Herbert Hoover, as Secretary of Commerce, and Benjamin Strong, as Governor of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, played a critical role in the formulation of American monetary policy during the 1920s. Yet little attention has been given to the relationship between them--at first cooperative, then increasingly one of conflict and factionalism--or to the impact of that relationship on policy formulation. This book sheds new light on their roles in policy making and relates those roles to larger conflicts over where policy should be made, how the Federal Reserve System should be structured, and the balance that should be struck between international, national, and regional considerations.

Focusing on the Hoover-Strong relationship from a political rather than a purely economic perspective, the book's scope includes both domestic and international aspects of Federal Reserve policy formulation. New sources have enabled the author to provide both fresh details and a broader interpretation. Elaborating on the belief that the Depression resulted from policies developed during the autumn of 1927, the author contends that the foundation for those policies was laid with America's decision to underwrite the Dawes plan, the decision to underwrite England's return to the gold standard, and the involvement in European monetary stabilization--all issues over which Hoover and Strong disagreed.

The essays in this book concern manifestations of political violence in the democracies of interwar Europe. While research in this area usually focuses on the countries that fell to fascism, the authors demonstrate that violence remained a part of political competition in the democratic regimes of Western Europe too.

Considered an irredeemably flawed and catastrophic president during the Depression era, Herbert Hoover has been studied more objectively by postwar historians, with revisionist scholarship culminating in his rehabilitation as a practitioner of one variety of progressivism. Even Hoover's sharpest critics recognize many of his once unheeded accomplishments. This extensive bibliography, including more than 2600 entries, provides access to an astronomical amount of Hoover-related materials attesting to extraordinary public service and longevity. Selective in approach, the volume cites sources depicting the continuum of contemporary and historical viewpoints and includes all key writings in Hoover historiography. Following a brief introduction and chronology of Hoover's life, the work begins with chapters covering manuscript and archival sources, writings of Herbert Hoover, and biographical publications. Chapters 4 and 5 are devoted to his early years and to his mature years prior to his election. The Presidential election of 1928 is covered in chapter 6; chapter 7 cites sources on the Hoover Administration; and chapter 8 covers the election of 1932. Hoover's administration associates are covered in chapter 9, and his post-presidential years covered in chapter 10. Concluding chapters are devoted to Hoover's philosophy, the personal lives of the Hoovers, historiographical materials, and iconography of the Hoovers. The work also includes a section on periodicals and author and subject indexes.

Until very recently Germany has frequently been characterized as the 'country without revolution', and the catastrophies of its recent history have been attributed to the lack of successful modernizing impulses. This series of essays by leading German scholars explores the effects of revolutions upon German history from 1789 to 1989 - the date of Germany's 'peaceful revolution' - and discusses the fundamental questions of reform and revolution, the effects of war, counter-revolution and defeat on the social process of modernization. The book not only examines the revolutions of 1789, 1848, 1918 and 1989, but equally focuses on the great reform periods, the 'revolutions from above'. It analyzes the significance of World War I for revolutionizing German society, the nature of the 'national-socialist revolution', and the effects of the 1945 defeat on new beginnings in a divided Germany. It offers, on the basis of up-to-date research, stimulating debates about fundamental problems of German history.
The authors count among the leading German scholars of their generation, including Peter Brandt, Rüdiger Hachtmann, Jürgen Kocka, Wolfgang Kruse, Hans Mommsen, Hans-Ulrich Wehler and Heinrich-August Winkler.

When Italian forces landed on the shores of Libya in 1911, many in Italy hailed it as an opportunity to embrace a Catholic national identity through imperial expansion. After decades of acrimony between an intransigent Church and the Italian state, enthusiasm for the imperial adventure helped incorporate Catholic interests in a new era of mass politics. Others among Italian imperialists - military officers and civil administrators - were more concerned with the challenges of governing a Muslim society, one in which the Sufi brotherhood of the Sanusiyya seemed dominant. Eileen Ryan illustrates what Italian imperialists thought would be the best methods to govern in Muslim North Africa and in turn highlights the contentious connection between religious and political authority in Italy. Telling this story requires an unraveling of the history of the Sanusiyya. During the fall of Qaddafi, Libyan protestors took up the flag of the Libyan Kingdom of Idris al-Sanusi, signaling an opportunity to reexamine Libya's colonial past. After decades of historiography discounting the influence of Sanusi elites in Libyan nationalism, the end of this regime opened up the possibility of reinterpreting the importance of religion, resistance, and Sanusi elites in Libya's colonial history. Religion as Resistance provides new perspectives on the history of collaboration between the Italian state and Idris al-Sanusi and questions the dichotomy between resistance and collaboration in the colonial world.

Containing just the twentieth-century chapters from Howard Zinn's bestselling A People's History of the United States, this revised and updated edition includes two new chapters -- covering Clinton's presidency, the 2000 Election, and the "war on terrorism."

Highlighting not just the usual terms of presidential administrations and congressional activities, this book provides you with a "bottom-to-top" perspective, giving voice to our nation's minorities and letting the stories of such groups as African Americans, women, Native Americans, and the laborers of all nationalities be told in their own words.

As in Europe, secular nation building in Latin America challenged the traditional authority of the Roman Catholic Church in the early twentieth century. In response, Catholic social and political movements sought to contest state-led secularisation and provide an answer to the 'social question', the complex set of problems associated with urbanisation, industrialisation, and poverty. As Catholics mobilised against the secular threat, they also struggled with each other to define the proper role of the Church in the public sphere. This study utilizes recently opened files at the Vatican pertaining to Mexico's post-revolutionary Church-state conflict known as the Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929). However, looking beyond Mexico's exceptional case, the work employs a transnational framework, enabling a better understanding of the supranational relationship between Latin American Catholic activists and the Vatican. To capture this world historical context, Andes compares Mexico to Chile's own experience of religious conflict. Unlike past scholarship, which has focused almost exclusively on local conditions, Andes seeks to answer how diverse national visions of Catholicism responded to papal attempts to centralize its authority and universalize Church practices worldwide. The Politics of Transnational Catholicism applies research on the interwar papacy, which is almost exclusively European in outlook, to a Latin American context. The national cases presented illuminate how Catholicism shaped public life in Latin America as the Vatican sought to define Catholic participation in Mexican and Chilean national politics. It reveals that Catholic activism directly influenced the development of new political movements such as Christian Democracy, which remained central to political life in the region for the remainder of the twentieth century.

When the Anglo-Boer War began at the end of 1899, Germans protested profusely. Everybody, from the Conservatives to the Social Democrats took a united stand against the "arch enemy", Britain, and her war in the South of Africa. Only when the South African Union was founded in 1910 did the German public interest in South Africa decrease. This interest left a great number of German publications, which is a reminder of the fact that the general public of the German Reich supported, with great interest, an important world historic event overseas, which remains unprecedented in its intensity and extent.

During the Gulf war, news of the conflict was virtually harnessed by the American-led alliance. Yet, when U.S. soldiers moved on Somalia without resistance, their landing was lent a surreal quality by hordes of journalists filming their every maneuver. In this age of instant communication, wars are often defined by their coverage, as with Vietnam; yet the symbiosis between warriors and journalists has a long history.

War and the Media provides a sweeping overview of how the media has covered international conflicts in this century. Devoting each of the book's twelve chapters to a particular conflict, from the world wars to Vietnam, the Falklands, the Gulf War, and the Balkans, Miles Hudson and John Stanier here trace the evolution of the often contentious and always dramatic role of the media in twentieth-century military campaigns.

Puerto Ricans in the United States comes at a crucial time to help us better understand Puerto Ricans, both those who live in the United States and those who live in Puerto Rico, as they debate the issue of national identity. Perez y Gonzalez, of Puerto Rican heritage, provides an information-packed volume that will become the definitive source for students and readers interested in learning about the Puerto Rican experience in the United States. With the homeland of Puerto Rico strongly evoked as background, the entire immigration and adaptation process of Puerto Ricans in this country since the early 1900s takes shape in a thoughtful analysis. This is essential reading for understanding an important American (im)migrant group and the development of our urban culture as well. Puerto Ricans in the United States begins by presenting Puerto Rico--the land, the people, and the culture. The island's invasion by U.S. forces in 1898 set the stage for our intertwined relationship to the present day. Perez y Gonzalez brings to life important historical events leading to immigration to the United States, particularly to the large northeastern cities, such as New York. The narrative highlights Puerto Ricans' adjustment and adaptation in this country through the media, institutions, language, and culture. A wealth of information is given on socioeconomic status, including demographics, employment, education opportunities, and poverty and public assistance. The discussions on the struggles of this group for affordable housing, issues of women and children, particular obstacles to obtaining appropriate health care, including the epidemic of AIDS, and race relations are especially insightful. Thefinal chapter on Puerto Ricans' impact on U.S. society highlights their positive contributions in a wide range of fields.

How were Moroccan Muslim and Jewish cultures depicted in Spanish literature, journalism, and photography during the Rif War and what did this portrayal reveal about conflicting visions of Spanish identity? Runner-up for the 2017-18 AHGBI-Spanish Embassy Publication Prize This book examines how anxieties about colonial power and national identity are reflected in Spanish literature, journalism, and photography of Moroccan Muslim and Jewish cultures during the Spanish colonisation of Northern Morocco from 1909 to 1927. This understudied period, known as the Rif War, is highly significant because of its role in shaping the identities that came into conflict in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39). Furthermore, the book makes a key contribution to Spanish colonial studies by offering a comparative analysis of Spanish representations of the Iberian Peninsula's cultural and historical relationship with Moroccan Muslims and Jews in this context, showing how conflicting visions of Spanish identity are portrayed through and in relation to them.

This unique study makes an important contribution to our understanding of the changing problem of `Jewishness' in a German environment as it presented itself to a privileged group of Jews. Following on from Jews in the German Economy (OUP, 1987), which analysed the economic activities of this elite, it presents a detailed picture of the group's socio-cultural profile. Based largely on autobiographical material, it covers such matters as attitudes to Judaism, relations at different levels with Gentiles and with other Jews, marriage patterns, the public role, political culture, cultural activities, and patronage. The major underlying theme is the conflict between preservation of the Jewish identity, and integration into the surrounding society. Different forms of self-identification are examined, as well as various patterns of conformity.

An outstanding scholar and political figure, Gaetano Salvemini had a reputation as one of the most courageous figures of his age. As a member of the Italian Socialist Party he championed social and political reform as a party activist, political commentator, and public officeholder. He fought for universal suffrage (including for women); in World War One he stood for his own version of a Wilsonian peace; and he is counted among the earliest and most effective opponents of Fascism. It was said that the Fascists were anti-Salvemini before he became anti-Fascist, and their efforts to silence him made his name synonymous with early Italian resistance to the new regime.

A prominent exile in the United States, he resumed his scholarly work at Harvard through the help of friends and supporters. But never one to separate scholarship from political activity, he also continued to actively organize resistance to Mussolini, assisted others in escaping Italy, and played an important role in galvanizing both elite and public opinion in America against the Fascist regime. This groundbreaking biography is based on previously untapped archival resources.

This study explores the regulation of occupational health in the British asbestos industry from the recognition in the late 1890s that asbestos dust might pose a health hazard until the establishment of the 1969 Asbestos regulations. Whereas almost all of those who have written on this subject have attacked the entire asbestos industry and all its works, The Way from Dusty Death takes a more balanced view. It accepts the history of asbestos and health as in many ways a human tragedy, but it rejects simplistic, universalised arguments that this has been a tragedy with a cast only of villains, dupes and victims. The historical account includes the emergence of medical, and then official, concern about the three diseases related to asbestos (asbestosis, lung cancer and mesothelioma) the legislative process during and after the 1930s and the impact of the 1931 Asbestos Industry Regulations. The book brings together much previously unexamined material - including copious government records, combined with unimpeded access to the vast archive of documents kept by the leading British asbestos manufacturer, Turner and Newall - to present a unique analysis of occupational health and its regulation in the 20th Century.

Includes an All-New Afterword. An unflinching account of America's most horrific racial massacre, The Burning is essential reading as America finally comes to terms with its racial past. When first published in 2001, society apparently wasn't ready for such an unstinting narrative. After it was published, The Burning, like its subject matter, remained unknown to most in America. That has changed dramatically. "I began to suspect that a crucial piece remained missing from America's long attempts at racial reconciliation," Madigan wrote in 2001 in the author's note to The Burning. "Too many in this country remained as ignorant as I was. Too many were just as oblivious to some of the darkest moments in our history, a legacy of which Tulsa is both a tragic example and a shameful metaphor. How can we heal when we don't know what we're healing from?" Now, 100 years after the massacre, Madigan brings new resonance to these questions in the reissue of this definitive work of American history. Featuring a brand new afterword, The Burning skillfully places the Tulsa Massacre in a broader historical context. Rather than an exception, the massacre was completely consistent with that time in the United States, an era of Jim Crow, widespread lynching, and racism endorsed and promulgated at the highest levels of society. Such were the foundations of the systemic racism at the root of our problems today. On the morning of June 1, 1921, a white mob numbering in the thousands marched across the railroad tracks dividing Black from white in Tulsa, Oklahoma, and obliterated a Black community then celebrated as one of America's most prosperous. 34 square blocks of Tulsa's Greenwood community, known then as the Negro Wall Street of America, were reduced to smoldering rubble. And now, 100 years later, the death toll of what is known as the Tulsa Race Massacre is more difficult to pinpoint. Conservative estimates put the number of dead at about 100 (75% of the victims are believed to have been Black), but the actual number of casualties could be triple that. The Tulsa Race Riot Commission, formed to determine exactly what happened, has recommended that restitution to the historic Greenwood Community would be good public policy and do much to repair the emotional as well as physical scars of this most terrible incident in our shared past. With chilling details, humanity, and the narrative thrust of compelling fiction, The Burning recreates the town of Greenwood at the height of its prosperity, explores the currents of hatred, racism, and mistrust between its Black residents and neighboring Tulsa's white population, narrates events leading up to and including Greenwood's annihilation, and documents the subsequent silence that surrounded the tragedy.

Most historical writing on the relations between the United States and its European allies in the post-war period has concentrated on the development of the Cold War and the beginnings of European integration. An equally significant question is how relations between an increasingly self-confident Europe and a United States used to its leadership role developed after this period. This book investigates the successes and failures, as well as the diversity, that constituted both the strength and weakness of the transatlantic alliance. It looks at crucial areas of conflict, such as economics and trade, nuclear weapons, the language of power, and key personalities, as well as the very concept of a special relationship. How did Europe and the United States respond to economic emergencies such as the 1973-4 oil crisis and how were issues of power and control reflected in the language used by officials to describe foreign nations and statesmen? Who controlled the nuclear button and how did fears and feelings of inferiority influence European-American nuclear interdependence in NATO? How did American officials attempt to walk successfully in European corridors of power and how did Europeans network in Washington? What are the qualities that make relationships such as the Anglo-American or the German-American one special and what strains do they place on other members of the alliance?
Internationally renowned experts in their fields illuminate the most exciting and important research currently available on the European-American relationship and shed new light on the way the western alliance has functioned. This important book will have wide appeal for specialists in a number of fields: international relations, politics, economics, and history.

In the second haft of the nineteenth century, Jewish nationalism developed in Europe. One vital form of this nationalism that took root at the beginning of the twentieth century in Eastern Europe was the Yiddishist movement, which held that the Yiddish language and culture should be at the center of any Jewish nationalist efforts. As with most European concepts of folklore, the romantic-nationalist ideas of J. G. Herder on the volk were crucial in the formulation of the study and collection of Yiddish folklore.

Herder's volk, however, denoted the peasantry, whereas Polish Jewry were an urban population. This difference determined the focus and pioneering work that this group of collectors accomplished. Defining the Yiddish Nation examines how these folklorists sought to connect their identity with the Jewish past but simultaneously develop Yiddishism, a movement whose eventual outcome would be an autonomous Jewish national culture and a break with the biblical past.

Itzik Nakhmen Gottesman analyzes the evolution of Yiddish folklore and its role in the creation of Yiddish nationalism in Poland between the two world wars. Gottesman studies three important folklore circles in Poland: the Warsaw group led by Noyekh Prilutski, the S. Ansky Vilne Jewish Historic-Ethnographic Society, and the Ethnographic Commission d the Yivo Institute in Vilne.

This book is much more than a study of the evolution of one particular folklore tradition, it is a look into the formation of a nationalist movement. Defining the Yiddish Nation will prove invaluable for scholars of Jewish studies and Yiddish folklore.

The postwar British city was been shaped by many international forces during the last century, but American influences on British urban research and urban planning have been particularly significant. Beginning with debates about reconstruction during the Second World War, Anglo-American Crossroads explores how Americanisation influenced key approaches to town planning, from reconstruction after 1945 to the New Urbanism of the 1990s. Clapson pays particular attention to the relationship between urban sociological research and planning issues since the 1950s. He also addresses the ways in which American developers and planners of new communities looked to the British new towns and garden city movement for inspiration. Using a wide range of sources, from American Foundation Archives to town planning materials and urban sociologies, Anglo-American Crossroads shows that although some things went wrong in translation from the USA to Britain, there were also some important successes within a transatlantic dialogue that was more nuanced than a one-dimensional process of American hegemony.

CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title 2017 This book provides a comparative history of the domestic and international nature of Spain's First Carlist War (1833-40) and the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), as well as the impact of both conflicts. The book demonstrates how and why Spain's struggle for liberty was won in the 1830s only for it to be lost one hundred years later. It shows how both civil wars were world wars in miniature, fought in part by foreign volunteers under the gaze and in the political consciousness of the outside world. Prefaced by a short introduction, The Spanish Civil Wars is arranged into two domestic and international sections, each with three thematic chapters comparing each civil war in detail. The main analytical perspectives are political, social and new military history in nature, but they also explore aspects of gender, culture, nationalism and separatism, economy, religion and, especially, the war in its international context. The book integrates international archival research with the latest scholarship on both subjects and also includes a glossary, a bibliography and several images. It is a key resource tailored to the needs of students and scholars of modern Spain which offers an intriguing and original new perspective on the Spanish Civil War.

From Cultural Appreciation Days to Gay-Straight Alliances to cafeteria menus featuring "ethnic options," twenty-first century American public schools bear the unmistakable mark of the diversity that has come to define the nation in the last fifty years. At the same time, it is also in public schools where citizens continue to organize most passionately to limit the influence of this heterogeneity on our curricula and classroom culture. Classroom Wars explores how we got here. Focusing in on California's schools during the 1960s and 1970s, Natalia Mehlman Petrzela charts how a state and a citizenry deeply committed to public education as an engine of civic and moral education navigated the massive changes brought about by the 1960s, including the sexual revolution, school desegregation, and a dramatic increase in Latino immigration. In California, where a volatile political culture nurtured both Orange County mega-churches and Berkeley coffeehouses, these changes reverberated especially powerfully. Analyzing two of the era's most innovative, nationally impactful, and never-before juxtaposed programs-Spanish-bilingual and sex education-Classroom Wars charts how during a time of extraordinary social change, grass-roots citizens politicized the schoolhouse and family. Many came to link such progressive educational programs not only with threats to the family and nation but also with rising taxes, which they feared were being squandered on morally lax educators teaching ethically questionable curricula. Using sources ranging from policy documents to personal letters, student newspapers, and oral histories, Petrzela reveals how in 1960s and 70s California-and the nation at large-a growing number of Americans fused values about family, personal, and civic morality, blurring the distinction between public and private and inspiring some of the fiercest classroom wars in American history, controversies that help explain the bitterness of the battles we continue to wage today.

Although the Kurds have attracted widespread international attention, Iranian Kurdistan has been largely overlooked. This book examines the consequences of modernity and modernisation for Iran's Kurdish society in the 20th century. Marouf Cabi argues that while state-led modernisation integrated the Kurds in modern Iran, the homogenisation of identity and culture also resulted in their vigorous pursuit of their political and cultural rights. Focusing on the dual process of state-led modernisation and homogenisation of identity and culture, Cabi examines the consequences of modernity and modernisation for the socioeconomic, cultural, and political structures as well as for gender relations. It is the consequences of this dynamic dual process that explains the modern structures of Iran's Kurdish society, on the one hand, and its intimate relationship with Iran as a historical, geographical, and political entity, on the other. Using Persian, Kurdish and English sources, the book explores the transformation of Kurdish society between the Second World War and the 1979 Iranian Revolution, with a special focus on the era of the 'White Revolution' during the 1960s and 1970s.

A Commonwealth of Knowledge addresses the relationship between social and scientific thought, colonial identity, and political power in nineteenth- and twentieth-century South Africa. It hinges on the tension between colonial knowledge, conceived of as a universal, modernizing force, and its realization in the context of a society divided along complex ethnic and racial fault-lines. By means of detailed analysis of colonial cultures, literary and scientific institutions, and expert historical thinking about South Africa and its peoples, it demonstrates the ways in which the cultivation of knowledge has served to support white political ascendancy and claims to nationhood. In a sustained commentary on modern South African historiography, the significance of `broad' South Africanism - a political tradition designed to transcend differences between white English- and Afrikaans-speakers - is emphasized. A Commonwealth of Knowledge also engages with wider comparative debates. These include the nature of imperial and colonial knowledge systems; the role of intellectual ideas and concepts in constituting ethnic, racial, and regional identities; the dissemination of ideas between imperial metropole and colonial periphery; the emergence of amateur and professional intellectual communities; and the encounter between imperial and indigenous or local knowledge systems. The book has broad scope. It opens with a discussion of civic institutions (eg. museums, libraries, botanical gardens and scientific societies), and assesses their role in creating a distinctive sense of Cape colonial identity; the book goes on to discuss the ways in which scientific and other forms of knowledge contributed to the development of a capacious South Africanist patriotism compatible with continued membership of the British Commonwealth; it concludes with reflections on the techno-nationalism of the apartheid state and situates contemporary concerns like the `African Renaissance', and responses to HIV/AIDS, in broad historical context.

Winner of a 2005 Gustavus Myers Outstanding Book Award (Honorable Mention)

"Gerald Horne is one of America's most outstanding and prolific historians. In his latest work, Horne illustrates the extensive involvement of black Americans in Mexico's revolutionary past. "Black and Brown" provides a powerful and provocative interpretation of the complex connections linking African Americans with Latin American history. Superbly researched and well-crafted, "Black and Brown" sets a high standard in the writing of modern social history."
--Manning Marable, Professor of Public Affairs, History and African-American Studies and Director, Center for Contemporary Black History at Columbia University

"This is history plus . . . The road traveled by this expert driver is not an easy straight away but a series of ascending curves, reaching a new mountaintop of understanding."
--Juan Gomez Quinones, UCLA

"A masterful, elegant work of history...As the African Diaspora grows in importance, and as the surging Latino presence arrests the attention of the nation--Horne puts the relationship between blacks and Mexicans on center stage...A 'must read' for all interested in the bold new course of American race-relations."
--Ben Vinson III, Penn State University, author of "Flight: The Story of Virgil Richardson, A Tuskegee Airman in Mexico" and "Bearing Arms for His Majesty: The Free-Colored Militia in Colonial Mexico"

"Thought-provoking" --WTBF, Troy, Alabama

""Black and Brown" is a book that shows the sides of Jack Johnson and Henry O. Flipper only a serious, politically astute and socially conscious writer and ovserver like Gerald Horne has the insight to delve into and prompt areader to truly say 'I didn't know that' about these otherwise popular personalities of their day."
--"Caribbean Life"

""Black and Brown" benefits from the author's extensive research on both sides of the border, and it suceeds in shedding light on a forgotten corner of American history."
--"Military History"

The Mexican Revolution was a defining moment in the history of race relations, impacting both Mexican and African Americans. For black Westerners, 1910-1920 did not represent the clear-cut promise of populist power, but a reordering of the complex social hierarchy which had, since the nineteenth century, granted them greater freedom in the borderlands than in the rest of the United States.

Despite its lasting significance, the story of black Americans along the Mexican border has been sorely underreported in the annals of U.S. history. Gerald Horne brings the tale to life in Black and Brown. Drawing on archives on both sides of the border, a host of cutting-edge studies and oral histories, Horne chronicles the political currents which created and then undermined the Mexican border as a relative safe haven for African Americans. His account addresses blacks' role as "Indian fighters," the relationship between African Americans and immigrants, and the U.S. government's growing fear of black disloyalty, among other essential concerns of the period: the heavy reliance of the U.S. on black soldiers along the border placed white supremacy and national security on a collision course that was ultimately resolved in favor of the latter.

Mining a forgotten chapter in American history, Black and Brown offers tremendous insight into the past and future of race relations alongthe Mexican border.

This comprehensive bibliography provides complete coverage of the English-language literature on contemporary Canadian childhood and youth. It covers scholarly, professional, and other substantial writings, including books, monographs, the reports of government commissions, scholarly and professional articles, and magistral and doctoral dissertations. The material is arranged geographically and includes full subject and author indexes. A companion volume covers the literature on the history of Canadian childhood.