Grand Tours is a chronicle of the American visits of five charismatic pianists--Leopold de Meyer, Henri Herz, Sigismund Thalberg, Anton Rubenstein, and Hans von Bulow--during the late nineteenth century. Performing Beethoven and Chopin in gold-rush era California, these pianists introduced many Americans to the delights of the concert hall. With humor and insight, Lott describes the clash between the flamboyant, elegant, European pianists and American audiences more accustomed to circuses and rodeos than these "serious" entertainments. Lott also explores the creative and sometimes outlandish publicity techniques of managers seeking to capitalize on rich but uncharted American markets. The tours, which included almost a thousand concerts in more than one hundred cities in America and Canada, illustrate the rigors of the performing life, the wide range of nineteenth-century audiences and their gradual transformation from boisterous participators to respectful listeners, and the establishment of the piano recital as it exists today. With the colorful personalities of the pianists, the juxtaposition of high art and unsophisticated audiences, and the predilection of Americans to treat even the most serious subjects with humor, the book is illuminating and entertaining. The text is illustrated with ads, newspaper clippings, and correspondence that bring to life this collision of cultures.

This long-awaited book is a vivid history of Frelimo, the liberation movement that gained power in Mozambique following the sudden collapse of Portuguese rule in 1974. The leading scholar of the liberation struggle in Portuguese Africa, John Marcum completed this work shortly before his death, after a lifetime of research and close contact with many of the major Mozambican nationalists of the time. Assembled from his rich archive of unpublished letters, diaries, and transcribed conversations with figures such as Eduardo Mondlane, Adelino Gwambe, and Marcelino dos Santos, this book captures the key issues and personalities that shaped the era. With unique insight into the Mozambican struggle and the tragic short-sightedness of U.S. policy, Conceiving Mozambique encourages a dispassionate re-examination of the movement's costs as well as its remarkable accomplishments.

Oil and Nation places petroleum at the center of Bolivia's contentious twentieth-century history. Bolivia's oil, Cote argues, instigated the largest war in Latin America in the 1900s, provoked the first nationalization of a major foreign company by a Latin American state, and shaped both the course and the consequences of Bolivia's transformative National Revolution of 1952. Oil and natural gas continue to steer the country under the government of Evo Morales, who renationalized hydrocarbons in 2006 and has used revenues from the sector to reduce poverty and increase infrastructure development in South America's poorest country. The book advances chronologically from Bolivia's earliest petroleum pioneers in the nineteenth century until the present, inserting oil into historical debates about Bolivian ethnic, racial, and environmental issues, and within development strategies by different administrations. While Bolivia is best known for its tin mining, Oil and Nation makes the case that nationalist reformers viewed hydrocarbons and the state oil company as a way to modernize the country away from the tin monoculture and its powerful backers and toward an oil-powered future.

The concepts of economic backwardness, Asiatic despotism and orientalism have strongly influenced perceptions of modernization, democracy and economic growth over the last three centuries. This book provides an original view of Russian and Asian history that views both in a global perspective. Via this analysis, Alessandro Stanziani opens new dimensions in the study of state formation, the global slave trade, warfare and European and Asian growth. After Oriental Despotism questions conventional oppositions between Europe and Asia. By revisiting the history of Eurasia in this context, the book offers a serious challenge to existing ideas about the aims and goals of economic growth.

During the Cold War, alternative globalization projects were underway: socialist Eastern Europe and left-leaning countries in the Third World maintained close economic relations. The two worlds traded and exchanged know-how and technology. This book examines the specific spaces of interaction of these exchanges and discusses the consequences for those projects of globalization undertaken in both world regions.

Greenbaum examines the use of use of myth as a means of social control and examines the corporate mythology of the Gilded Age. Progressive politicians led the opposition to these myths, arguing that government was not to be used to enrich corporations, but to reduce their economic and political power and to increase equity. The progressive challenge redirected government to serve the larger commonwealth and, thus, transformed ordinary lives. Gilded Age mythology, resurrected in the 1980s, restored corporate domination and economic inequity.

Through his extensive analysis of the lives of six prominent Progressives, Greenbaum seeks to contravene contemporary mythology. He begins with George Norris of Nebraska, a Republican Congressman and Senator from 1906 until 1942; William E. Borah, Republican of Idaho, who served in the Senate from 1906 until his death in 1940; and Hiram Johnson, who was Republican Governor of California, Progressive Vice Presidential candidate in 1912, and Senator from 1916 until his demise in 1945. These chapters are followed by an examination of William Gibbs McAdoo, a New York business promoter, who was Wilson's Secretary of the Treasury, the leading candidate for the 1924 Democratic Presidential nomination, and Senator from California from 1932 until 1938; Bainbridge Colby, a New York legislator, who supported Theodore Roosevelt in 1912 and was Wilson's last Secretary of State; and Edward P. Costigan, Colorado Republican, who became the Progressive appointee to the Tariff Commission and Democratic Senator from 1930 through 1936. The volume concludes with an analysis of the progressive impulse and contrasts progressive views with resurrected Gilded Age mythology, the new ideas of the 1980s. An important study for scholars, students, and other researchers interested in progressivism and the role of government in American socioeconomic life and intelligent readers interested in ideas.

What do you do when an oil industry giant, on whom you have depended for sixteen years to provide your company's largest plant with natural gas, suddenly tries to use federal legislation as a way to increase its price by more than ten times over what the contract calls for?

As DODGING THE BULLET recounts, you pull together a coalition of companies in the same bind as yours. And if your opponent has used the personal attorney to a powerful U.S. Senate figure to help draft the legislation that would abrogate their contract with you, you respond by hiring the best-known lobbying law firm in Washington and working side-by-side with them every step of the way. And you soon realize that the battle will involve a series of ups and downs.

The story unfolds in 1983-84, a time when fax machines were in their infancy and their were no personal computers, cell phones, iPads or any of the other communications shortcuts we depend on so much today. The lobbying involved old-fashioned shoe leather, face-to-face meetings with members of Congress and their staff, and countless phone calls and strategy sessions. DODGING THE BULLET puts you right in the middle of the fray and shows you what high-level lobbying is really like, and what it is not.

For anyone interested in knowing the ins and outs of Congress and the rules of lawmaking, this book is a must read.

This is a study of the Federazione Universitaria Cattolica Italiana (FUCI) between 1925 and 1943, the organisation of Catholic Action for the university sector. The FUCI is highly significant to the study of Catholic politics and intellectual ideas, as a large proportion of the future Christian Democrats who ruled the country after World War II were formed within the ranks of the federation. In broader terms, this is a contribution to the historiography of Fascist Italy and of Catholic politics and mentalities in Europe in the mid- twentieth century. It sets out to prove the fundamental ideological, political, social and cultural influences of Catholicism on the making of modern Italy and how it was inextricably linked to more secular forces in the shaping of the nation and the challenges faced by an emerging mass society. Furthermore, the book explores the influence exercised by Catholicism on European attitudes towards modernisation and modernity, and how Catholicism has often led the way in the search for a religious alternative modernity that could countervail the perceived deleterious effects of the Western liberal version of modernity.

'Englishness' is by no means the defining quality of those living in the territory that has come to be England, but a concept that has been made and remade throughout history, expressing itself through existing symbols and ideas. This volume of wide-ranging essays constitutes a major work on English national identity and patriotism as it evolved during the period1880-1920, has had a significant impact on writing and research in the field and is considered a definitive text for students of modern British history and many other courses in politics, sociology and literature. Divided into two sections, essays in the first half of the book explore Englishness and national culture, considering the English rural ideology that endured in spite of England's status as an industrial nation; the invention of English literature; the identity of English music and the reception of Elgar; and the constructed image of the 'Englishwoman' in the period. The second half of the book focuses on political culture, with essays discussing the Irish as 'marginal Britons'; the permeation of Liberalism into English society and politics after the fall of the party itself; the relationship between patriotism and Conservative politics; and the perhaps lesser-known role played by socialism in the construction of Englishness. This updated edition of "Englishness" contains a new introduction and afterword, which set this key work in the context of research done since its original publication and relate it to current debates on the topic of Britain as a multi-national state. This important volume contains ideas that are still pertinent today, and its enduring contemporary relevance makes it essential reading for students and scholars.

This is an interpretative history of the Russian Empire and Soviet Union between 1850 and 1991. During this tumultuous period, the countries of this vast area were transformed from traditional, agrarian societies into modern industrial states. Like China, the Soviet Union underwent this transition under the banner of communism. After introductory chapters on traditional Russian history and lifeways, David Christian discusses how these transformations affected both governments and ordinary citizens, what they gained, what they endured, and why the Communist experiment ultimately failed.

The topic of memory has shot to prominence in recent years, engaging the attention of academics and a wider public alike. This is partly due to a spate of anniversaries and commemorations of events, such as the Holocaust and the Second World War, whose significance for the present is affirmed even as their meanings continue to be debated. In Germany and France, contested memories, representations and commemorations of this period have become virtually a defining feature of their respective political cultures. Equally contested are France's memories of a decolonization process whose legacy still makes its presence felt in the political landscape. This book uses the concept of 'vectors' of memory to designate the conduits of that memorial activity, and examines in detail a range of vectors - historiography, war crimes trials, novels and films - that have focused public attention and debate in this era of so-called 'commemorative obsession'. More than a descriptive summary of such developments, the author elucidates the identity politics that is being expressed through these channels. In the course of these investigations, concepts such as 'sites of memory', 'testimony', and 'trauma' - much invoked in recent work on 'collective memory' - are critically examined in a number of historical, juridical and representational contexts.
Interdisciplinary in its scope and in the manner in which it bridges historiographical and cultural analysis, this book will appeal to students and scholars of history, cultural and media studies, French and German political culture, Holocaust studies and postcolonialism.

What will the future of work, social freedom, and employment look like? In an era of increased job insecurity and social dislocation, is it possible to reshape economics along democratic lines in a way that genuinely serves the interests of the community? Of Labour and Liberty arises from Race Mathews's half-century and more of political and public policy involvement. It responds to evidence of a precipitous decline in active citizenship, resulting from a loss of confidence in politics, politicians, parties, and parliamentary democracy; the rise of "lying for hire" lobbyism; increasing concentration of capital in the hands of a wealthy few; and corporate wrongdoing and criminality. It also questions whether political democracy can survive indefinitely in the absence of economic democracy-of labor hiring capital rather than capital labor. It highlights the potential of the social teachings of the Catholic Church and the now largely forgotten Distributist political philosophy and program that originated from them as a means of bringing about a more equal, just, and genuinely democratic social order. It describes and evaluates Australian attempts to give effect to Distributism, with special reference to Victoria. And with an optimistic view to future possibilities it documents the support and advocacy of Pope Francis, and ownership by some 83,000 workers of the Mondragon cooperatives in Spain. This book will interest scholars and students of Catholic social teaching, history, economics, industrial relations, and business and management.

Grenada experienced much turmoil in the 1970s and 1980s, culminating in an armed Marxist revolution, a bloody military coup, and finally in 1983 Operation Urgent Fury, a United States-led invasion. Wendy C. Grenade combines various perspectives to tell a Caribbean story about this revolution, weaving together historical accounts of slain Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, the New Jewel Leftist Movement, and contemporary analysis. There is much controversy. Though the Organization of American States formally requested intervention from President Ronald Reagan, world media coverage was largely negative and skeptical, if not baffled, by the action, which resulted in a rapid defeat and the deposition of the Revolutionary Military Council.

By examining the possibilities and contradictions of the Grenada revolution, the contributors draw upon thirty years' of hindsight to illuminate a crucial period of the Cold War. Beyond geopolitics, the book interrogates but transcends the nuances and peculiarities of Grenada's political history to situate this revolution in its larger Caribbean and global context. In doing so, contributors seek to unsettle old debates while providing fresh understandings about a critical period in the Caribbean's postcolonial experience. This collection throws into sharp focus the centrality of the Grenada revolution, offering a timely contribution to Caribbean scholarship and to wider understanding of politics in small developing, postcolonial societies.

The yellow press period in American journalism history has produced many powerful and enduring myths-almost none of them true. This study explores these legends, presenting extensive evidence that:

The yellow press did not foment-could not have fomented-the Spanish-American War in 1898, contrary of the arguments of many media historians.

The famous exchange of telegrams between the artist Frederic Remington and newspaper publisher William Randolph Hearst-in which Hearst is said to have vowed to furnish the war with Spain-almost certainly never took place.

The readership of the yellow press was not confined to immigrants and people having an uncertain command of English, as many media historians maintain. rather yellow journals were most likely read across the social strata of urban America.

The term yellow journalism emerged and took hold during a period of raging competition and intolerance among newspaper editors in New York City-and did not directly result from the rivalry between Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer, as most media historians claim.

The study also presents the results of a detailed content analysis of seven leading U. S. newspapers at 10 year intervals, from 1899 to 1999. The content analysis-which included the "Denver Post, Los Angeles Times, New York Times, Raleigh News and Observer, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, San Francisco Examiner" and "Washington Post"-reveal that some elements characteristic of yellow journalism have been generally adopted by leading U. S. newspapers. This critical assessment encourages a more precise understanding of the history of yellow journalism, appealing to scholars of American journalism, journalism history, and practicing journalists.

Spanish Dollars and Sister Republics traces the linked history of the new nations of Mexico and the United States from the 1770s to the 1860s. Tatiana Seijas and Jake Frederick highlight the common challenges facing both countries in their early decades of independence by exploring the creation of coin money. The remarkable story begins when both countries chose the Spanish piece of eight (silver coin) as their monetary standard. The authors examine how each nation instituted its own currency, designed coins to represent its national ideals, and then spent decades trying to establish the legitimacy of its money. Readers learn about the creation and circulation of money through the stories of a banker in Philadelphia, a Mexican general in Texas, a surveyor in Sonora, and others. The focus on individuals provides an engaging window into the economic history of Mexico and the United States. Seijas and Frederick show how the creation of U.S. dollars and Mexican pesos paralleled these countries' efforts to establish enduring political and economic systems, illustrating why these nations closed the nineteenth century on very different historical trajectories.

This book explores the activities of the Nazi regime's vast leisure programme. Shortly after coming to power in Germany, it began a large-scale undertaking to bring happiness and a good life to so-called 'Aryan' Germans, carried out by the Nazi leisure organization Kraft durch Freude. Julia Timpe traces Kraft durch Freude's practices and propaganda from 1933 through the Second World War, and analyses Nazi-organized sports classes, entertainment events, and beautification campaigns for industrial sites and the countryside, as well as Kraft durch Freude's activities in entertaining German soldiers and concentration camp guards. Contributing to newer scholarship which focuses on the integratory force of the Nazi promise of a unified 'racial community' of all 'Aryan' Germans, this book highlights that Kraft durch Freude's 'everyday production of joy' was central to Nazism, closely connected to the destructive side of the Third Reich, and ultimately a major reason for Nazism's success among the German population.

This is a wide-ranging comparative study of relationships between the indigenous leadership of traditional states and colonizing Europeans from the seventeenth to the twentieth century. It challenges stereotypes of despotic imperial power in Asian, African, and Pacific colonies and seeks to answer the fundamental question: how were European officials able to govern so many societies over such a long period of time? Colin Newbury examines the politics of pre-colonial state structures, their subversion by merchants and administrators, and the use made of indigenous leaders, and assesses the legacy of these colonial hierarchies.

This book: covers the essential content in the new specifications in a rigorous and engaging way, using detailed narrative, sources, timelines, key words, helpful activities and extension material helps develop conceptual understanding of areas such as evidence, interpretations, causation and change, through targeted activities provides assessment support for A level with sample answers, sources, practice questions and guidance to help you tackle the new-style exam questions. It also comes with three years' access to ActiveBook, an online, digital version of your textbook to help you personalise your learning as you go through the course - perfect for revision.

This title connects civil rights opponents to America's tradition of radical conservatism. The decade following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision saw white southerners mobilize in massive resistance to racial integration. Most segregationists conceded that ultimately they could only postpone the demise of Jim Crow. Some militant whites, however, believed it possible to win the civil rights struggle. Histories of the black freedom struggle, when they mention these racist zealots at all, confine them to the margin of the story. These extremist whites are caricatured as ineffectual members of the lunatic fringe. Civil rights activists, however, saw them for what they really were: calculating, dangerous opponents prepared to use terrorism in their stand against reform. To dismiss white militants is to underestimate the challenge they posed to the movement and, in turn, the magnitude of civil rights activists' accomplishments. The extremists helped turn massive resistance into a powerful political phenomenon. While white southern elites struggled to mobilize mass opposition to racial reform, the militants led entire communities in revolt. "Rabble Rousers" turns traditional top-down models of massive resistance on their head by telling the story of five far-right activists - Bryant Bowles, John Kasper, Rear Admiral John Crommelin, Major General Edwin Walker, and J. B. Stoner - who led grassroots rebellions. It casts new light on such contentious issues as the role of white churches in defending segregation, the influence of anti-Semitism in southern racial politics, and the divisive impact of class on white unity. The flame of the far right burned brilliantly but briefly. In the final analysis, violent extremism weakened the cause of white southerners. Tactical and ideological tensions among massive resisters, as well as the strength and unity of civil rights activists, accelerated the destruction of Jim Crow.

Selectively drawing on the vast literature on Gandhi since the 1920s, this bibliography covers his life, political campaigns, philosophy of nonviolence, and strategy of nonviolence, or satyagraha. It also includes assessments of his historical significance and works on the Gandhian movement since 1948. The book sets Gandhi in his historical and political context, including material on his colleagues and contemporaries, the Indian National Congress, and how governments in South Africa, India, and Britain responded to his campaigns. Directed to English-speaking students, the work concentrates on English-language materials. It includes important works published in India, but stresses perceptions of Gandhi and his significance in the West. A particularly useful volume for students, as well as scholars of 20th century Indian history, the volume does not assume prior knowledge. It opens with a short biography of Gandhi, followed by a chronology of his life, and includes a glossary of Indian terms. Entries are carefully annotated to set books and authors in their historical context and to distinguish between scholarly and more personal or partisan assessments of Gandhi. Designed specifically for researchers in the Western English-speaking world, the book emphasizes books and articles published in the West and selective literature published in India from the 1920s to the 1990s.

Donald Busky provides an in-depth, well referenced, and up to date examination of the history of social democratic parties and governments worldwide from the 19th century onward.

After reviewing the history of democratic socialism and its rivals as well as defining the various movements, Dr. Busky examines the history and current state of social democratic parties beginning with Europe and Great Britain, and then moving to the United States and Canada, Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The volume concludes with a survey bibliography of key studies on the topic. This global survey will be of particular interest to scholars, students, and other researchers involved with comparative politics and political ideologies.

Subjugate or Exterminate! is an authoritative first-hand account of the Russo-Chechen conflict by a Chechen leader who played a central role in all the main events. Akhmed Zakayev rose rapidly from an actor of Shakespearean roles to Commander of the Western Group for the Defense of Ichkeria, and later served as Deputy Prime Minister of Chechnya and, in exile, as Prime Minister of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI). It describes how the Kremlin set about discrediting and destroying a democratic government by interacting with criminal gangs and fomenting Islamist forces to split the Chechen independence movement in a perverse reversal of the "War on Terror." Akhmed Zakayev's memoir begins with a historical survey of the fraught relations between the Chechens and the Russian Empire and Soviet Union, up to the collapse of the USSR. The advent of Gorbachev's Perestroika raised hopes that independence might enable Chechnya to end centuries of oppression and exploitation. Russia's first war against Chechnya (1994-1996), initially conceived by the military as a way of disguising the large-scale theft and embezzlement of funds from illegal sales of Soviet armaments during the withdrawal from East Germany, ended in humiliating defeat for Russia. Thereafter, Russia set about subverting the democratically elected government of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria by instigating the gruesome murder of Western humanitarian aid workers and business partners, and by financing criminal gangs and anti-democratic Islamist groups that the ChRI police were unable to subdue. Interference by nationals of countries in the Middle East caused further disruption. In August 1999, Russia launched a brutal second war in Chechnya, on grounds widely believed to be fabricated and characterized by widespread war crimes. The West did not intervene. This is an eyewitness account of the dangers faced by the Chechen leaders as they tried to resist and negotiate with a treacherous opponent. It ends in the year 2000, with Vladimir Putin's election as Russia's president.