With the Treaty of Versailles, the Western nation-state powers introduced into the East Central European region the principle of national self-determination. This principle was buttressed by frustrated native elites who regarded the establishment of their respective nation-states as a welcome opportunity for their own affirmation. They desired sovereignty but were prevented from accomplishing it by their multiple dispossession. National elites started to blame each other for this humiliating condition. The successor states were dispossessed of power, territories, and glory. The new nation-states were frustrated by their devastating condition. The dispersed Jews were left without the imperial protection. This embarrassing state gave rise to collective (historical) and individual (fictional) narratives of dispossession. This volume investigates their intended and unintended interaction. Contributors are: Davor Beganovic, Vladimir Biti, Zrinka Bozic-Blanusa, Marko Juvan, Bernarda Katusic, Natasa Kovacevic, Petr Kucera, Aleksandar Mijatovic, Guido Snel, and Stijn Vervaet.

Dr Noeleen Heyzer is the Institute of Policy Studies' 10th S R Nathan Fellow for the Study of Singapore. This book is an edited collection of her three IPS-Nathan Lectures, delivered in November and December 2021, and includes highlights of her question-and-answer segments with our audience.Dr Heyzer examines how Singapore can continue to contribute to multilateral governance amid 21st century global challenges. Highly dependent on multilateral governance, Singapore has to engage the region and contribute to the multilateral global order. Dr Heyzer highlights the need for Singapore to build a mindset of 'solidarity as self-interest', contribute to a normative future that is equitable, inclusive and sustainable, and rethink our current multilateral governance framework. What does a renewed multilateralism look like? Can Singapore become an epicentre for this new multilateralism? And critically, how can we secure our common future and shape what we become as a nation?The IPS-Nathan Lecture series was launched in 2014 as part of the S R Nathan Fellowship for the Study of Singapore, named after Singapore's sixth and longest-serving president. It seeks to advance public understanding and discussion of issues of critical national interest for Singapore.

Dr Noeleen Heyzer is the Institute of Policy Studies' 10th S R Nathan Fellow for the Study of Singapore. This book is an edited collection of her three IPS-Nathan Lectures, delivered in November and December 2021, and includes highlights of her question-and-answer segments with our audience.Dr Heyzer examines how Singapore can continue to contribute to multilateral governance amid 21st century global challenges. Highly dependent on multilateral governance, Singapore has to engage the region and contribute to the multilateral global order. Dr Heyzer highlights the need for Singapore to build a mindset of 'solidarity as self-interest', contribute to a normative future that is equitable, inclusive and sustainable, and rethink our current multilateral governance framework. What does a renewed multilateralism look like? Can Singapore become an epicentre for this new multilateralism? And critically, how can we secure our common future and shape what we become as a nation?The IPS-Nathan Lecture series was launched in 2014 as part of the S R Nathan Fellowship for the Study of Singapore, named after Singapore's sixth and longest-serving president. It seeks to advance public understanding and discussion of issues of critical national interest for Singapore.

A myth-breaking general history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, The Gun And The Olive Branch traces events right back to the 1880s to show how Arab violence, although often cruel and fanatical, is a response to the challenge of repeated aggression.

Banned from six Arab countries, kidnapped twice, David Hirst, former Middle East correspondent of the Guardian, is the ideal chronicler of this terrible and seemingly insoluble conflict. The new edition of this ‘definitive’ (Irish Times) study brings the story right up to date.

Amongst the many topics that are subjected to Hirst’s piercing analysis are: the Oslo peace process, the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the destabilising effect of Jewish settlement in the territories, the second Intifada and the terrifying rise of the suicide bombers, the growing power of the Israel lobby – Jewish and Christian fundamentalist – in the United States, the growth of dissent in Israel and among sections of America’s Jewish population, the showdown between Sharon and Arafat and the spectre of nuclear catastrophe that threatens to destroy the region.

This book examines how Africa can secure a 'just transition' to low-carbon, climate-resilient economies.

Elvis Presley stands tall as perhaps the supreme icon of 20th-century U.S. culture. But he was perceived to be deeply un-American in his early years as his controversial adaptation of rhythm and blues music and gyrating on-stage performances sent shockwaves through Eisenhower's conservative America and far beyond. This book explores Elvis Presley's global transformation from a teenage rebel figure into one of the U.S.'s major pop-cultural embodiments from a historical perspective. It shows how Elvis's rise was part of an emerging transnational youth culture whose political impact was heavily conditioned by the Cold War. As well as this, the book analyses Elvis's stint as G.I. soldier in West Germany, where he acted as an informal ambassador for the so-called American way of life and was turned into a deeply patriotic figure almost overnight. Yet, it also suggests that Elvis's increasingly synonymous identity with U.S. culture ultimately proved to be a double-edged sword, as the excesses of his superstardom and personal decline seemingly vindicated long-held stereotypes about the allegedly materialistic nature of U.S. society. Tracing Elvis's story from his unlikely rise in the 1950s right up to his tragic death in August 1977, this book offers a riveting account of changing U.S. identities during the Cold War, shedding fresh light on the powerful role of popular music and consumerism in shaping images of the United States during the cultural struggle between East and West.

THE SUNDAY TIMES BESTSELLER; New from the No.1 Sunday Times bestselling author of Prisoners of Geography; Which side of the fence are you on?; Every story has two sides, and so does every wall. We're in a new era of tribalism and the barricades are going up.; Money, race, religion, politics: these are the things that divide us. Trump's wall says as much about America's divided past as it does its future. The Great Firewall of China separates `us' from `them'. In Europe, the explosive combination of politics and migration threatens liberal democracy itself.; Covering China; the USA; Israel and Palestine; the Middle East; the Indian Subcontinent; Africa; Europe and the UK, in this gripping read bestselling author Tim Marshall delves into our past and our present to reveal the fault lines that will shape our world for years to come.

As the internet and its applications grow more sophisticated and widespread, so too do the strategies of modern terrorist groups. The existence of the dark web adds to the online arsenal of groups using digital networks and sites to promulgate ideology or recruit supporters. It is necessary to understand how terrorist cells are using and adapting online tools in order to counteract their efforts. Utilization of New Technologies in Global Terror: Emerging Research and Opportunities is an informative resource that explores new developments in technological advancements and the progression of terror organizations while also examining non-government activist organizations and their new role in protecting internet freedom and combating cyberterrorism. Featuring relevant topics such as social media, cyber threats, and counterterrorism, this publication will benefit government officials, political scientists, policymakers, researchers, academicians, and graduate students interested in political science, mass communication, and cyberwarfare.

The year 2020 was a watershed event in the history of climate change politics. It marked the end of the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol and the beginning of the ambitious Paris Agreement. It was also the year of the pandemic, where the disruption caused severe implications on a global scale. The pandemic also brought before the world the severity and scale of the transboundary challenges in a globally interconnected world. It exposed the weaknesses of the global institutions and governance structures in tackling the complex and imminent threat of climate change.As states prepare for the future of global climate change negotiations post the COP26 event of 2021, there has been a significant shift in the politics of climate change at all levels. The negotiations took place in the shadows of the pandemic, which has challenged the political lethargy and non-committal attitudes of states on the climate change question.Unlike in the past, climate change is now a hot issue on the political high tables. It has also spilled outside these negotiating spaces and into the public sphere. Whether it is the school strikes led by children or the indigenous struggles of marginalized populations, the politics of climate change today is far more diverse, representative, and active. At the same time, we can witness the shifts in the state's understanding of the problem, which is actively inquiring about its security and geopolitical dimensions. The boundaries between traditional and non-traditional threats to security are getting blurred as climate change, and its myriad impacts wreak havoc on ecosystem resilience, the state's welfare capacity, and people's everyday lives.Hence, this volume seeks to decipher the nature of global climate change politics in the post-pandemic and climate insecure world. Who will be its main actors, main stakeholders, and losers? How will questions of equity, sustainability, and finance interplay at the COP26 event and thereafter? How will developing and poor countries engage with the issue in the next phase of climate politics? Finally, how will the ambition of the Paris Agreement, which is reflected in the language of net-zero targets and the two degrees Celsius temperature goals, be brought into action?

Many countries around the world rely on the tourism industry to support their economies, making the safety and protection of travelers and workers in the industry of paramount importance. However, few police departments around the world have special divisions dedicated to the protection of tourism, tourists, and tourist centers. Tourism-Oriented Policing and Protective Services is a collection of innovative research on new methods and strategies for ensuring the security and safety of tourists, while also allowing law enforcement to take an active role in aiding the economic development of their city. While highlighting topics including visitor protection, cultural tourism, and security services, this book is ideally designed for government officials, policymakers, law enforcement, professionals within the tourism industry, academicians, researchers, and students.

'For centuries, it was taken for granted that the West determined the rules of the global game. In the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, it was the Europeans. In the 20th century, it was the Americans. Now we find ourselves at the dawn of an epochal, worldwide transformation. For the first time, the global center of power is shifting towards Asia.'Frank Sieren Future? China! is the first book that comprehensively examines the influence of a new superpower on all continents and aspects of life. The book explains how China is changing the western-dominated world order to a multi-polar world order - from the perspective of a European who has been living in China for almost three decades. The book argues that the times in which the West sets the standards are over. For the first time in centuries, an Asian country is assuming the position of being a world power. The Chinese are already questioning values that we consider to be universal.China, the new superpower, already contributes to well over 30 percent of the global economic growth. The author believes China is only at the beginning of its ascent. He explains how the Middle Kingdom is expanding its influence throughout the world: whether in the automobile industry, which China is revolutionizing thanks to electric mobility and autonomous driving; or in the field of digitalization and artificial intelligence, where China is on a level-pegging with the USA; whether in Africa, where China has long since been investing in mineral deposits, infrastructure but also in light industry and creating trillions of jobs; or on the scale of the new Silk Road, a one trillion-dollar project, which reaches up to Duisburg and for which China has won the support of numerous Eastern European states.

What should businesses consider in preparing for terrorist attacks, natural disasters, pandemic illnesses and other emergencies? What steps can a business take to ensure continuity during and after a crisis? What can we learn from past success? This edited collection provides responses to these and other questions from prominent business executives and academics, drawn from their personal experiences with such crises as the terrorist attacks of 9/11, Hurricane Katrina, and the Asian tsunami. Their analyses prove a major step forward in the emerging academic and professional field of homeland security. In this first volume, The Challenge of the New Age, the contributors- noted authorities in security and risk management, technology, public health, political science and business - look at specific ways disasters can impact businesses, both in the short and long term. They recount their experiences with terrorist attacks and natural disasters, and explore the potential impact of other hazards, such as a biological event or pandemic. Intended for business practitioners, real world operators, students and faculty, government leaders, and their libraries, the book demonstrates with historical examples the connectivity between threats, hazards, policies, jurisdictions, information, technology, leadership, and considerations of profit and loss. Those who want to benefit from best practices while avoiding mistakes of the past will find this an excellent place to start. Contributors: D. Alexander, F. Burton, B. Eggers, E. Gursky, W.I. Hancock, J. Jackson, P.B. Kurtz, P. Leitner, K. Lindsey, D.H. McIntyre, G. McNeal, M. Minor, G. Pellegrino, N. Saiff, G. Selig, K. Senser, C. Shays, G. Williams, D. Wyss

After 1898 the United States not only solidified its position as an economic colossus, but by annexing Puerto Rico and the Philippines it had also added for the first time semi-permanent, heavily populated colonies unlikely ever to attain statehood. In short order followed a formal protectorate over Cuba, the "taking" of Panama to build a canal, and the announcement of a new Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, proclaiming an American duty to "police" the hemisphere. Empire had been an American practice since the nation's founding, but the new policies were understood as departures from traditional methods of territorial expansion. How to match these actions with traditional non-entanglement constituted the central preoccupation of U.S. foreign relations in the early twentieth century. International lawyers proposed instead that the United States become an impartial judge. By becoming a force for law in the world, America could reconcile its republican ideological tradition with a desire to rank with the Great Powers. Lawyers' message scaled new heights of popularity in the first decade and a half of the twentieth century as a true profession of international law emerged. The American Society of International Law (ASIL) and other groups, backed by the wealth of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, held annual meetings and published journals. They called for the creation of an international court, the holding of regular conferences to codify the rules of law, and the education of public opinion as to the proper rights and duties of states. To an extent unmatched before or since, the U.S. government-the executive branch if not always the U.S. Senate-embraced this project. Washington called for peace conferences and pushed for the creation of a "true " international court. It proposed legal institutions to preserve order in its hemisphere. Meanwhile lawyers advised presidents and made policy. The ASIL counted among its first members every living secretary of state (but one) who held office between 1892 and 1920. Growing numbers of international lawyers populated the State Department and represented U.S. corporations with business overseas. International lawyers were not isolated idealists operating from the sidelines. Well-connected, well-respected, and well-compensated, they formed an integral part of the foreign policy establishment that built and policed an expanding empire.

This textbook anthology of selected readings on pressing Middle East security concerns serves as an invaluable single-volume assessment of critical security issues in nations such as Afghanistan, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen. The issues and current events of the Greater Middle East continue to hold deep implications for American geopolitical interests in the region—as they have for many decades. An ideal resource for students in undergraduate courses on the Middle East and related regions as well as students in graduate programs of international studies or security studies, this textbook anthologizes recent, insightful analyses by top scholars on trends and events in the Middle East that bear crucially on regional and global security considerations, covering topics like Iran's nuclear ambitions; the rise, ebb, and resurgence of Al Qaeda; and the war in Syria. The essays address concerns that include the re-imposition of military rule in Egypt; the current status of Palestinian-Israeli relations; the civil war and proposed chemical inspections in Syria; Sunni-Shiite conflict and the revitalized al Qaeda presence in Iraq and the Sunni resurgence in Iraq and Syria; and the on-again-off-again international monitoring of nuclear facilities in Iran, along with discussions of that country's connections to the Syrian regime and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The use of drone strikes as antiterrorist weapons and their use within U.S. and international law also receive specific attention. Each reading is summarized and contextualized by a concise introduction that serves to enhance the integration of the individual readings across the book. Original source notes are included with each chapter as guides to further reading, and numerous maps provide an essential sense of place. The book also includes a glossary of terms and a register of brief biographies of significant persons.

This book uses the idea of internal cohesion through intra-BRICS cooperation to make the argument that the next phase in the evolution of BRICS is to strengthen cooperation among BRICS countries in the implementation of decisions taken. There is a risk that what the BRICS promises and what it represents both in the eyes of its friends and foes might not materialise in the absence of central institutions. So, the book calls for the deepening intra-BRICS cooperation across all policy areas where there are already undertakings could help mitigate this risk.

Reports of NATO's death have been greatly exaggerated. Characterizations of NATO as a "relic" of the past do not square with the fact that the Alliance is busier today than at any time in its history. As Europe has become more unified and more democratic, NATO has assumed new layers of significance in the global security environment. In a post-September 11 world, the old 1990s debate about what is "in area" and what is "out of area" is a luxury that the Alliance can no longer afford. Decisions made at the 2004 Istanbul summit aimed at enhancing NATO's partnerships with the states of Central Asia and extending the partnership concept to the Greater Middle East reflect the Alliance's new, more global presence as do new military missions in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Sudan. Moore argues that a careful analysis of NATO's new, more global focus suggests that it's not the nature of NATO's mission that has changed, but rather its scope. NATO is approaching its new "out of area" missions with the political tools developed after the Soviet threat faded in the early 1990s when the Allies agreed that, rather than merely defend an old order, they would now create a new one grounded in liberal democratic values, including individual liberty and the rule of law. Indeed, the mission of projecting stability eastward was understood to be inextricable from the promotion of these values. This new mission required that NATO devote greater attention to its political dimension. In fact, as the United States turned to promoting democracy around the world in the wake of September 11, it ultimately sought to enlist NATO in its mission of extending democracy beyond Europe to Central Asia and the Middle East. AsMoore demonstrates in her attempt to provide a full and comprehensive understanding of the new NATO, while divisions within the Alliance persist as to just how global NATO should be, the post-September 11 security environment ensures that NATO's survival depends upon its willingness to project security beyond Europe. That mission will be as much political as it is military.

Titoist Yugoslavia is a particularly interesting setting to examine the integrity of the modern nation-state, especially the viability of distinctly multi-ethnic nation-building projects. Scholarly literature on the brutal civil wars that destroyed Yugoslavia during the 1990s emphasizes divisive nationalism and dysfunctional politics to explain why the state disintegrated. But the larger question remains unanswered-just how did Tito's state function so successfully for the preceding forty-six years. In an attempt to understand better what united the stable, multi-ethnic, and globally important Yugoslavia that existed before 1991 Robert Niebuhr argues that we should pay special attention to the dynamic and robust foreign policy that helped shape the Cold War.

India became a Sectoral Dialogue Partner of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1992. In 1995, India became a full Dialogue Partner. In 2002, ASEAN and India held their first Summit in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Since then, a bilateral Summit has been held annually.India's relations with Southeast Asia date back a thousand years. There are many cultural, religious and people-to-people linkages between India and the 10 ASEAN member states. Trade and investment ties have also grown since the opening of the Indian economy in the early 1990s. Relations are good but not optimal.ASEAN and India: The Way Forward hopes to inspire policymakers on both sides to understand the multifaceted relationship and explore ways to raise the bilateral ties to a higher peak.The book first traces the evolution of ASEAN-India relations over the centuries. It then examines the key areas of convergence and divergence between ASEAN and India. The final part explores the emerging areas where ASEAN and India can deepen their cooperation.

India became a Sectoral Dialogue Partner of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1992. In 1995, India became a full Dialogue Partner. In 2002, ASEAN and India held their first Summit in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Since then, a bilateral Summit has been held annually.India's relations with Southeast Asia date back a thousand years. There are many cultural, religious and people-to-people linkages between India and the 10 ASEAN member states. Trade and investment ties have also grown since the opening of the Indian economy in the early 1990s. Relations are good but not optimal.ASEAN and India: The Way Forward hopes to inspire policymakers on both sides to understand the multifaceted relationship and explore ways to raise the bilateral ties to a higher peak.The book first traces the evolution of ASEAN-India relations over the centuries. It then examines the key areas of convergence and divergence between ASEAN and India. The final part explores the emerging areas where ASEAN and India can deepen their cooperation.

An important new cultural study of the Cold War, Guolin Yi's The Media and Sino-American Rapprochement, 1963-1972 analyzes how the media in both countries shaped public perceptions of the changing relations between China and the United States in the decade prior to Richard Nixon's visit to Beijing. This book offers the first systematic study of Cankao Xiaoxi (Reference News), an internal Chinese newspaper that carried relatively objective stories the Xinhua News Agency translated from world news media for circulation among Communist cadres. As the main channel for the cadres to learn about the outside world, this newspaper provides a window into China's evolving foreign policy, including the reception of signals from the Nixon administration. Yi compares this internal communications channel with the public accounts contained in the more widely circulated newspaper People's Daily, a chief propaganda outlet of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) directed at its own people and China watchers all over the world. A third level of communication emerges in classified CCP instructions and government documents. By approaching the Chinese communication system on three levels - internal, public, and classified - Yi's analysis demonstrates how people at different positions in the political hierarchy accessed varying types of information, allowing him to chart the development of Beijing's approach to the U.S. government. In a corresponding analysis of the defining features of American reporting on China, Yi considers the impact of government-media relationships in the United States during the Cold War. Alongside prominent magazines and newspapers, particularly the New York Times and the Washington Post in their differing coverage of key events, Yi discusses television networks, which proved vital for promoting the success of Ping-Pong Diplomacy and the impact of Nixon's visit in 1972. With its comparative study of news outlets in the two countries, The Media and Sino-American Rapprochement, 1963-1972 presents a thorough and comprehensive perspective on the role of the media in influencing domestic Chinese and American public opinion during a critical decade.