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Books > Humanities > History > World history > From 1900 > General
'No previous generation of statesmen has had to conduct policy in so unknown an environment at the border line of Armageddon'-Henry Kissinger Nuclear weapons pose a unique challenge to American foreign policy and the American president in particular. The choices the president makes with regard to atomic weapons can change the course of human history and affect the lives of billions of people. In this important new work, scholar, teacher, and diplomat James Goodby analyzes how American presidents have confronted the dilemma of nuclear weapons. Drawing on his own involvement in over fifty years of nuclear policy, he explores specific case studies to illustrate the decision making process and the delicate balance between international cooperation and freedom of action, between the rules of behavior and governmental autonomy.
The yellow press period in American journalism history has produced many powerful and enduring myths-almost none of them true. This study explores these legends, presenting extensive evidence that: The yellow press did not foment-could not have fomented-the Spanish-American War in 1898, contrary of the arguments of many media historians. The famous exchange of telegrams between the artist Frederic Remington and newspaper publisher William Randolph Hearst-in which Hearst is said to have vowed to furnish the war with Spain-almost certainly never took place. The readership of the yellow press was not confined to immigrants and people having an uncertain command of English, as many media historians maintain. rather yellow journals were most likely read across the social strata of urban America. The term yellow journalism emerged and took hold during a period of raging competition and intolerance among newspaper editors in New York City-and did not directly result from the rivalry between Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer, as most media historians claim. The study also presents the results of a detailed content analysis of seven leading U. S. newspapers at 10 year intervals, from 1899 to 1999. The content analysis-which included the "Denver Post, Los Angeles Times, New York Times, Raleigh News and Observer, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, San Francisco Examiner" and "Washington Post"-reveal that some elements characteristic of yellow journalism have been generally adopted by leading U. S. newspapers. This critical assessment encourages a more precise understanding of the history of yellow journalism, appealing to scholars of American journalism, journalism history, and practicing journalists.
Although the Kurds have attracted widespread international attention, Iranian Kurdistan has been largely overlooked. This book examines the consequences of modernity and modernisation for Iran's Kurdish society in the 20th century. Marouf Cabi argues that while state-led modernisation integrated the Kurds in modern Iran, the homogenisation of identity and culture also resulted in their vigorous pursuit of their political and cultural rights. Focusing on the dual process of state-led modernisation and homogenisation of identity and culture, Cabi examines the consequences of modernity and modernisation for the socioeconomic, cultural, and political structures as well as for gender relations. It is the consequences of this dynamic dual process that explains the modern structures of Iran's Kurdish society, on the one hand, and its intimate relationship with Iran as a historical, geographical, and political entity, on the other. Using Persian, Kurdish and English sources, the book explores the transformation of Kurdish society between the Second World War and the 1979 Iranian Revolution, with a special focus on the era of the 'White Revolution' during the 1960s and 1970s.
This title connects civil rights opponents to America's tradition of radical conservatism. The decade following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision saw white southerners mobilize in massive resistance to racial integration. Most segregationists conceded that ultimately they could only postpone the demise of Jim Crow. Some militant whites, however, believed it possible to win the civil rights struggle. Histories of the black freedom struggle, when they mention these racist zealots at all, confine them to the margin of the story. These extremist whites are caricatured as ineffectual members of the lunatic fringe. Civil rights activists, however, saw them for what they really were: calculating, dangerous opponents prepared to use terrorism in their stand against reform. To dismiss white militants is to underestimate the challenge they posed to the movement and, in turn, the magnitude of civil rights activists' accomplishments. The extremists helped turn massive resistance into a powerful political phenomenon. While white southern elites struggled to mobilize mass opposition to racial reform, the militants led entire communities in revolt. "Rabble Rousers" turns traditional top-down models of massive resistance on their head by telling the story of five far-right activists - Bryant Bowles, John Kasper, Rear Admiral John Crommelin, Major General Edwin Walker, and J. B. Stoner - who led grassroots rebellions. It casts new light on such contentious issues as the role of white churches in defending segregation, the influence of anti-Semitism in southern racial politics, and the divisive impact of class on white unity. The flame of the far right burned brilliantly but briefly. In the final analysis, violent extremism weakened the cause of white southerners. Tactical and ideological tensions among massive resisters, as well as the strength and unity of civil rights activists, accelerated the destruction of Jim Crow.
Selectively drawing on the vast literature on Gandhi since the 1920s, this bibliography covers his life, political campaigns, philosophy of nonviolence, and strategy of nonviolence, or satyagraha. It also includes assessments of his historical significance and works on the Gandhian movement since 1948. The book sets Gandhi in his historical and political context, including material on his colleagues and contemporaries, the Indian National Congress, and how governments in South Africa, India, and Britain responded to his campaigns. Directed to English-speaking students, the work concentrates on English-language materials. It includes important works published in India, but stresses perceptions of Gandhi and his significance in the West. A particularly useful volume for students, as well as scholars of 20th century Indian history, the volume does not assume prior knowledge. It opens with a short biography of Gandhi, followed by a chronology of his life, and includes a glossary of Indian terms. Entries are carefully annotated to set books and authors in their historical context and to distinguish between scholarly and more personal or partisan assessments of Gandhi. Designed specifically for researchers in the Western English-speaking world, the book emphasizes books and articles published in the West and selective literature published in India from the 1920s to the 1990s.
The relationship between Britain and Greece, situated at the opposite ends of Europe has been close and troubled, especially since the emergence of Greece as an independent state in the 1830s. The essays in this book, some previously unpublished, focus on aspects of British-Greek relations, military, diplomatic and academic, during the 20th century. A particular area of interest is the Second World War, when British involvement in Greek affairs reached it climax, just before she surrendered her role as Greece's principal external patron to the United States.
This is a wide-ranging comparative study of relationships between the indigenous leadership of traditional states and colonizing Europeans from the seventeenth to the twentieth century. It challenges stereotypes of despotic imperial power in Asian, African, and Pacific colonies and seeks to answer the fundamental question: how were European officials able to govern so many societies over such a long period of time? Colin Newbury examines the politics of pre-colonial state structures, their subversion by merchants and administrators, and the use made of indigenous leaders, and assesses the legacy of these colonial hierarchies.
Creating a broad, new vision of the 1930s, this highly readable social history shows that despite the hard times, Americans faced the Depression years with a characteristic resilience and optimism. Though more seriously affected by the Depression than Europe, Americans weathered hardship while European societies floundered, accepted dictatorships, or were caught in bitter ideological conflicts. Existing depictions of the era emphasize the negatives and overlook the diverse strengths of the American people, their ability to cope with temporary deprivation, and their triumphant retention of hope for themselves and the future of their society. Restoring perspective on the era, this book looks at Americans' solid value systems, their diverse support systems, their religious life, and the role of FDR and the New Deal. Although the New Deal helped undeniably, social and cultural resources played a major role in the stability of American society and the resiliency with which Americans withstood the severity of the Great Depression. Confirming this interpretation, McGovern takes a close look at numerous facets of American life--rural areas, great cities, the Okie Odyssey, labor, African Americans, ethnic organizations, radio and films, technology and design. All reveal sources of confidence, abundant energy, and robust action, typical of a hopeful people. This study attempts to explain the successes and achievements of Americans in the 1930s.
Oil and Nation places petroleum at the center of Bolivia's contentious twentieth-century history. Bolivia's oil, Cote argues, instigated the largest war in Latin America in the 1900s, provoked the first nationalization of a major foreign company by a Latin American state, and shaped both the course and the consequences of Bolivia's transformative National Revolution of 1952. Oil and natural gas continue to steer the country under the government of Evo Morales, who renationalized hydrocarbons in 2006 and has used revenues from the sector to reduce poverty and increase infrastructure development in South America's poorest country. The book advances chronologically from Bolivia's earliest petroleum pioneers in the nineteenth century until the present, inserting oil into historical debates about Bolivian ethnic, racial, and environmental issues, and within development strategies by different administrations. While Bolivia is best known for its tin mining, Oil and Nation makes the case that nationalist reformers viewed hydrocarbons and the state oil company as a way to modernize the country away from the tin monoculture and its powerful backers and toward an oil-powered future.
Donald Busky provides an in-depth, well referenced, and up to date examination of the history of social democratic parties and governments worldwide from the 19th century onward. After reviewing the history of democratic socialism and its rivals as well as defining the various movements, Dr. Busky examines the history and current state of social democratic parties beginning with Europe and Great Britain, and then moving to the United States and Canada, Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The volume concludes with a survey bibliography of key studies on the topic. This global survey will be of particular interest to scholars, students, and other researchers involved with comparative politics and political ideologies.
Drawn from research in the manuscript records of the federal judiciary and the court reports of the Florida Supreme Court, this book examines how state and federal judges responded to the enforcement of local, state, and national prohibition in Florida. Upholding these measures often resulted in governmental encroachment on civil liberties; consequently, judges found themselves positioned to determine the scope of the liquor laws. As they balanced the rights of individuals with the power of the state, Florida judges acted independently of public opinion and based their rulings on precedent and citation of authority. To present the fullest picture possible, this text, while focusing on the efforts of the judges to uphold the spirit and the letter of the various liquor laws, it also considers the views of individuals who violated prohibition.
This mesmerizing book is the ultimate American almanac, a unique record of life in the United States since 1900. For the first time, all the news, entertainment, art, literature, science and technology, sports, and fashion highlights are recorded in a single book, and this documentation is enriched by anecdotes, facts and figures, ads and fads, headlines, and memorable quotations -- as well by as more than a thousand photographs. And in addition to the listings, a lively and perceptive essay by Lois and Alan Gordon introduces each decade, capturing the flavor of each period. The section on the 1900s, for example, commemorates Teddy Roosevelt, conservation, the first movie theater, the first World Series, vaudeville, ragtime, Henry James, and Frank Lloyd Wright. The section on the fifties considers the significance of Joseph McCarthy, I Like Ike, The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit, The Power of Positive Thinking, "Father Knows Best, " "Rebel Without a Cause, " The Lonely Crowd, Marilyn Monroe, Rosa Parks, and Sputnik. With its extraordinary wealth of information, American Chronicle ultimately conveys the unique imprint of each year and provides the stuff of contemporary memory. It will evoke and expand the contexts of all our lives.
Dogs eat burritos, camels smoke cigarettes, and frogs drink beer. Welcome to the Century of the Consumer. In the 20th century, Americans were romanced by consumer culture, which in turn reflected the changing attitudes, priorities, and values of the country. This book compiles entries on 100 consumer products--ten per decade--that figured prominently in the rise of consumer culture in the United States, telling the story behind the century's most popular products, slogans, and symbols. A unique format provides glimpses into American popular culture from each decade in the century. In addition to the history of advertising, economics, and the media, students will learn how perceptions of class, gender, and race were conveyed through advertising-and how those perceptions changed from 1900 to 2000. A-Z entries for each decade include bibliographic information on the product, as well as vivid illustrations showing the visual evolution of advertising icons and strategies throughout the century.
This book explores the activities of the Nazi regime's vast leisure programme. Shortly after coming to power in Germany, it began a large-scale undertaking to bring happiness and a good life to so-called 'Aryan' Germans, carried out by the Nazi leisure organization Kraft durch Freude. Julia Timpe traces Kraft durch Freude's practices and propaganda from 1933 through the Second World War, and analyses Nazi-organized sports classes, entertainment events, and beautification campaigns for industrial sites and the countryside, as well as Kraft durch Freude's activities in entertaining German soldiers and concentration camp guards. Contributing to newer scholarship which focuses on the integratory force of the Nazi promise of a unified 'racial community' of all 'Aryan' Germans, this book highlights that Kraft durch Freude's 'everyday production of joy' was central to Nazism, closely connected to the destructive side of the Third Reich, and ultimately a major reason for Nazism's success among the German population.
From nineteenth-century romantic friendships to childhood best friends and idealistic versions of feminist sisterhood, female friendship has been seen as an essential, sustaining influence on women's lives. Women are thought to have a special aptitude for making and keeping friends. But notions of friendship are not constant-and neither are women's experiences of this fundamental form of connection. In Another Self, Linda W. Rosenzweig sheds light on the changing nature of white middle-class American women's relationships during the coming of age of modern America. As the middle-class domesticity of the nineteenth century waned, a new emotional culture arose in the twentieth century and the intensely affectionate bonds between women of earlier decades were supplanted by new priorities: autonomy, careers, participation in an expanding consumer culture, and the expectation of fulfillment and companionship in marriage. An increased emphasis on heterosexual interactions and a growing stigmatization of close same-sex relationships fostered new friendship styles and patterns. Drawing on a wide range of primary sources including diaries, journals, correspondence, and popular periodicals, Rosenzweig uncovers the complex and intricate links between social and cultural developments and women's personal experiences of friendship.
This book presents a cogent but comprehensive review of Taiwan's socio-economic transformation from a Japanese colony to a thriving East Asian mini-state. Since the 1980's, Taiwan has primarily been viewed as a thriving economic model. Though certainly true, this assessment belies the amazing social and political success story for 23 million people on a small New Hampshire-sized island just off the China coast. Metzler highlights the engaging political narrative of democratization as well as Taiwan's noteworthy accomplishments despite the proximity and opposition of communist China. Further, the result of the 2016 elections and its implication are analyzed. Scholars studying East Asia and policy makers will gain a greater appreciation for the island's dynamic, prosperous resilience, despite pressure from China.
Key to an understanding of many U.S. foreign policies, including the Open Door Policy, American extraterritoriality in China, the Stimson Doctrine, and the economic embargo against Japan, Hornbeck had more influence on policy toward Asia than any other official in the State Department from Wilson to FDR. In a book based on solid research of archival materials and the current literature in English and Chinese, Hu brings a Chinese perspective to an examination of Hornbeck's career and American policy in Asia. The book not only fills a vacuum in the study of Sino-American relations, but also corrects some traditional misperceptions and misinterpretations in the field. In Hu's view, Hornbeck has been misinterpreted by his contemporaries and by scholars. His policy was based on his perception of American interest in China, his changing views on the Chinese nationalist revolution, the relative strength of Japan, and his evaluation of the China market. Hornbeck's major weakness was a lack of understanding of the internal affairs of China. In illustrating Hornbeck's changing views on China and the East Asian situation, Hu disproves many misconceptions in current scholarship about Hornbeck being either pro-Chinese or pro-Japanese and about his consistent support for the Open Door Policy.
This book examines the active role played by Africans in the pre-colonial production of historical knowledge in South Africa, focusing on perspectives of the second king of amaZulu, King Dingane. It draws upon a wealth of oral traditions, izibongo, and the work of public intellectuals such as Magolwane kaMkhathini Jiyane and Mshongweni to present African perspectives of King Dingane as multifaceted, and in some cases, constructed according to socio-political formations and aimed at particular audiences. By bringing African perspectives to the fore, this innovative historiography centralizes indigenous African languages in the production of historical knowledge.
Why did German states for so long make it extraordinarily difficult for foreigners who were not ethnic Germans to become citizens? To what extent was this policy a product of popular national feeling, and to what extent was it shaped by the more state-centered goals of the political elite? In what ways did Nazi citizenship policies perpetuate, or break with, the actions of earlier German states? What does this larger historical context suggest about the causes for, and implications of, the recent and dramatic liberalization in German citizenship laws?German states have long exercised tight control over which foreigners might become citizens. Because Germans felt a cultural attachment to other ethnic Germans, it has been argued, German national states naturally welcomed the immigration of ethnic Germans and sought to prevent the naturalization of individuals who were considered foreign. It is true that ethnic nationalism came to play a - and after 1918 the - key role in German citizenship and naturalization policies. But ethnicity was far from the only criterion employed to distinguish desirable from undesirable subjects or citizens.In a study that begins in the early nineteenth century and reaches the dramatic changes of the 1990s, the author challenges the traditional interpretation of the role of ethnicity. He shows that appeals to ethnic solidarity often masked more political objectives. Other factors affecting the politics of citizenship included German states' efforts to mold and improve society and to safeguard their own grip on power; changing conceptions of economic and military utility; the personality and political aims of Bismarck; the international conflict with Britain, France, and Russia; anti-Semitism and the world wars. While other authors have stressed consensus within German society, this account focuses on conflict.
Focusing on Afghanistan's relations with the West during the latter half of the 20th century, this study offers new insights on the long-term origins of the nation's recent tragedies. Roberts finds that, since the 1930s in particular, Afghanistan pursued policies far more complex, and considerably more pro-Western, than previous studies have surmised. By the end of the Second World War, Britain and Afghanistan seemed headed toward an extensive partnership in military and economic affairs. Opportunities to cement Afghanistan to the West existed, but ultimately ran afoul of regional politics, shortsighted policy, and indifference. The rise of the Indian nationalist movement and the eventual partition of India would have strategic ramifications for Afghanistan. Pakistan and India, weakened and poised against each other, saw no reason to aid the Kabul regime, leaving only the United States as a potential benefactor. Successive American administrations, however, denied most Afghan requests. When the Eisenhower administration extended support to Pakistan, it alienated Afghan leaders, who then chose to broker a deal with the Soviet Union. Roberts analyzes recent American policy toward Afghanistan and its neighbors, clarifying the current situation and offering guidelines for future relations.
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