As the state of America's children and families continues to degenerate, the human services system struggles to render the support it was designed to provide. Despite such efforts, American families have difficulty accessing services; they are forced to navigate an incomprehensible system where quantity is often deemed insufficient and quality is compromised. Simultaneously, expenditures on human services have soared to record levels, further spurring both concerns and efforts to reform and better integrate a sadly dysfunctional system. In the first comprehensive synthesis of the history, theory, and practice of service integration, Sharon Lynn Kagan, with Peter R. Neville, explores why past efforts to reform the human service system have had only isolated triumphs and marginal impact in improving the quality of life for children and families. Tracing the history of human services in America from the colonial period to the present, the author analyzes the underlying assumptions, barriers, and strategies that have characterized the service integration movement. Drawing on history, empirical research, and intellectual theory, as well as on the personal experiences of practitioners and leaders, the author extracts principles and insights that offer new directions for future social service reform. Published in cooperation with the National Center for Service Integration

During and immediately after the First World War, there was a merging of Christian and nationalist traditions of martyrdom, expressed in the design of war cemeteries and war memorials, and the state funeral of the Unknown Warrior in 1920. John Wolffe explores the subsequent development of these traditions of 'sacred' and 'secular' martyrdom, analysing the ways in which they operated - sometimes in parallel, sometimes merged together and sometimes in conflict with each other. Particular topics explored include the Protestant commemoration of Marian and missionary martyrs, and the Roman Catholic campaign for the canonization of the 'saints and martyrs of England'. Secular martyrdom is discussed in relation to military conflicts especially the Second World War and the Falklands. In Ireland there was a particularly persistent merging of sacred and secular martyrdom in the wake of the Easter Rising of 1916 although by the time of the Northern Ireland 'Troubles' in the later twentieth-century these traditions diverged. In covering these themes, the book also offers historical and comparative context for understanding present-day acts of martyrdom in the form of suicide attacks.

Latin eugenics was a scientific, cultural and political programme designed to biologically empower modern European and American nations once commonly described as 'Latin', sharing genealogical, linguistic, religious, and cultural origins. With the emergence of eugenics in the late 19th century, this common cultural and scientific identity became a fundamental component of an internationally influential Latin version of eugenics. Latin Eugenics in Comparative Perspective offers a comparative, nuanced approach to eugenics as a scientific program as well as a cultural and political phenomenon. It examines the commonalities of eugenics in 'Latin' Europe and Latin America. The book also analyses the component ideas of Latin eugenics, such as Catholic eugenics, population and family policies, maternal and infant health, preventive medicine, social hygiene and public health. As a program to achieve the social and political goals of modern welfare systems, Latin eugenics strongly influenced the complex relationship of the state to the individual.Drawing on a wide range of primary and secondary sources in many languages, this book offers the first history of Latin eugenics in Europe and the Americas.

On the eve of the centennial of the Wright brothers' historic flights at Kitty Hawk, a new generation will learn about the other man who was once hailed worldwide as the conqueror of the air--Alberto Santos-Dumont. Because the Wright brothers worked in secrecy, word of their first flights had not reached Europe when Santos-Dumont took to the skies in 1906. The dashing, impeccably dressed inventor entertained Paris with his airborne antics--barhopping in a little dirigible that he tied to lampposts, circling above crowds around the Eiffel Tower, and crashing into rooftops. A man celebrated, even pursued by the press in Paris, London, and New York, Santos-Dumont dined regularly with the Cartiers, the Rothschilds, and the Roosevelts. But beneath his lively public exterior, Santos-Dumont was a frenzied genius tortured by the weight of his own creation.Wings of Madness chronicles the science and history of early aviation and offers a fascinating glimpse into the mind of an extraordinary and tormented man, vividly depicting the sights and sounds of turn-of-the-century Paris. It is a book that will do for aviation what The Man Who Loved Only Numbers did for mathematics.

Using archival sources and interviews with key participants, new insight is gained to how the Lib-Lab Pact of 1977-78 - an agreement, short of a full coalition - came about, was structured and implemented, and how Liberal leader, David Steel, might have achieved significant policy concessions on electoral reform.

This book examines genealogies of contagion in between contagion as microbe and contagion as affect. It analyzes how and why hygiene became authoritative and succeeded in becoming a part of the broader social and cultural vocabulary within the colonialist, anti-colonial, as well as modernist discourses.

This edition collects the bulk of Burke's literary reviews--many of them reprinted here for the first time--and positions them as scholarship in their own right. In more than 150 reviews, he explores poetic, fictional, and critical works to discern the nature of aesthetics, rhetoric, communication, literary theory, sociology, and literature as equipment for living.

In 1929, tens of thousands of south eastern Nigerian women rose up against British authority in what is known as the Women's War. This book brings togther, for the first time, the multiple perspectives of the war's colonized and colonial participants and examines its various actions within a single, gendered analytical frame.

This pioneering study focuses on an area of Soviet and socialist studies until now largely neglected in the literature: social change. The author contends that while most standard analyses of communist regimes purport to be about social change, they are in fact analyzing economic and political developments rather than transformation in the class structure of society. Because economic and political factors are the least stable, Brucan argues, they are therefore the least explanatory and predictive factors if we are to understand long term trends in the evolution of socialism. Brucan instead explores the social forces at work in the Soviet Union, China, and Eastern Europe--classes, professional groups, and so on--tracing the evolution of class and class policy from the time of the 1917 revolution through the present leadership of Gorbachev. Students of international affairs and sociology will find in Brucan's work important new insights into the likely future direction of the world's major communist societies.

Beginning with a detailed historical analysis of class and class policy in the East, Brucan examines issues such as forced collectivization, the new working class, wage policy, the state take-over, and KhruscheV's openings. Turning to a discussion of the relationship between social structure and the scientific-technological revolution, the author shows that communist regimes in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and China have demonstrated a deliberate and systematic pattern of overvaluation of manual work and undervaluation of scientific and technical work--explaining their lack of preparation for rapid scientific and technical change. Brucan relates the historical analysis of social change to questions about whether reforms in the East can be achieved, arguing that no analysis of the East's economic and political history can be fully understood without considering social structure. In the final section, the author addresses the current period of perestroika, suggesting that GorbacheV's real challenge will be to dislodge the current social structure that was consolidated in the late 1970s. He concludes that a new class alignment in socialism has led to a crisis of the communist party itself.

Based on extensive archival research he Politics of the Irish Civil War situates the Irish civil war in the general process of decolonization in the twentieth century, and explains why divisions over the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 proved so formative in the development of the Irish state.
Each chapter is devoted to a particular aspect of the war and many new areas are explored. These include the role the doctrine of self-determination played in the Sinn Fein movement, the fate of numerous peace initiatives, the power struggle between de Valera and Liam Lynch within the IRA, and the impact of the civil war on the wider civil society. The last three chapters explore how the conflict has been interpreted by the actors themselves, as well as by historians.
Combining perspectives drawn from history and politics, this book will interest not only students of Irish history, but also those interested in the comparative study of civil wars.

"Advertising in the Age of Persuasion "documents and analyzes the implementation of the American strategy of consumerism during the 1940s and 1950s, and its ongoing ramifications. Beginning with World War II, and girded by the Cold War, American advertisers, brand name corporations, and representatives of the federal government institutionalized a system of consumer capitalism which they called free enterprise. In their system, government and business worked together to create consumer republics, democracies based on the mass consumption of brand name goods using advertising across all major media to sell products and distribute information. Many of the free enterprise evangelists believed it represented the fulfillment of America's god-ordained mission. They envisioned an American lead global consumer order supported by advertising based media where the brand took precedence over the corporation that owned it; and advertising, propaganda and public relations were considered the same thing. To support this system, they created a network and process for disseminating persuasive information that survives into the 21st Century.

Yugoslavia and Political Assassinations is the first book in English to analyse how and why the Yugoslav State Security Service carried out multiple targeted assassinations, over the country's forty-six years of existence, under the pretext of protecting the Yugoslav communist party-state. Offering a detailed history of the programme, from the inception of the State Security Service to the recent trials of individuals involved, it draws on Christian Axboe Nielsen's unique wealth of experience and research as an academic and as an expert witness in numerous criminal trials. The result is a ground-breaking contribution to the history of targeted assassinations, communist history, state security services and related criminal trials.

A collection of new, scholarly articles on the Jewish Workers' Bund - the first modern Jewish political party in Eastern Europe - written by prominent academics from eight countries. This work represents a broad range of perspectives, Jewish and non-Jewish, sympathetic to the Bund and critical of its work. The articles in this volume are fresh, make use of previously unused source material, and provide us with new perspectives on the significance of the Bund and its ideas.

After more than four decades and scores of books, documentaries, and films on the subject, what more can be said about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy? A great deal, according to the author. This provocative, rigorously researched book presents evidence and compelling arguments that will make you rethink the entire sequence of terrible events on that traumatic day in Dallas. Drawing on his fifteen years of experience as an experimental physicist for the US Navy, the author demonstrates that the commonly accepted view of the assassination is fundamentally flawed from a scientific perspective. The physics behind lone-gunmen theories is not only wrong, says Chambers, but frankly impossible.
This is the first book to: identify the second murder weapon, prove the locations of the assassins, and demonstrate multiple shooters with scientific certainty. It concludes with a persuasive chapter on why this horrible event, now almost half a century old, should still matter to us today. Originally published as a hardcover in 2010, this paperback edition contains a new preface and postscript in which the author addresses some interesting developments since the book was first published as well as the fiftieth anniversary of the assassination.
For anyone seeking a fresh understanding of the JFK assassination, this is an indispensable book.

Paradise Regained records what Djilas himself has called the rambling conversations shared by intellectuals who have grown old, each with a distinctly different experience. Their mutual respect is reflected in Sulzberger's recollections of their often spirited and frank discussions. Sulzberger provides what may be Djilas' final opportunity to expound on the great events of the twentieth century as he saw them and what he learned from a life marked by significant political power as well as twenty-nine years with no or restricted personal freedom. He provides a new, more human perspective of a key figure in Eastern European politics. This book is essential reading for anyone interested in the history of the twentieth century and will also prove engrossing as one man's personal testament to a friend.

Conceived with a dedication to manifest destiny, individual freedom, and opportunity, the United States, from its inception, made an effort to avoid political or military involvement in Europe which could conflict with its pursuit of those goals. Ronald E. Powaski's study analyzes why the United States pursued this isolationist policy, and the factors, events, and personalities which challenged it and finally necessitated its abandonment.

Powaski's chronological approach to the topic begins with historical background material which identifies the origins of isolationism as a natural outgrowth of colonial ideals. The major portion of the text is devoted to how the political, military, and economic upheavals of the twentieth century gradually forced the United States to reevaluate its isolationist policy, ultimately reaffirming its original ideals through continuing involvement in world peace organizations. A list of suggested reading and a full index complete this work.

Classrooms and Clinics is the first book-length assessment of the development of public school health policies from the late nineteenth century through the early years of the Great Depression. Richard A. Meckel examines the efforts of early twentieth-century child health care advocates and reformers to utilize urban schools to deliver health care services to socioeconomically disadvantaged and medically underserved children in the primary grades. Their goal, Meckel shows, was to improve the children's health and thereby improve their academic performance. Meckel situates these efforts within a larger late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century public discourse relating schools and schooling, especially in cities and towns, to child health. He describes and explains how that discourse and the school hygiene movement it inspired served as critical sites for the constructive negotiation of the nature and extent of the public school's-and by extension the state's-responsibility for protecting and promoting the physical and mental health of the children for whom it was providing a compulsory education. Tracing the evolution of that negotiation through four overlapping stages, Meckel shows how, why, and by whom the health of schoolchildren was discursively constructed as a sociomedical problem and charts and explains the changes that construction underwent over time. He also connects the changes in problem construction to the design and implementation of various interventions and services and evaluates how that design and implementation were affected by the response of the civic, parental, professional, educational, public health, and social welfare groups that considered themselves stakeholders and took part in the discourse. And, most significantly, he examines the responses called forth by the question at the heart of the negotiations: what services are necessitated by the state's and school's taking responsibility for protecting and promoting the health and physical and mental development of schoolchildren. He concludes that the negotiations resulted both in the partial medicalization of American primary education and in the articulation and adoption of a school health policy that accepted the school's responsibility for protecting and promoting the health of its students while largely limiting the services called for to the preventive and educational.

Learning to Read tells the story of learning to read against the background of the transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish Republic. It begins with the premise that the history of learning to read and reading, remarkably understudied for this region given its importance, can tell us much about the arrival of the modern period in general and the Ottoman-to-Republican transformation in particular. Investigating by turns the messages imparted to young readers, the experience of mastering the basic mechanics of reading, the arrival of new types of reading materials, the role of illustration, the emergence of books and magazines as commodities and the ways in which literacy changed people's lives, this book provides a multifaceted approach to reading during a period of rapid change. It demonstrates the reading's crucial importance to the modern history of Turkey.

The first comprehensive study in English of the earliest and largest 'Third-World' migration into pre-war Europe. Full attention is given to the relationship between the society of emigration, undermined by colonialism, and processes of ethnic organisation in the metropolitan context. Contemporary anti-Algerian racism is shown to have deep roots in moves by colonial elites to control and police the migrants and to segregate them from contact with Communism, nationalist movements and the French working class.

Mosler and Catley examine the rise of the United States to the status of a great power by the beginning of the 20th century, its maturation as a superpower during the co-dominion of the Cold War, and its emergence as a hegemonic power after the collapse of the Soviet Union. As a hegemon it has pursued the globalization of a liberal world order.

The key institutions and characteristics of the United States which enable it to become a hegemonic power, are examined as indicators of its likely behavior as a dominant power in the 21st century. The evolution of the liberal international political and economic order pursued by the United States since World War One and established by the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944 is examined in the context of the global meltdown of the late 1990s. The role of the United States in the creation of the system that we now call globalization is scrutinized and its development into the next century is anticipated. In their final section, Mosler and Catley analyze the possible challenges to the United States as a hegemonic power in the 21st century and the prospects for war and peace and social and economic development in the new millennium. This is an important analysis for scholars, researchers, policymakers, and concerned citizens interested in international relations and American foreign policy.

Settler colonialism is a global and transnational phenomenon, and as much a thing of the present as a thing of the past. In this book, Lorenzo Veracini explores the settler colonial 'situation' and explains how there is no such thing as neo-settler colonialism or post-settler colonialism because settler colonialism is a resilient formation that rarely ends. Not all migrants are settlers: settlers come to stay, and are founders of political orders who carry with them a distinct sovereign capacity. And settler colonialism is not colonialism: settlers want Indigenous people to vanish (but can make use of their labour before they are made to disappear). Sometimes settler colonial forms operate within colonial ones, sometimes they subvert them, sometimes they replace them. But even if colonialism and settler colonialism interpenetrate and overlap, they remain separate as they co-define each other.