This book presents the results of research project financed by the Hague Institute for the Internationalization of Law (HiiL) and carried out at the Tilburg Law and Economics Center (TILEC) of Tilburg University. The project team shows that globalization, instead of threatening national legal systems, put them in a new role and gives them continuing relevance. First of all, once one takes a more functional view of the law, based on law and economics and comparative law literature, harmonization or unification of national legal systems is no longer a foregone conclusion. Secondly, fundamental constitutional principles continue to bear in the era of multi-level and transnational governance: they become governance principles, divorced from specific institutional settings. Finally, looking beyond regulatory competition and comparative law, legal emulation provides a rich and fruitful model to explain the interplay between legal systems. This book explores these three themes, both at a theoretical level and in the light of specific examples.

The last decade has seen radical changes in the way we are governed. Reforms such as the Human Rights Act and devolution have led to the replacement of one constitutional order by another. This book is the first to describe and analyse Britain's new constitution, asking why it was that the old system, seemingly hallowed by time, came under challenge, and why it is being replaced. The Human Rights Act and the devolution legislation have the character of fundamental law. They in practice limit the rights of Westminster as a sovereign parliament, and establish a constitution which is quasi-federal in nature. The old constitution emphasised the sovereignty of Parliament. The new constitution, by contrast, emphasises the separation of powers, both territorially and at the centre of government. The aim of constitutional reformers has been to improve the quality of government. But the main weakness of the new constitution is that it does little to secure more popular involvement in politics. We are in the process of becoming a constitutional state, but not a popular constitutional state. The next phase of constitutional reform, therefore, is likely to involve the creation of new forms of democratic engagement, so that our constitutional forms come to be more congruent with the social and political forces of the age. The end-point of this piecemeal process might well be a fully codified or written constitution which declares that power stems not from the Queen-in Parliament, but, instead, as in so many constitutions, from 'We, the People'. The old British constitution was analysed by Bagehot and Dicey. In this book Vernon Bogdanor charts the significance of what is coming to replace it. The expenses scandal shows up grave defects in the British constitution. Vernon Bogdanor shows how the constitution can be reformed and the political system opened up in'The New British Constitution'.

Since the mid-1970s American presidents have, with growing frequency, claimed that they have the power to ignore any law they believe is unconstitutional. Beginning with a review of the English constitutional backdrop against which the U.S. Constitution was framed, this book demonstrates that the Founders did not intend to confer on the president a power equivalent to the royal prerogative of suspending the laws, which was stripped from the English Crown in 1689. The author examines each of the nearly 150 instances in which presidents from George Washington to Jimmy Carter have objected to the validity of a law, in order to determine whether or not the president then ignored the law in question. This examination of the historical record reveals that prior to the mid-1970s the White House only rarely failed to honor a law that it believed to be unconstitutional.

This collection reveals the Janus-faced character of federalism in the European Union. Federalism appears in two main forms in the EU. On the one hand, numerous formerly unitary Member States have embarked on a path towards a (quasi-)federal governance structure. On the other hand, the EU itself is sometimes qualified as a federal system. Significantly, the concept of federalism has a very different, even opposite, connotation in both contexts. When associated with Member State reform, federalism is regarded as a technique for accommodating autonomy claims of sub-state nations. By contrast, when federalism is used as a label for the EU itself, it is conceived as a far-reaching way of integrating the nations of Europe. This dual appearance of federalism in the EU context is central to the structure of the book. The focus of this book's first set of essays is on domestic federalization processes, more particularly on the impact of these processes on EU law and vice versa. In a second set of contributions, the attention shifts to the question as to whether the EU itself can be described as a federal system, and whether it can learn from existing federations. (Series: Modern Studies in European Law - Vol. 33)

Moore argues that there is a fundamental incompatibility between race and governance. She examines the formal procedures used to enact the thirteen major civil rights laws and the policy concessions necessitated by the use of those procedures and notes the impact of the divisive nature of the politics of race upon procedure and substance.

Her analysis of 40 years of congressional civil rights lawmaking reveals that whenever race is introduced into the normal policy process, that process breaks down. In its place emerges an abnormal policy process--one that is inordinately demanding with respect to skill, input, and support/votes. She concludes that the substantive provisions of policies produced by this process are too weak to reduce huge racial disparities in education, housing, and employment. The reason race regularly generates abnormal process and policies is that it is too contentious for the standard governmental apparatus. This apparatus is designed to redress problems and issues undergirded by some measure of consensus. Race lacks such a consensual undercurrent and, therefore, is incompatible with standard governance processes. A provocative analysis of particular interest to scholars and researchers involved with American racial politics, minorities, and party politics.

In 1997, a Mexican national named Jose Ernesto Medellin was sentenced to death for raping and murdering two teenage girls in Texas. In 2004, the International Court of Justice ruled that he was entitled to appellate review of his sentence, since the arresting officers had not informed him of his right to seek assistance from the Mexican consulate prior to trial, as prescribed by a treaty ratified by Congress in 1963. In 2008, amid fierce controversy, the U.S. Supreme Court declared that the international ruling had no weight. Medellin subsequently was executed.
As Julian Ku and John Yoo show in Taming Globalization, the Medellin case only hints at the legal complications that will embroil American courts in the twenty-first century. Like Medellin, tens of millions of foreign citizens live in the United States; and like the International Court of Justice, dozens of international institutions cast a legal net across the globe, from border commissions to the World Trade Organization. Ku and Yoo argue that all this presents an unavoidable challenge to American constitutional law, particularly the separation of powers between the branches of federal government and between Washington and the states. To reconcile the demands of globalization with a traditional, formal constitutional structure, they write, we must re-conceptualize the Constitution, as Americans did in the early twentieth century, when faced with nationalization. They identify three "mediating devices" we must embrace: non-self-execution of treaties, recognition of the President's power to terminate international agreements and interpret international law, and a reliance on state implementation of international law and agreements. These devices will help us avoid constitutional difficulties while still gaining the benefits of international cooperation.
Written by a leading advocate of executive power and a fellow Constitutional scholar, Taming Globalization promises to spark widespread debate.

Drawing on essential historical records--many newly discovered or published--and citing relevant judicial precedents, this book is the first systematic exposition of the legal problems relating to the convention clause. Constitutional historian Russell Caplan examines the constitutional crises that have let to convention drives--from the antifederalist movement of the 1780s to the recent campaigns to abolish the one-person, one-vote rule and prohibit abortion, showing how state drives for a constitutional convention, which occur on a regular basis, have been crucially affected by advocacy from partisans and opponents alike that obscures the true legal issues and dictates the course of these (so far) unsuccessful campaigns.

This reference volume will assist the attorney who needs to understand inheritance laws, administration, and probate proceedings in other states and foreign jurisdictions. Among the areas covered are rights of intestacy, rights of pretermitted and posthumous children, and rights of election by surviving spouses. The book also addresses problems inherent in probate, administration, and kinship proceedings and furnishes the attorney with a method for gathering the information these proceedings require. Henner also highlights Western European estate tax treaties and their interaction with the laws of the United States, thus providing a rudimentary foundation for understanding the conflict of laws. He also provides commentary on common law, community property, administrative duties, etc. Finally, the volume contains organizational charts and informational data sheets, as well as a directory of bar associations.

This much revised and expanded edition guides researchers to sources that provide information about the general and specific subjects which form the jurisdiction of the U.S. Government. A tool that correlates legal authorities, principal offices, and financial resources and clarifies their patterns of interaction, the book points out the most appropriate methods and authors for accessing all fields of federal data. Students, teachers, public administrators, policy analysts and citizen activists will find that this easy-to-use guide reliably maps out the jurisdictions of government business and policymaking. This much revised and expanded edition guides researchers to sources that provide information about the general and specific subjects which form the jurisdiction of the U.S. Government. A tool that correlates legal authorities, principal offices, and financial resources and clarifies their patterns of interaction, the book points out the most appropriate methods and authors for accessing all fields of federal data. This research aid translates the universe of public responsibilities into topical categories that chart the structure and functions of the policymaking branches and their various subunits. By helping students, teachers, public administrators, policy analysts, and citizen activists to understand the role of jurisdiction in the business of government, it enables them to develop their own best research strategies.

This book focuses on the separatist trend in Hong Kong, which it approaches by drawing on historical studies, political analysis, social studies and legal analysis. It offers a comprehensive and interdisciplinary guide to the topic, addressing the historical evolution of "Hong Kong Nativism," the theoretical connotations and fallacies of "Hong Kong Independence," and the legal measures taken to forestall it. Written by mainland scholars who approach the subject matter from a legal perspective, the book offers revealing insights for all students and researchers who are interested in Hong Kong Basic Law and the current political situation in Hong Kong.

This is a comprehensive guide to challenging decisions of criminal courts and public bodies in the criminal justice system using judicial review. Written by a team of criminal and public law practitioners, it considers claims for judicial review arising in the criminal justice system, which now represent a distinct area of public law. These claims are set apart by special considerations and rules; for example, on the limits of the High Court's jurisdiction or the availability of relief during ongoing proceedings. Criminal practitioners may lack the background to spot public law points. Equally, public law specialists may be unfamiliar with criminal law and types of issues that arise. Criminal Judicial Review is intended as a resource for both. The book deals with the principles, case law, remedies and, the practice and procedure for obtaining legal aid and costs. It will be of assistance to any practitioner preparing or responding to judicial review claims involving the following: - The Police and the Crown Prosecution Service. - Magistrates' courts, the Crown Court and Coroners. - Prisons and the Parole Board. - Statutory bodies such as the Independent Police Complaints Commission and the Legal Aid Agency. - Claimants who are children, young persons or have mental disorders. - The international dimension including extradition proceedings and European Union law. - Practical considerations such as CPR Part 54, remedies, legal aid and costs. From the Foreword by The Rt Hon Lord Judge "The book is offered in clear and simple style, focussing less on esoteric theoretical considerations and more on the practical needs of the practitioner. It brings together materials relating to public law with which a criminal specialist may be less well informed, and material relevant to the criminal justice processes which may not be immediately apparent to the public law specialist. It will assist with the preparation of arguments, and also enable submissions which are unarguable to be discarded. It will therefore provide valuable guidance in this broad and developing area of practice."

Zimmerman places in perspective the important roles played by interstate compacts and interstate administrative agreements in the governance systems of the United States. Compacts are identified and classified by type. Particular emphasis is placed on federal government promotion of compacts, including the U.S. Congress enactment of federal-state compacts in which the federal government joins member states as partners to achieve stated goals.

Formal and informal interstate administrative agreements have increased in number dramatically during the past six decades and relate to both minor and very important issues. Credit for many interstate administrative agreements must be ascribed to associations of state government officers which encourage their members to promote interstate cooperation and also draft model state laws and administrative agreements. Although compacts and agreements have lubricated the functioning of the United States governmental system, as Zimmerman makes clear, the full potential of compacts and agreements has not been achieved to date, and he makes recommendations to improve the level of interstate cooperation. An important resource for scholars and students of American government--federal, state, and local--as well as administrators and policymakers.