This book addresses a seemingly paradoxical situation. On the one hand, nationalism from Scotland to the Ukraine remains a resilient political dynamic, fostering secessionist movements below the level of the state. On the other, the competence and capacity of states, and indeed the coherence of nationalism as an ideology, are increasingly challenged by patterns of globalisation in commerce, cultural communication and constitutional authority beyond the state. It is the aim of this book to shed light on the relationship between these two processes, addressing why the political currency of nationalism remains strong even when the salience of its objective - independent and autonomous statehood - becomes ever more attenuated. The book takes an interdisciplinary approach both within law and beyond, with contributions from international law, constitutional law, constitutional theory, history, political science and sociology. The challenge for our time is considerable. Global networks grow ever more sophisticated while territorial borders, such as those in Eastern and Central Europe, become seemingly more unstable. It is hoped that this book, by bringing together areas of scholarship which have not communicated with one another as much as they might, will help develop an ongoing dialogue across disciplines with which better to understand these challenging, and potentially destabilising, developments.

For decades, administrations of both political parties have used cost-benefit analysis to evaluate and improve federal policy in a variety of areas, including health and the environment. Today, this model is under grave threat. In Reviving Rationality, Michael Livermore and Richard Revesz explain how Donald Trump has destabilized the decades-long bipartisan consensus that federal agencies must base their decisions on evidence, expertise, and analysis. Administrative agencies are charged by law with protecting values like stable financial markets and clean air. Their decisions often have profound consequences, affecting everything from the safety of workplaces to access to the dream of home ownership. Under the Trump administration, agencies have been hampered in their ability to advance these missions by the conflicting ideological whims of a changing cast of political appointees and overwhelming pressure from well-connected interest groups. Inconvenient evidence has been ignored, experts have been sidelined, and analysis has been used to obscure facts, rather than inform the public. The results are grim: incoherent policy, social division, defeats in court, a demoralized federal workforce, and a loss of faith in government's ability to respond to pressing problems. This experiment in abandoning the norms of good governance has been a disaster. Reviving Rationality explains how and why our government has abandoned rationality in recent years, and why it is so important for future administrations to restore rigorous cost-benefit analysis if we are to return to a policymaking approach that effectively tackles the most pressing problems of our era.

More than the story of one man's case, this book tells the story of entire generations of people marked as "mixed race" in America amid slavery and its aftermath, and being officially denied their multicultural identity and personal rights as a result. Contrary to popular misconceptions, Plessy v. Ferguson was not a simple case of black vs. white separation, but rather a challenging and complex protest for U.S. law to fully accept mixed ancestry and multiculturalism. This book focuses on the long struggle for individual identity and multicultural recognition amid the dehumanizing and depersonalizing forces of American Negro slavery-and the Anglo-American white supremacy that drove it. The book takes students and general readers through the extended gestation period that gave birth to one of the most oft-mentioned but widely misunderstood landmark law will cases in U.S. history. It provides a chronology, brief biographies of key figures, primary documents, an annotated bibliography, and an index all of which provide easy reading and quick reference. Modern readers will find the direct connections between Plessy's story and contemporary racial currents in America intriguing.

In this provocative new study, Iain McLean argues that the traditional story of the British constitution does not make sense. It purports to be both positive and normative: that is, to describe both how people actually behave and how they ought to behave. In fact, it fails to do either; it is not a correct description and it has no persuasive force. The book goes on to offer a reasoned alternative.
The position that still dominates the field of constitutional law is that of parliamentary sovereignty (or supremacy). According to this view, the supreme lawgiver in the United Kingdom is Parliament. Some writers in this tradition go on to insist that Parliament in turn derives its authority from the people, because the people elect Parliament. An obvious problem with this view is that Parliament, to a lawyer, comprises three houses: monarch, Lords, and Commons. The people elect only one of those three houses.
This book aims to show, contrary to the prevailing view, that the UK exists by virtue of a constitutional contract between two previously independent states. Professor McLean argues that the work of the influential constitutional theorist A.V. Dicey has little to offer those who really want to understand the nature of the constitution. Instead, greater understanding can be gleaned from considering the 'veto plays' and 'credible threats' available to politicians since 1707. He suggests that the idea that the people are sovereign dates back to the 17th century (maybe the 14th in Scotland), but has gone underground in English constitutional writing. He goes on to show that devolution and the UK's relationship with the rest of Europe have taken the UK along a constitutionalist road since 1972, and perhaps since 1920. He concludes that no intellectually defensible case can be made for retaining an unelected house of Parliament, an unelected head of state, or an established church.
The book will be essential reading for political scientists, constitutional lawyers, historians, and politicians alike.

Reprint of the third and final edition. "Having observed in the Course of our English History many Attempts made (by the Ministers of some artful and designing Princes) to weaken and undermine the ancient, legal, and fundamental Rights, Liberties, and Privileges of the City and Citizens of London: i thought myself obliged to Endeavor to collect and ascertain such Laws, Customs, and Usages of the said City, Wherein the Original Constitution and Foundation of its Government seem to have been laid; and whereby its Happiness, Opulency, and Glory do (under God and his present Majesty) evidently subsist." (Preface). Though little is known about him personally, Bohun was an attorney and prolific author who published well-received treatises on legal education, pleading, ecclesiastical law and other subjects.

The Manual for Courts-Martial (MCM), United States (2012 Edition) updates the MCM (2008 Edition). It is a complete reprinting and incorporates the MCM (2008 Edition), including all amendments to the Rules for Courts-Martial, Military Rules of Evidence (Mil. R. Evid.), and Punitive Articles made by the President in Executive Orders (EO) from 1984 to present, and specifically including EO 13468 (24 July 2008); EO 13552 (31 August 2010); and EO 13593 (13 December 2011). See Appendix 25. This edition also contains amendments to the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ) made by the National Defense Authorization Acts for Fiscal Years 2009 through 2012. Some of the significant changes are summarized and listed below. This summary is for quick reference only and should not be relied upon or cited by practitioners in lieu of the actual provisions of the MCM that have been amended. The MCM (2012 Edition) includes unique changes warranting attention. Discussion has been added or amended to address changes in practice resulting from United States v. Campbell, 71 M.J. 19 (C.A.A.F. 2012); United States v. Fosler, 70 M.J. 225 (C.A.A.F. 2011); and United States v. Jones, 68 M.J. 465 (C.A.A.F. 2010). See R.C.M. 307(c)(3); R.C.M. 307(c)(4); R.C.M. 906(b)(12); R.C.M. 907(b)(3)(B); R.C.M. 910(a)(1); R.C.M. 918(a)(1); R.C.M. 1003(c)(1)(C); and in Part IV of this Manual, paragraph 3b, paragraph 60c(6)(a), and the discussion at page IV-1. The Discussion added in 2012 was a short-term solution intended to address recent, broad changes in the law. Although it may describe legal requirements derived from other sources, the Discussion does not have the force of law. It is in the nature of a treatise, and may be used as secondary authority. The Discussion will be revised from time to time as warranted by changes in applicable law. See Composition of the Manual for Courts-Martial in Appendix 21 of this Manual. Practitioners are advised that the Mil. R. Evid. will be amended after the publication of this Manual and will take effect only after the President signs the relevant EO. Once approved, the revised Mil. R. Evid. will exist outside of this Manual until its next complete reprinting. Practitioners are also advised that Article 120 has been amended by the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012, Public Law 112-81, 31 December 2011. The amended version of Article 120 creates three separate sexual offense statutes: Article 120 for adult offenses; Article 120b for child offenses; and Article 120c for other sexual offenses. Article 120a remains unchanged. As of 2012, there are now three versions of Article 120, and each version is located in a different part of this Manual. For offenses committed prior to 1 October 2007, the relevant sexual offense provisions are contained in Appendix 27. For offenses committed during the period 1 October 2007 through 27 June 2012, the relevant sexual offense provisions are contained in Appendix 28. For offenses committed on or after 28 June 2012, the relevant sexual offense provisions are contained in Part IV of this Manual (Articles 120, 120b, and 120c).

This book explains the urgent necessity to compile a Civil Code and calls for constitutional awareness in compiling that Civil Code, highlighting the need for it to be done in a democratic and scientific manner. It advocates "Pragmatic Methods" as a new approach to compiling a Civil Code of China and shares the author's thoughts on the constitutionality of compiling a Civil Code, explains the object that is to be judged in terms of its constitutionality, and the constitutionality of legal interpretation, of legislative procedures and of legal application. The book also illustrates the author's "mode of the codifying of non-basic laws" for compiling a Civil Code, and includes a detailed discussion on compiling a Civil Code to reveal how many valid laws there are China - a matter that is of vital importance to the compilation of the Civil Code.The Appendix includes statistics on the number of civil cases classified according to causes of actions, based on "Judicial Opinions of China" website, which is the first step of the author's plan to investigate civil customs reflected in judgment documents with the help of big-data analytical methods.

Professor Roger Stenson Clark has played a pivotal role in developing International Criminal Law, and the movement against nuclear weapons. He was one of the intellectual and moral fathers of the International Criminal Court. This Festschrift brings together forty-one appreciative friends to honour his remarkable contribution. The distinguished contributors provide incisive contributions ranging from the reform of the Security Council, to rule of law and international justice in Africa, to New Zealand cultural heritage, to customary international law in US courts, and more. Threaded through these richly diverse contributions is one common feature: a belief in values and morality in human conduct, and a passion for transformative use of law, 'for the sake of present and future generations.'