Parliamentary elections are the foundation of the democratic State, providing legitimacy to government and an opportunity for citizens to participate in the democratic process. But despite the crucial role of elections in government and society, the law governing them is fragmented, both conceptually and in terms of the legal framework. This book examines each stage of the electoral process from the perspective of the candidate seeking to become an MP: eligibility and qualification, the candidate selection process, nominations, disputed elections and then, lastly, disqualification or exit from the House of Commons. Each stage of the process is considered in light of developments in political practice and human rights jurisprudence, and an argument is made for the rethinking and reform of the law of parliamentary candidacy and membership. The book takes into account the reforms ushered in by the parliamentary expenses scandal of 2009, and also looks to the new electoral era that may eventuate under the Liberal Democrat-Conservative Coalition Government.

Surveys show that the all-volunteer military is our most respected and trusted institution, but over the last thirty-five years it has grown estranged from civilian society. Without a draft, imperfect as it was, the military is no longer as representative of civilian society. Fewer people accept the obligation for military service, and a larger number lack the knowledge to be engaged participants in civilian control of the military.
The end of the draft, however, is not the most important reason we have a significant civil-military gap today. A More Perfect Military explains how the Supreme Court used the cultural division of the Vietnam era to change the nature of our civil-military relations. The Supreme Court describes itself as a strong supporter of the military and its distinctive culture, but in the all-volunteer era, its decisions have consistently undermined the military's traditional relationship to law and the Constitution. Most people would never suspect there was anything wrong, but our civil-military relations are now as constitutionally fragile as they have ever been.
A More Perfect Military is a bracingly candid assessment of the military's constitutional health. It crosses ideological and political boundaries and is challenging-even unsettling-to both liberal and conservative views. It is written for those who believe the military may be slipping away from our common national experience. This book is the blueprint for a new national conversation about military service.

Professor Rideout reviews the laws concerning trade unionism by presenting case surveys and comparing British, American and Commonwealth laws. He is particularly concerned with the right of admission to membership and the regulation of disciplinary proceedings, and speculates on future developments in trade union law.

This book examines how the increasing interdependence between trade and foreign policy can be managed within the legal framework of the European Union. In the context of the legally distinct characteristics of the European Community and the Common Foreign and Security Policy,it analyses the problems underpinning the regulation of three areas: sanctions against third countries, armaments, and exports of dual-use goods. The focus is on whether the constitutional order of the European Union may address these problems while performing a variety of functions: ensuring the consistency and coherence of its external relations, preserving the acquis communautaire and respecting the right of the Member States to conduct their foreign policy as fully sovereign subjects of international law. The book concludes that the interactions between trade and foreign policy may be regulated in a legally sensible and realistic way within the current structure of the European Union. The recent developments regarding the defense and security identity of the European Union and the debate over the nature of an enlarged Union make this book all the more topical.

Asian countries possess some of the fastest growing economies in the modern world. To maintain this tremendous growth while also sustaining demographic, population, health, and quality of life standards, leaders must take careful stock of past accomplishments and their plans for the future. Trends, Prospects, and Challenges in Asian E-Governance addresses some of the ongoing struggles of fast-developing nations such as China, India, and Indonesia within the context of electronic government, illustrating how digital tools can assist developing nations in maintaining their prospects for future growth and expansion. Employing real-world case studies as well as ongoing research on the growing potential of these Eastern nations, this book serves as a useful reference for government officials, policymakers, and students of public policy in Asia and Oceania.

This book presents an analysis of the concept of the administrative act and its classification as 'foreign', and studies the administrative procedure for adopting administrative acts in a range of countries in and outside Europe. While focusing on the recognition and execution of foreign administrative acts, the book examines the validity, efficacy and enforceability of foreign administrative acts at national level. The book starts with a general analysis of the issue, offering general conclusions about the experiences in different countries. It then analyses the aforementioned themes from the perspective of the domestic law of different European nations and a number of international organisations (European Union, MERCOSUR, and Andean Community). In addition, the book studies the role of the European Union in the progress towards the recognition and execution of foreign administrative acts, where the principle of mutual recognition plays a vital part. Finally, the book analyses the international conventions on the recognition and execution of administrative acts and on the legalisation of public documents.

This book discusses the recently introduced concession policy, which is also known as PPP worldwide, on municipal utilities policy in China. In this context, critics have claimed that there is a gap in accountability with regard to concessions. The author utilizes interdisciplinary methods and comparative studies, taking into account the situation in the EU and US to analyze the accountability gap some feel will be created when the policy is implemented. Taking water sector concessions as the subject of discussion, the author distinguishes between three types of accountability: traditional bureaucratic accountability, legal accountability and public accountability. By systematically analyzing the essential problems involved, the book attempts to achieve a better understanding of concession and its application in the context of public utilities and finds that the alleged accountability gap is attributed to traditional bureaucratic accountability in China and the concession system per se.

In recent years, some have asked "Are we all originalists now?" and many have assumed that originalists have a monopoly on concern for fidelity in constitutional interpretation. In Fidelity to Our Imperfect Constitution, James Fleming rejects originalisms-whether old or new, concrete or abstract, living or dead. Instead, he defends what Ronald Dworkin called a "moral reading" of the United States Constitution, or a "philosophic approach" to constitutional interpretation. He refers to conceptions of the Constitution as embodying abstract moral and political principles-not codifying concrete historical rules or practices-and of interpretation of those principles as requiring normative judgments about how they are best understood-not merely historical research to discover relatively specific original meanings. Through examining the spectacular concessions that originalists have made to their critics, he shows the extent to which even they acknowledge the need to make normative judgments in constitutional interpretation. Fleming argues that fidelity in interpreting the Constitution as written requires a moral reading or philosophic approach. Fidelity commits us to honoring our aspirational principles, not following the relatively specific original meanings (or original expected applications) of the founders. Originalists would enshrine an imperfect Constitution that does not deserve our fidelity. Only a moral reading or philosophic approach, which aspires to interpret our imperfect Constitution so as to make it the best it can be, gives us hope of interpreting it in a manner that may deserve our fidelity.

This book examines the simultaneous protection of fundamental rights by various norms and jurisdictional organs, focussing on the multilevel protection of the principle of legality in Criminal Law.Written by accredited specialists in criminal law, constitutional law, international public law, and the philosophy of law, the majority of them ex-Counsels of the Spanish Constitutional Court, it addresses various manifestations of the principle of legality: the requirement of precision, the judicial subjection to law and the prohibition of bis in idem. It does so not only from a theoretical perspective, but also through a comparative study of the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union and state constitutional courts. This practical approach characterizes the book, which culminates in a detailed analysis of the relevant ECtHR Judgement Del Rio Prada v. Spain on the retroactivity of unfavourable jurisprudence."Multilevel protection of the principle of legality in Criminal Law" is a useful instrument of reflection for scholars of both the principle of criminal legality and the problems that arise from the concurrency of protective jurisdictions of human rights.

In six lectures, Aiken compares the constitutions of Great Britain and the United States and also examines their similarities and differences in terms of government, (The House of Commons and the House of Representatives, the Senate and the House of Lords), religion, slavery, elections, the judiciary and other topics. "The author's design was to compare our limited monarchy with the greatest modern republic, not in order to disparage either, but to elucidate both to a popular audience of his countrymen (...) The subject has an intrinsic claim to attention. It embraces a variety of topics, both entertaining and important, and historical truths of immense practical value, concerning which the people are deeply interested and too often misled." --(Preface, viii Contents: Lecture One: Introductory Lecture Two: Provincial Institutions. Outline of American Constitution. Lecture Three: Elective Franchise. Legislative Assemblies. Lecture Four: The Executive Power. Lecture Five: Law-Religion. Lecture Six: Social Influence of Political Institutions. Peter Freeland Aiken (1799?-1877) was a Scottish advocate for some time, and later moved to Bristol, England. He was the author of The People's Charter, and Old England For Ever (1839) and War: Religiously, Morally and Historically Considered (1850).

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aA must-read for anyone interested in the intersection of law and politics. . . . [Hasenas] is an important framework against which election law scholars will react and upon which they will build for some time to come.a
--"Michigan Law Review"

"Hasen wrote this concise but substantive volume to assess the history, at least since 1901, of the Supreme Court's intervention in the political process."
--"The Law and Politics Book Review"

"A major contribution to the field of election law."
--Thomas E. Mann, The Brookings Institution

In the first comprehensive study of election law since the Supreme Court decided "Bush v. Gore," Richard L. Hasen rethinks the Court's role in regulating elections. Drawing on the case files of the Warren, Burger, and Rehnquist courts, Hasen roots the Court's intervention in political process cases to the landmark 1962 case, Baker v. Carr. The case opened the courts to a variety of election law disputes, to the point that the courts now control and direct major aspects of the American electoral process.

The Supreme Court does have a crucial role to play in protecting a socially constructed "core" of political equality principles, contends Hasen, but it should leave contested questions of political equality to the political process itself. Under this standard, many of the Court's most important election law cases from Baker to Bush have been wrongly decided.

Good Administration and the Council of Europe: Law, Principles, and Effectiveness examines the existence and effectiveness of written and unwritten standards of good administration developed within the framework of the Council of Europe (CoE) and in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. These standards - called 'pan- European general principles of good administration' - cover the entire range of general organizational, procedural, and substantive legal institutions meant to ensure a democratically legitimized, open, and transparent administration respecting the rule of law. They are about the 'limiting function' of administrative law: its function to protect individuals from arbitrary power, to legitimize administrative action, and to combat corruption. This book analyses the sources and functions of the pan-European general principles of good administration and seeks to uncover how deeply they are rooted in the domestic legal systems of the CoE Member States. It comprises 28 country reports dedicated to an in-depth exploration of the impact of these standards on the national legal systems of the Member States written by respective experts on these systems. It argues that the pan-European general principles of good administration lead to a certain harmonization of the legal orders of the Member States with regard to the limiting function of administrative law despite the many fundamental differences between their administrative and legal systems. It comes to the further conclusion that the pan-European general principles of good administration can be considered as a concretization of the founding values of the CoE and describes the 'administrative law obligations' a Member State entered into when joining the CoE.

This series argues that there is a common administrative core to European legal systems that can be better understood in comparative terms. This volume examines government liability in tort, using case studies to explore different government responses. Part I sets the stage for the project and the parameters followed by the scholars involved. Part II expands on the legal systems chosen for comparison, setting up their general tort procedures. Part III presents case studies from Austria, the European Union, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, Spain, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Each case study has a theoretical response detailing what would happen should that case occur within each country's borders. Part IV compares and contrasts the information provided in Part III. It examines both the commonalities and the distinctive traits of these legal systems, with a view to understand the nature of their 'common core'. This volume is an essential tool for anyone involved in administrative and constitutional law and government liability in tort.

The idea of administrative justice is central to the British system of public law, more embracing than judicial review, or even administrative law itself. It embraces all the mechanisms designed to achieve a proper balance between the exercise of public and quasi-public power and those affected by the exercise of that power. This book contains revised versions of the papers given at the International Conference on Administrative Justice held in Bristol in 1997. Forty years after the publication of the Franks Committee report on Tribunals and Inquiries, the conference reflected on developments since then and sought to provoke debate about how the future might unfold. Participants included policy makers, tribunal chairs and ombudsmen, other decision-takers as well as academics - a formidable combination of expertise in the operation of the administrative justice system. Among the themes addressed in the papers are the following: the effect of the changing nature of the state on current institutions; human rights and administrative justice; the relationship between decision taking, reviews of decisions, and the adjudication of appeals; and the overview of administrative justice, taking into account lessons from abroad. The new millenium provides an opportunity for the reappraisal of the British system of administrative justice; this volume presents an indispenable repository of the ideas needed to understand how that system should develop over the coming years. Contributors: Michael Adler, Margaret Allars, Dame Elizabeth Anson, Lord Archer of Sandwell, Michael Barnes, Julia Black, Christa Christensen, David Clark, Gwynn Davis, Godfrey Cole, Suzanne Day, Julian Farrand, Tamara Goriely, Michael Harris (Ed), Neville Harris, Tony Holland, Terence Ison, Christine Lally, Douglas Lewis, Rosemary Lyster, Aileen McHarg, Walter Merricks, Linda Mulcahy, Stephen Oliver, Alan Page, Martin Partington (Ed), David Pearl, Jane Pearson, Paulyn Marrinan Quinn, John Raine, Andrew Rein, Alan Robertson, Roy Sainsbury, John Scampion, Chris Shepley, Caroline Sheppard, Patricia Thomas, Brian Thompson, Nick Wikeley, Tom Williams, Jane Worthington, Richard Young.

A constitutional order is a system of systems. It is an aggregate of interacting institutions, which are themselves aggregates of interacting individuals. In The System of the Constitution, Adrian Vermeule analyzes constitutionalism through the lens of systems theory, originally developed in biology, computer science, political science and other disciplines. Systems theory illuminates both the structural constitution and constitutional judging, and reveals that standard views and claims about constitutional theory commit fallacies of aggregation and are thus invalid. By contrast, Vermeule explains and illustrates an approach to constitutionalism that considers the systemic interactions of legal and political institutions and of the individuals who act within them.

Throughout this century, organized interest groups have played a central role in U.S. Supreme Court litigation on issues of civil rights and liberties. Yet in recent decades, the Court has been less willing to protect many rights and has discouraged the use of federal court forums. With the federal courts inhospitable or unavailable, interest groups have had greater incentive to enter state judiciaries. Proponents of the new judicial federalism urge groups and other litigants to seek greater individual protection based on state constitutions than that required under federal constitutional standards. Farole examines the conditions under which groups are likely to enter state litigation. How the Supreme Court decisions provide incentives or disincentives for organizational action in state judiciaries as well as how other factors specific to organizations condition their willingness and ability to enter state courts is of particular concern. Farole also examines whether groups assert rights claims based on state constitutional law. He provides a comparative analysis of group litigation in two issue areas--eminent domain and obscenity--in five states. Evidence is taken from a variety of sources including interviews, interest group and court files, and published court opinions. The analysis provides insights into the ability of interest groups to remain active in rights litigation by turning their lobbying efforts to state judiciaries. This book is of particular interest to political scientists and academic lawyers concerned with federalism, interest groups, judicial politics, and civil liberties.

This book analyzes the role of strategic human rights litigation in the dissemination and migration of transnational constitutional norms and provides a detailed analysis of how transnational human rights advocates and their local partners have used international and foreign law to promote abolition of the death penalty and decriminalization of homosexuality. The "sharing" of human rights jurisprudence among judges across legal systems is currently spreading emerging norms among domestic courts and contributing to the evolution of international law. While prior studies have focused on international and foreign citations in judicial decisions, this global migration of constitutional norms is driven not by judges but by legal advocates themselves, who cite and apply international and foreign law in their pleadings in pursuit of a specific human rights agenda. Local and transnational legal advocates form partnerships and networks that transmit legal strategy and comparative doctrine, taking advantage of similarities in postcolonial legal and constitutional frameworks. Using examples such as the abolition of the death penalty and decriminalization of same-sex relations, this book traces the transnational networks of human rights lawyers and advocacy groups who engage in constitutional litigation before domestic and supranational tribunals in order to embed international human rights norms in local contexts. In turn, domestic human rights litigation influences the evolution of international law to reflect state practice in a mutually reinforcing process. Accordingly, international and foreign legal citations offer transnational human rights advocates powerful tools for legal reform.