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Books > Law > Jurisprudence & general issues > Legal profession > General
Benjamin Nathan Cardozo, unarguably one of the most outstanding judges of the twentieth century, is a man whose name remains prominent and whose contributions to the law remain relevant. This first complete biography of the longtime member and chief judge of the New York Court of Appeals and Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States during the turbulent years of the New Deal is a monumental achievement by a distinguished interpreter of constitutional law. Cardozo was a progressive judge who understood and defended the proposition that judge-made law must be adapted to modern conditions. He also preached and practiced the doctrine that respect for precedent, history, and all branches of government limited what a judge could and should do. Thus, he did not modernize law at every opportunity. In this book, Andrew Kaufman interweaves the personal and professional lives of this remarkable man to yield a multidimensional whole. Cardozo's family ties to the Jewish community were a particularly significant factor in shaping his life, as was his father's scandalous career-and ultimate disgrace-as a lawyer and judge. Kaufman concentrates, however, on Cardozo's own distinguished career, including twenty-three years in private practice as a tough-minded and skillful lawyer and his classic lectures and writings on the judicial process. From this biography emerges an estimable figure holding to concepts of duty and responsibility, but a person not without frailties and prejudice.
Hear about the judge who got busted for selling crack? What about the judge who released from jail a felon who then promptly killed a rookie cop? Or the one who ordered a prison to supply its inmates with hot pots?In "Out of Order: Arrogance, Corruption, and Incompetence on the Bench," investigative reporter Max Boot documents dozens of stories like these as he blows the whistle on the least publicized, the most destructive, branch of the government--the compelling statistics to support his belief that judges have greatly damaged both the criminal and civil justice systems.Boot criticizes well-known judges like Lance Ito, who presided over the O.J. Simpson follies, and Harold Baer, the New York judge who initially decided to exclude from evidence eighty pounds of drugs because he found nothing "unusual" about a courier fleeing from the cops. He reveals judges who have taken advantage of their office not only for personal gain, but also to gain greater political power.The "juristocracy," as Boot calls it, has taken over the running of schools, prisons, and other institutions, with disastrous results: forced busing, which has led to white flight from inner-city schools; higher taxes, as judges have ordered more government spending, regardless of results; and greater social divisions, because judges have taken controversial issues like abortion out of the political arena. Rundowns of case after case reveal judges who have routinely overturned popular initiatives without legal right to do so, implemented controversial policies with no basis in law, and put millions of dollars into the pockets of undeserving plaintiffs.Following in the footsteps of the bestselling "Death of Common Sense "and"Slouching Towards Gomorrah, Out of Order" is a tightly reported, highly opinionated expose that should set off a national debate about the woeful state of our legal system. It also offers hope, by providing ways to improve the performance of the judiciary and reclaim its original role as servant of the people.
In the struggle against apartheid, one often overlooked group of crusaders was the coterie of black lawyers who overcame the Byzantine system that the government established oftentimes explicitly to block the paths of its black citizens from achieving justice. Now, in their own voices, we have the narratives of many of those lawyers as recounted in a series of oral interviews. Black Lawyers, White Courts is their story and the anti-apartheid story that has before now gone untold. Professor Kenneth Broun conducted interviews with twenty-seven black South African lawyers. They were asked to tell about their lives, including their family backgrounds, education, careers, and their visions for the future. In many instances they also discussed their years in prison or exile, or under house arrest. Most told of both education and careers interrupted because of the ongoing struggle. The story of the professional achievements of black lawyers in South Africa -- indeed their very survival -- provides an example of the triumph of individuals and, ultimately, of the law. Black Lawyers, White Courts is about South Africa, and about black professionals in that country, but the lessons its protagonists teach extend far beyond circumstances, geography, or race.
This wise and affecting memoir is the inside story of the great
efforts leading up to the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v.
Board of Education in 1954 and the fight to implement it-and its
implications for affirmative action and black poverty today.
Now, at last, there is a comprehensive and readable guide designed to help librarians, scholars, and the general public quickly find the legal information they need. While most legal research books focus on the needs of beginning law students or litigants, "Legal Information" takes a broader view of the law, including its value in other disciplines. It explains why legal information exists in certain formats, and describes how to get the most out of the major legal reference tools. It also suggests the best sources for different kinds of information and explains how these resources compare to other available materials.
As a student at Yale Law School in 1974, Lani Guinier attended a
class with a white male professor who addressed all of the
students, male and female, as "gentlemen." To him the greeting was
a form of honorific. It evoked the traditional values of legal
education to train detached, "neutral" problem solvers. To her it
was profoundly alienating.
--Ruth Simmons, President of Smith College
Developed to serve as a vital link in the global chain of information, this convenient directory contains the most comprehensive list of names, addresses, and telephone numbers of government, judicial, and legislative leaders worldwide. Contact information is provided for nearly 10,000 key people in 191 countries. Web sites are also included in a separate index for quick reference.
Stephen L. Carter tells what's wrong with our confirmation process, explains how it got that way, and suggests what we can do to fix it. Using the most recent confirmation battles as examples, Carter argues that our confirmation process will continue to be bloody until we develop a more balanced attitude toward public service and the Supreme Court by coming to recognize that human beings have flaws, commit sins, and can be redeemed.
Felix Frankfurter's blustery depiction of debate within the Supreme Court suggests that combat sometimes supersedes collegiality in those hallowed halls. In fact, as Phillip Cooper shows, conflict is an inescapable fact of life in the Marble Temple. Cooper peels back the calm, quiet public image of our judicial royalty to reveal their "family" feuds and squabbles. He shows that, whether motivated by deeply felt principle or by petty and vindictive impulses, these disputes dramatically shape the court's decision-making process, the justices' relations with one another, and the public's perception of the court. Filled with wonderful vignettes and telling anecdotes, Battles on the Bench illuminates the court's legendary and little-known clashes from John Marshall to Ruth Ginsberg and helps us understand why they fight, how they fight, and why their fights matter. In the process, it reveals a long tradition of strategic flattery, cajolery, name-calling, threats, subterfuge, and sermonizing-all in an effort to win over or run over fellow justices. Conflict in such high-stakes circumstances is hardly unexpected. But some of the court behavior is: Fred Vinson going after Frankfurter with a clenched fist and shouting that "no son of a bitch can ever say that to me "; Frankfurter's dismissal of Justice Reed's intellect as "largely vegetable"; James McReynolds' undisguised anti-semitism toward Louis Brandeis; Antonin Scalia's harsh attacks on Sandra Day O'Connor; and William Rehnquist's sarcastic recital of a nursery rhyme and the "Star-Spangled Banner" before his startled brethren. Cooper, however, makes clear that to a surprising degree these justices do find ways to work together. As Earl Warren noted, life on the Court is like a marriage-one can't tolerate it if it's one battle after another. Appointed for life and completely independent, these "nine scorpions in a bottle" are nevertheless compelled to furl their stingers from time to time-for no justice can prevail without the support of at least four others. Indeed, one of the toughest questions Cooper tries to answer is why they don't fight more often. A rich treasure trove mined from the vast resources of judicial
biography, Cooper's engaging study will be especially appealing to
students and general readers with limited knowledge of the court's
inner workings.
In this unprecedented look at the culture of American lawyering,
Lincoln Caplan shows us Skadden's origins in the white-shoe postwar
legal world and its rise to preeminence in the era of Drexel
Burnham Lambert - the firm's largest client in the eighties.
Skadden is revealed as a place that prizes opportunists but which
also created a $10 million program to support public-interest
lawyers. In Caplan's probing and even-handed account, the story of
Joe Flom's firm illuminates an era in America business and
society.
This third edition provides thoroughly updated information on the status of women in all aspects of the U.S. criminal justice system, from incarcerated women to professionals in the legal, law enforcement, and correctional fields. While concentrating on the present, Clarice Feinman traces changes in theories, goals, practices, and policies concerning women of different racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds--be they offenders, professionals, or reformers--since 1800, with a focus on why changes occurred. This unique text is an important tool for filling gaps in information, continuity, and understanding of issues affecting women in the up-hill battle to transform this male-dominated system.
Revered as the "People's Attorney," Louis D. Brandeis concluded a distinguished career by serving as an associate justice (1916-1939) of the U.S. Supreme Court. Philippa Strum argues that Brandeis--long recognized as a brilliant legal thinker and defender of traditional civil liberties-was also an important political theorist whose thought has become particularly relevant to the present moment in American politics. Brandeis, Strum shows, was appalled by the suffering and waste of human potential brought on by industrialization, poverty, and a government increasingly out of touch with its citizens. In response, he developed a unique vision of a "worker's democracy" based on an economically independent and well-educated citizenry actively engaged in defining its own political destiny. She also demonstrates that, while Brandeis's thinking formed the basis of Woodrow Wilson's "New Freedom," it went well beyond Wilsonian Progressivism in its call for smaller governmental and economic units such as worker-owned businesses and consumer cooperatives. Brandeis's political thought, Strum suggests, is especially relevant to current debates over how large a role government should play in resolving everything from unemployment and homelessness to the crisis in health care. One of the few justices to support Roosevelt's New Deal policies in the 1930s, he nevertheless consistently criticized concentrated power in government (and in corporations). He agreed that the government should provide its citizens with some sort of "safety net," but at the same time should empower people to find private solutions to their needs. A half century later, Brandeis's political thought has much to offer anyone engaged in the current debates pitting individualists against communitarians and rights advocates against social welfare critics.
Legendary attorney Edward Bennet Williams was arguably the best trial lawyer ever to practice. Now, for the first time, best-selling author Evan Thomas takes us into the courtrooms of William's greatest performances as he defends "Godfather" Frank Costello, Jimmy Hoffa, Frank Sinatra, The Washington Post, and others, as well as behind the scenes where the witnesses are coached, the traps set, and the deals cut. In addition to being a lawyer of unprecedented influence, Williams was also an important Washington insider, privy to the secrets of America's most powerful men. Thomas tells the truth behind the stories that made Williams one of the most talked about public figures of his time, including Williams' role in the publication of the Pentagon Papers and the possibility that Williams may have been Watergate's Deep Throat. Based on Thomas's exclusive access to Williams's papers, "The Man to See" is an unprecedented look at the strategies and influence of this exceptional man.
In this reprint from 1988, Abel (law, U. of California, Los Angeles) and Lewis (Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, Oxford, UK) put together eight chapters in which contributors, who are sociology and law professors from around the world, each describe the law profession in their respective countries: Canada, the US, Scotland, England and Wales, Austra
This is the second of three volumes on the comparative sociology of legal professions. Whereas the first volume looked at the major common law countries, this one shifts attention to eleven civil law professions, looking at Belgium, Brazil, Germany, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Switzerland, and Venezuela. Abel (law, U. of C
Portrays the rise and fall of one of the largest law frims in America.
In this first general history of legal education, Stevens traces the development of law schools, the legal profession, and legal thought, relating their evolution to intellectual, political, and social trends. He describes how the establishment gained power over education after 1920 and how, in the past two decades, both students and the practicing profession have questioned this authority. He also examines the implications of the ""legal revolution"" and new opportunities for women and minorities. |This book uniquely reveals the history and legacy of the infamous Tuskegee syphilis study through a comprehensive collection of documents: articles, reports, letters, and newspaper accounts, as well as works of fiction, poetry, and drama.
This volume presents a selection of 500 letters by Clarence Darrow, the pre-eminent courtroom lawyer of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Randall Tietjen selected these letters from over 2,200 letters in archives around the country, as well as from one remarkable find - the kind of thing historians dream about: a cache of about 330 letters by Darrow hidden away in the basement of Darrow's granddaughter's house. This collection provides the first scholarly edition of Darrow's letters, expertly annotated and including a large amount of previously unknown material and hard-to-locate letters. Because Darrow was a gifted writer and led a fascinating life, the letters are a delight to read. This volume also presents a major introduction by the editor, along with a chronology of Darrow's life, and brief biographical sketches of the important individuals who appear in the letters.
From Simon & Schuster, Hugo Black and the Judicial Revolution is "one of the prime judicial biographies of our time." (Max Lerner) A native of St. Louis, Professor Dunne is a graduate of Georgetown University and St. Louis University Law School. He is the author of Monetary Decisions of the Supreme Court and Justice Joseph Story and The Rise of the Supreme Court.
When young Kirvin Kade Legett arrived in Buffalo Gap, Texas, in 1879, his principal assets were a good horse and saddle and a license to practice law. When the Texas and Pacific Railroad, building west from Fort Worth, missed Buffalo Gap, the young attorney moved on to Abilene, then a tent city with only two items for sale, "a train ticket to git away or a drink to make you willing to stay." The man and the country were to grow up together.Legett's early clients were buffalo hunters, bone collectors, sheepherders, cattlemen, and farmers, but he eventually handled cases of statewide and even out-of-state importance. Although he refused to seek public office, he had some say about those who did, and most serious candidates for state offices sought his counsel and support. A stock farmer and rancher as well as practicing attorney, Legett was a forceful early advocate of farm diversification and did much to further the development of West Texas agriculture, business, oil exploration, and education. Judge Legett was a pioneer and a man of stature; his life story is, in a real sense, an epitome of the history of West Texas, especially of the Abilene area. By the time of Legett's death, that rowdy railroad town had become a thriving, modern city. Vernon Gladden Spence's biography, based on an extensive collection of private papers, offers a clear and detailed portrait of a man whose energies and talents helped turn a wilderness into a habitable and productive country.
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