually beneficial interactions between the two parties? And, what new communication practices and strategies might Russia and Europe use? Previously coherent and institutionalized spaces of communication and dialogue between Moscow and Brussels have fragmented into relations that, while certainly not cooperative, are also not necessarily adversarial. Exploring these spaces, contributors consider how this indeterminacy makes cooperation problematic, though not impossible, and examine the shrunken, yet still existent, expanse of interaction between Russia and the EU. Analysing to what extent Russian foreign policy philosophy is compatible with European ideas of democracy, and whether Russia might pragmatically profit from the liberal democratic order, the volume also focuses on the practical implementation of these discourses and conceptualizations as policy instruments. This book is an important resource for researchers in Russian and Soviet Politics, Eastern European Politics and the policy, politics and expansion of the European Union.

This book conducts a gendered critique of the 'principle of distinction' in international humanitarian law (IHL), with a focus on recent conflicts in Africa. The 'principle of distinction' is core to IHL, and regulates who can and cannot be targeted in armed conflict. It states that civilians may not be targeted in attack, while combatants and those civilians directly participating in hostilities can be. The law defines what it means to be a combatant and a civilian, and sets out what behaviour constitutes direct participation. Close examination of the origins of the principle reveals that IHL was based on a gendered view of conflict, which envisages men as fighters and women as victims of war. Problematically, this view often does not accord with the reality in 'new wars' today in which women are playing increasingly active roles, often forming the backbone of fighting groups, and performing functions on which armed groups are highly reliant. Using women's participation in 'new wars' in Africa as a study, this volume critically examines the principle through a gendered lens, questioning the extent to which the principle serves to protect women in modern conflicts and how it fails them. By doing so, it questions whether the principle of distinction is suitable to effectively regulate the conduct of hostilities in new wars. This book will be of much interest to students of international law, gender studies, African politics, war and conflict studies, and international relations.

The academic discipline of International Relations strives to attain a 'global' spirit to narrow the cognitive gaps between the West and the Rest. On the one hand, there is the hegemonic presence of mainstream universalist Eurocentric IR theories, and on the other the counter-hegemonic presence of particularist Post-colonial and De-colonial non-Eurocentric IR theories. Nevertheless, both theoretical traditions endorse 'epistemological dualism' that essentially separates the 'theorizing-subject' from the 'theorized-object'; thereby failing to bridge the gaps. This book uses the monist schema of 'subject-object merger' in the ancient Indian philosophy of Advaita to inaugurate a Global IR theory. In the global theoretical schema of Advaitic monism, the apparent particularist reality is supplemented (not contradicted) with the hidden universalist reality - the net result of which is a reconciliation of dualism with monism at the theoretical-practical level. The possibilities of this reconciliation have not been estimated at either level and as such, this untapped intellectual strategy stands to enrich both Eurocentric IR and non-Eurocentric IR. Shahi establishes Advaita as an alternative epistemological-methodological tool to re-imagine the complex realities of contemporary international politics. This fully fledged Global International Relations Theory will appeal to students of international relations, political theory, administrative theory and philosophy.

Power may be globalized, but Westphalian notions of sovereignty continue to determine political and legal arrangements domestically and internationally: global issues - the legacy of colonialism expressed in continuing human displacement and environmental destruction - are thus treated 'parochially' and ineffectually. Not designed for dealing with situations of interdependence, democratic institutions find themselves in crisis. Reform in this case is not simply operational but conceptual: political relationships need to be drawn differently; the cultural illiteracy that prevents the local knowledge invested in places made after their stories needs to be recognised as a major obstacle to decolonising governance. Archipelagic thinking refers to neglected dimensions of the earth's human geography but also to a geo-politics of relationality, where governance is understood performatively as the continuous establishment of exchange rates. Insisting on the poetic literacy that must inform a decolonising politics, Carter suggests a way out of the incommensurability impasse that dogs assertions of indigenous sovereignty. Discussing bicultural areal management strategies located in south-west Victoria, Maluco (Indonesia) and inter-regionally across the Arafura and Timor Seas, Carter argues for the existence of creative regions constituted archipelagically that can intervene to rewrite the theory and practice of decolonisation. A book of great stylistic elegance and deftness of analysis, Decolonising Governance is an important intervention in the related fields of ecological, ecocritical and environmental humanities. Methodologically innovative in its foregrounding of relationality as the nexus between poetics and politics, it will also be of great interest to scholars in a range of areas, including communicational praxis, land/sea biodiversity design, bicultural resource management, and the constitution of post-Westphalian regional jurisdictions.

A widespread policy prescription among defense experts of the Atlantic Alliance is the strengthening of conventional forces to reduce dependence on the early use of nuclear weapons in the event of Soviet aggression. Dr. Yost examines the critical role France could play in establishing a more powerful conventional deterrent for the West and discusse

American Foreign Policy since World War II has long set the standard in guiding students through the complexities of the field. This twenty-first edition features three new chapters that examine the aftershocks of the Arab Spring and the revival of power politics and discuss the implications of a changing American policy under the Trump presidency. Providing the historical context students need, this book helps them to grasp the functions and frequent dysfunctions of the nation's foreign policy agenda with historical insight into modern policy context.

The most engaging, coherent, and up-to-date introduction to the field available. Extensively revised, the third edition is a comprehensive yet accessible account of IR theory, international actors, and global issues. This textbook is the ideal guide to navigating some of the most challenging and critical issues we face. World politics is changing fast. Spiralling energy and food costs are initiating a global hunger crisis. Our continued over-dependence on fossil fuels is causing dangerous climate change. International organisations, companies, sovereign states, diplomats, and citizens must work together to resolve multiple issues - from war in Ukraine to the global Covid-19 pandemic. This fully revised and updated third edition presents the concepts, theories and applications of world politics in a comprehensive and contemporary style to help you understand current global affairs. The text is packed with examples from around the world. It takes a distinctive longer-term historical perspective, showing how events from the 1500s impact on international structures and dynamics today. Covering all the essential topics, from international law and political economy to critical theory and security studies, this new edition includes: 3 brand new chapters on Foreign Policy Analysis, Race and Identity, and Global Health Fully revised historical chapters for a comprehensive historical perspective An expanded range of topics, cases, and cutting-edge research to fully reflect the latest empirical and theoretical developments Its unparalleled breadth and clarity make it the perfect introductory text for all undergraduate students of International Relations and Global Politics. Jeffrey Haynes is an emeritus professor of politics at London Metropolitan University. Peter Hough is an Associate Professor in International Politics at Middlesex University, London. Bruce Pilbeam is a Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at London Metropolitan University.

The joint British and US campaigns in the European theater of operations during World War II rank among the most impressive examples of coalition warfare in history. In just eighteen months, the US and British armies integrated their planning, intelligence, and command structures more thoroughly than any previous alliance. Millions of British and American soldiers fighting alongside one another liberated North Africa, France, Italy, and western Germany. How did these two armies come together so quickly? How did they combine their forces to a degree never before seen among the services of sovereign nations? And how did they sustain their alliance in the face of severe disagreements and battlefield setbacks? In Forging the Anglo-American Alliance, Tyler Bamford answers these questions by presenting the first history of the two armies' relations from 1917 to 1941. Great Britain and the United States emerged from World War I as the strongest military powers in the world. Forging the Anglo-American Alliance examines why the armies of these two nations chose to view each other as their closest strategic partner instead of their greatest potential threat and illustrates the legacy that World War I had on the attitudes of the US and British armies toward one another and alliance warfare. Through personal interactions and military education in the years leading up to World War II, army officers shared large amounts of military intelligence and formed positive opinions of one another. As the threat of Germany and Japan grew, army officers were the first to anticipate the need for an alliance between their nations and to begin thinking about ways to structure their combined forces. Using untapped archival sources, official reports, and officers' personal papers, Bamford presents an important and engaging new analysis of how this partnership grew out of the experiences and initiative of British and US Army officers and attachEs during World War I and the two decades that followed.

Examining US-China-Russia Foreign Relations explores the changing nature and function of the US-China-Russia strategic triangle from the end of the Cold War up to the present. Gregory Hall uses neoclassical realist international relations (IR) theory to argue that that since the mid-2000s, the politics of the strategic triangle have been increasingly influenced by factors related to the Big3 countries' respective domestic environments. Hall utilizes agency and context for each of the three great powers, expanding on previously established frameworks to include a comparative analysis of each actor's domestic environment for foreign policy, and, the interplay between the domestic and external contexts. In IR terms, the book identifies and illustrates how factors including systemic, state and societal, individuals, and small groups influence the foreign relations of the Big3. Hall concludes by exploring the future prospects for great power relations, and for global affairs. Incorporating both theoretical and empirical data to offer a fresh and timely look at the myriad challenges facing the three powers, this book provides an excellent companion to students of foreign policy, international security, and post-Cold War international politics.

'After reading Rogue State, it is impossible to hang fast to the comforting illusion that the "American way" is some kind of enlightenment.' Will Self 'A book of charges to be tied to a paving stone and thrown at the men in Washington.' Independent on Sunday Rogue State and its author came to sudden international attention when Osama Bin Laden quoted the book publicly in January 2006, propelling the book to the top of the bestseller charts in a matter of hours. It is an essential guide to the crimes and misdemeanours of the world's only superpower.

Combining impartial analysis with reliable facts and figures, this fully revised and updated 20th edition provides up-to-date commentary on these vast North American nations. General Survey Essays by leading experts analyse topics of regional importance, including: - US-Canadian integration, immigration, and the treatment of Indigenous peoples in North America. Country Surveys Each country is dealt with in greater detail within its own section. Country chapters include: - a chronology of political events - essays covering key socio-political and economic themes, including: recent political developments; foreign policy; constitution; the economy; energy policy; agriculture; trade; health and social policy - additional essays examining timely subjects such as US-Chinese economic competition, religion in US politics and the US Judicial system - historical, political and economic surveys of each of the US states and Canadian provinces and territories - statistical surveys of economic and demographic indicators - comprehensive directory sections covering public affairs, the economy and society, which provide contact details and other useful information for the most significant institutions in the region.

In turbulent global times, your study of this subject is increasingly necessary and urgent. Featuring a new chapter on critical theories, and revised to take a less Eurocentric approach to concepts and case studies, this new edition allows you to tackle global politics' important concepts, debates and problems: -How can theories help us to understand the politics of a global pandemic? -Do we live in a 'post-truth' world of 'fake news' and disinformation? -Does international aid work? -Does the United States remain a global hegemon? -What is the Anthropocene and how does it shape global politics? -Are global politics constrained by a 'North-South' divide? -What are the possible futures of global politics - and the politics of outer space? Delving into topics as diverse as anarchy, intersectionality, Confucianism, and neoconservatism, boxed features give you confidence in political analysis: -Focus on: learn more about the global colour line or the tragedy of the commons -Key figures: discuss the ideas of Hans Morgenthau, Frantz Fanon or bell hooks -Debating: argue whether the United Nations are obsolete, or whether nuclear weapons promote peace -Global politics in action: apply your learning to the migration crisis in Europe or the Arab Spring -Approaches to: consider human rights or the Covid-19 pandemic from the perspective of realist, liberal, postcolonial, Marxist, feminist, constructivist and post-structuralist theory -Global actors: understand the significance of Black Lives Matter, Amnesty International or the International Monetary Fund. Spanning the development of global politics, from the early origins of globalization through to the return of multipolarity in the twenty-first century, this is an essential text for undergraduates studying global politics and international relations.

Small states are dependent on the economic, political, and societal shelter provided by larger states and international organizations to survive and prosper. Iceland provides an ideal case study for shelter theory, due both to its smallness as compared with its larger neighbouring states, as well as its status as both an entity and then as a state. That Iceland has historically been so isolated, relative to other small European states, also makes it easier to trace the country's interactions with other actors, since the impact of each interaction can be measured more definitively thus broadening the theory's validity and offering new insights into its operations. The contributors to this volume focus on the extent of Iceland's external engagement with other states and the domestic consequences of this interaction. Societal shelter, in terms of transfer of norms and values, is as of much importance as economic and political shelter. By unpacking the structure of Iceland's external relations, this book demonstrates both the size-related disadvantages and the unique needs of small states to evaluate, explain, and predict small state behaviour. This book will be of interest to all scholars in international relations, especially those interested in small state behaviour.

Explores the international consequences of the ending of the First World War

The Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman Empire collapsed in the wake of the war and the boundaries of Europe were redrawn. Many subsequent international crises in the late twentieth century can be traced back to decisions taken in these critical years. The text deals with all the peace treaties and international agreements worked out between 1919 and the Locarno Pact of 1925. Erik Goldstein also looks at the international organizations and practices which came into existence at this time, including the establishment of a Permanent Court of International Justice, the creation of an International Labor Organization, the principle of war crimes, and the idea of arms control.

Acclaimed historian, and retired Alec Nove Chair in Russian and East European History at the University of Glasgow, Geoffrey Swain, has written extensively on the history of Russia and Eastern Europe during the twentieth century, in particular on Russia during the Civil War, Latvia during the first years of Soviet rule, and the career of Josip Broz Tito. Esteemed for his pursuit of historical enquiry which went "against the grain" of commonly accepted views of communism in power, significantly, Swain also explored the strength or coherence of some of the alternatives that emerged to the paths actually taken, themes which, in their own way, run through this collection of essays, featuring contributions predominantly from papers delivered at the 7th CRCEES Research Forum in July 2015. Honoring the critical tradition and at times contentious work of Geoffrey Swain, this volume comprises seven original articles offering alternative insights into the complexities of Russian, Yugoslav and Latvian history, which are complemented by three essays reviewing his work, it's context and implications. This book was originally published as a special issue of Europe-Asia Studies.

What explains the rise of populist movements across the West and their affinity towards Russia? UKIP's Brexit victory, Trump's triumph, and the successive elections and referendums in Europe were united by a repudiation of the liberal international order. These new political forces envision the struggle to reproduce and advance Western civilisation to be fought along a patriotism-cosmopolitanism or nationalism-globalism battlefield, in which Russia becomes a partner rather than an adversary. Armed with neomodernism and geoeconomics, Russia has inadvertently taken on a central role in the decay of Western civilisation. This book explores the cooperation and competition between Western and Russian civilisation and the rise of anti-establishment political forces both contesting the international liberal order and expressing the desire for closer relations with Russia. Diesen proposes that Western civilisation has reached a critical juncture as modern society (gesellschaft) has overwhelmed and exhausted the traditional community (gemeinschaft) and shows the causes for the decay of Western civilisation and the subsequent impact on cooperation and conflict with Russia. The author also considers whether Russia's international conservativism is authentic and can negate the West's decadence, or if it is merely a shrewd strategy by a rival civilisation also in decay. This volume will be of interest to scholars of international relations, political science, security studies, international political economy, and Russian studies.

The book explores how small states adjust their military strategies in response to external shocks. Using primary sources from four Nordic countries, (Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden), this volume explores how small states have adjusted their military strategies in response to external shocks of the 21st century. The 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine, and the rise of the Islamic State have all forced the Nordic states to adopt new strategies. While the responses have not been uniform, their differing relations to the EU and NATO have not prevented these countries from behaving similarly in military affairs. Limitations in military capacity has led all four countries to pursue strategies that include cooperation with more resourceful partners. It is necessary for them to cooperate with others to protect and promote their national interests. Moreover, the Nordic cosmopolitan outlook expresses milieu-shaping ambitions that we generally would not expect small states to pursue against a potential great power aggressor. This book will be of much interest to students of military strategy, defense studies, security studies, and international relations.

This book analyses North Korean foreign policy since 1994, aiming to better understand the part the DPRK plays in international politics. Pyongyang is the country's capital and largest city. To the north and northwest, the country is bordered by China and by Russia along the Amnok and Tumen rivers; it is bordered to the south by South Korea, with the heavily fortified Korean Demilitarized Zone separating the two. Nevertheless, North Korea, like its southern counterpart, claims to be the legitimate government of the entire peninsula and adjacent islands. Both North Korea and South Korea became members of the UN in 1991. Applying the role theoretical approach to North Korea for the first time, this book charts the continuities and changes in North Korean foreign policy, drawing on content analysis of North Korean periodicals. It begins with an identification of roles, before analysing the relationship between these roles and foreign policy in practice. In particular, it examines the links between role shifts and changes in interaction with the U.S. and South Korea. This book also demonstrates that the existence of pressure, sanctions and confrontations have contributed to a confrontational, isolationist and inward-looking foreign policy. Therefore, it argues, one should be aware that if the DPRK is constantly treated as if it is a nuclear state - and even a rogue state - it is much easier for it to enact a role on the international stage which reflects this. As a study of the foreign policy of the world's most controversial and secretive country, this book will be invaluable to students and scholars of Korean politics and international relations, as well as Asian Studies more generally.

This book comparatively analyses the role of the EU in influencing the policies of other regional organisations by assessing its role in leading the institutionalisation of ASEAN disaster management institutions. By exploring the role of actors as drivers of the process that led to the institutionalisation of the ASEAN disaster response mechanism, it unpacks the process and assesses the role of the EU in directly or indirectly leading this process, whilst including the role played by other relevant actors, namely Australia, New Zealand, Japan, USA and the UN. In doing so, the book proposes an original framework going beyond the idea of the EU as a sui generis actor and adds a comparative dimension to the analysis of the EU's influence on regional processes. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of EU External Relations, Security Studies, Regional Studies, disaster management, ASEAN-EU relations, EU actorness, and more broadly to and Asia Studies, international relations and inter-regionalism. Chapter 1 of this book is available for free in PDF format as Open Access from the individual product page at www.taylorfrancis.com. It has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

As China's international political role grows, its relations with states outside of its traditional sphere of interests is evolving. This is certainly the case of the Gulf monarchies of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, which together comprise the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). China's levels of interdependence with these states has increased dramatically in recent years, spanning a wide range of interests. What motivating factors explain the Chinese leadership's decision to forge closer ties to the GCC? Why have GCC leaders developed closer ties to China, and what kind of role can China be expected to play in the region as levels of interdependence intensify? This book uses neoclassical realism to analyse the evolution of Sino-GCC relations. Examining the pressures that shaped China's policy toward the Gulf monarchies, it demonstrates that systemic considerations have been predominant since 1949, yet domestic political considerations were also always an important consideration. Relations are examined across diplomatic and political interactions, trade and investment, infrastructure and construction projects, people-to-people exchanges, and military and security cooperation. This book will appeal to scholars in the fields of International Relations and International Political Economy, as well as area specialists on China, the Gulf, the Gulf Monarchies, and those working on foreign policy issues.

What should businesses consider in preparing for terrorist attacks, natural disasters, pandemic illnesses and other emergencies? What steps can a business take to ensure continuity during and after a crisis? What can we learn from past success? This edited collection provides responses to these and other questions from prominent business executives and academics, drawn from their personal experiences with such crises as the terrorist attacks of 9/11, Hurricane Katrina, and the Asian tsunami. Their analyses prove a major step forward in the emerging academic and professional field of homeland security. In this first volume, The Challenge of the New Age, the contributors- noted authorities in security and risk management, technology, public health, political science and business - look at specific ways disasters can impact businesses, both in the short and long term. They recount their experiences with terrorist attacks and natural disasters, and explore the potential impact of other hazards, such as a biological event or pandemic. Intended for business practitioners, real world operators, students and faculty, government leaders, and their libraries, the book demonstrates with historical examples the connectivity between threats, hazards, policies, jurisdictions, information, technology, leadership, and considerations of profit and loss. Those who want to benefit from best practices while avoiding mistakes of the past will find this an excellent place to start. Contributors: D. Alexander, F. Burton, B. Eggers, E. Gursky, W.I. Hancock, J. Jackson, P.B. Kurtz, P. Leitner, K. Lindsey, D.H. McIntyre, G. McNeal, M. Minor, G. Pellegrino, N. Saiff, G. Selig, K. Senser, C. Shays, G. Williams, D. Wyss

Great-power conflict and great-power war are still the most dangerous risks the international community is facing today. This edited volume investigates the feasibility of a modern day concert of powers as a way for managing the risk of great power conflicts in the 21st century. The volume takes its inspiration from history. The 19th century European Concert was not only able to ensure a period of exceptional peacefulness among the European great powers, it also limited the scope and duration of the few wars that did break out. The chapter authors discuss the achievements and limits of the historical concert, define the requirements that a new concert would have to meet, critically evaluate obstacles and risks of the approach and indicate how a 21st century concert of powers could complement, and fit into, the present legal and institutional setting of global politics. This volume offers a systematic examination of the norms and tools of the historical template and scrutinizes these tools for their utility in our time. It will be of great interest to a wide range of scholars and students in areas such as International Relations, History and International Law.

How do emerging states obtain international recognition and secure membership of international organisations in contemporary world politics? This book provides the first in-depth study of Kosovo's diplomatic approach to becoming a sovereign state by obtaining international recognition and securing membership of international organisations. Analysing the everyday diplomatic discourses, performances, and entanglements, this book contends that state-becoming is not wholly determined by systemic factors, normative institutions, or the preferences of great powers; the diplomatic agency of the fledgling state plays a far more important role than is generally acknowledged. Drawing on institutional ethnographic research and first-hand observations, this book argues that Kosovo's diplomatic success in consolidating its sovereign statehood has been the situational assemblage of multiple discourses, practiced through a broad variety of performative actions, and shaped by a complex entanglement with global assemblages of norms, actors, relations, and events. Accordingly, this book contributes to expanding our understanding of the everyday diplomatic agency of emerging states and the changing norms, politics, and practices regarding the diplomatic recognition of states and their admission to international society.