This volume asks fundamental questions about the political impact of cultural institutions by exploring the power struggles for control over such institutions in Syria and Lebanon under French Mandate rule. Countering assertions of French imperial cultural ascendancy and self-confidence, the author demonstrates the diverse capacities of Arab and other local communities, to forge competing cultural identities that would, in later years, form the basis for rising political self-enfranchisement.
Drawing on a wide array of written sources and oral testimonies, the author illuminates how political and religious leaders fought to harness the force of culture through projects as diverse as schools, cinema, scouting, and tourism. These leaders were to be found not only in the French colonial administration or the burgeoning Syrian and Lebanese parliaments, but also in student societies, missionary congregations, and philanthropic organizations. The author pays particular attention to the last decade of French rule before Syrian and Lebanese independence as a critical time of transition and debate.
The rich individual histories of institutions such as the American University of Beirut, the secular French Mission laique, or the Jesuit missionaries come together in a broader narrative that speaks to the ongoing Syrian and Lebanese journeys toward national identity.

Mosler and Catley examine the rise of the United States to the status of a great power by the beginning of the 20th century, its maturation as a superpower during the co-dominion of the Cold War, and its emergence as a hegemonic power after the collapse of the Soviet Union. As a hegemon it has pursued the globalization of a liberal world order.

The key institutions and characteristics of the United States which enable it to become a hegemonic power, are examined as indicators of its likely behavior as a dominant power in the 21st century. The evolution of the liberal international political and economic order pursued by the United States since World War One and established by the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944 is examined in the context of the global meltdown of the late 1990s. The role of the United States in the creation of the system that we now call globalization is scrutinized and its development into the next century is anticipated. In their final section, Mosler and Catley analyze the possible challenges to the United States as a hegemonic power in the 21st century and the prospects for war and peace and social and economic development in the new millennium. This is an important analysis for scholars, researchers, policymakers, and concerned citizens interested in international relations and American foreign policy.

Based on extensive archival research he Politics of the Irish Civil War situates the Irish civil war in the general process of decolonization in the twentieth century, and explains why divisions over the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 proved so formative in the development of the Irish state.
Each chapter is devoted to a particular aspect of the war and many new areas are explored. These include the role the doctrine of self-determination played in the Sinn Fein movement, the fate of numerous peace initiatives, the power struggle between de Valera and Liam Lynch within the IRA, and the impact of the civil war on the wider civil society. The last three chapters explore how the conflict has been interpreted by the actors themselves, as well as by historians.
Combining perspectives drawn from history and politics, this book will interest not only students of Irish history, but also those interested in the comparative study of civil wars.

Settler colonialism is a global and transnational phenomenon, and as much a thing of the present as a thing of the past. In this book, Lorenzo Veracini explores the settler colonial 'situation' and explains how there is no such thing as neo-settler colonialism or post-settler colonialism because settler colonialism is a resilient formation that rarely ends. Not all migrants are settlers: settlers come to stay, and are founders of political orders who carry with them a distinct sovereign capacity. And settler colonialism is not colonialism: settlers want Indigenous people to vanish (but can make use of their labour before they are made to disappear). Sometimes settler colonial forms operate within colonial ones, sometimes they subvert them, sometimes they replace them. But even if colonialism and settler colonialism interpenetrate and overlap, they remain separate as they co-define each other.

The first comprehensive study in English of the earliest and largest 'Third-World' migration into pre-war Europe. Full attention is given to the relationship between the society of emigration, undermined by colonialism, and processes of ethnic organisation in the metropolitan context. Contemporary anti-Algerian racism is shown to have deep roots in moves by colonial elites to control and police the migrants and to segregate them from contact with Communism, nationalist movements and the French working class.

This book focuses on the multiple and diverse masculinities 'at work'. Spanning both historical approaches to the rise of 'profession' as a marker of masculinity, and critical approaches to the current structures of management, employment and workplace hierarchy, the book questions what role masculinity plays in cultural understandings, affective experiences and mediatised representations of a professional 'career'.

While Protestant Christians made up only a small percentage of China's overall population during the Republican period, they were heavily represented among the urban elite. Protestant influence was exercised through churches, hospitals, and schools, and reached beyond these institutions into organizations such as the YMCA (Young Men's Christian Association) and YWCA (Young Women's Christian Association). The YMCA's city associations drew their membership from the urban elite and were especially influential within the modern sectors of urban society. Chinese Protestant leaders adapted the social message and practice of Christianity to the conditions of the republican era. Key to this effort was their belief that Christianity could save China - that is, that Christianity could be more than a religion focused on saving individuals, but could also save a people, a society, and a nation. Saving the Nation recounts the history of the Protestant elite beginning with their participation in social reform campaigns in the early twentieth century, continuing through their contribution to the resistance against Japanese imperialism, and ending with Protestant support for a social revolution. The story Thomas Reilly tells is one about the Chinese Protestant elite and the faith they adopted and adapted, Social Christianity. But it is also a broader story about the Chinese people and their struggle to strengthen and renew their nation - to build a New China.

Learning to Read tells the story of learning to read against the background of the transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish Republic. It begins with the premise that the history of learning to read and reading, remarkably understudied for this region given its importance, can tell us much about the arrival of the modern period in general and the Ottoman-to-Republican transformation in particular. Investigating by turns the messages imparted to young readers, the experience of mastering the basic mechanics of reading, the arrival of new types of reading materials, the role of illustration, the emergence of books and magazines as commodities and the ways in which literacy changed people's lives, this book provides a multifaceted approach to reading during a period of rapid change. It demonstrates the reading's crucial importance to the modern history of Turkey.

This book explores the environmental history of the British military through a comparative framework of five key sites in England and Wales. The military presence at these places, it is claimed, has protected them from more damaging land uses such as intensive agriculture, urban sprawl and industrial development. The book examines such claims and explores how and why the military has embraced nature conservation policies. The greening of the MOD and khaki conservation are critically examined in an historical context. The emergence of the training landscapes as protected spaces is contrasted with calls for greater access, and at times, public pressure for their release. The volume draws to attention the environmental impact of preparations for war, and brings sites of training to the fore alongside better known military landscapes like battlefields and conflict zones. Each chapter is based in a single site, giving prominence to local meanings and landscape character but allowing the overarching themes to connect throughout, tracing an environmental history of the UK Defence Estates that is firmly grounded in the British countryside.

The close diplomatic, economic, and military ties that comprising the "special relationship" between the United States and Great Britain have received plenty of attention from historians over the years. Less frequently noted are the countries' shared experiences of empire, white supremacy, racial inequality, and neoliberalism - and the attendant struggles for civil rights and political reform that have marked their recent history. This state-of-the-field collection traces the contours of this other "special relationship," exploring its implications for our understanding of the development of an internationally interconnected civil rights movement. Here, scholars from a range of research fields contribute essays on a wide variety of themes, from solidarity protests to calypso culture to white supremacy.

This study examines the development of Panamanian nationalism, focusing on the period from 1903 to 1941. Utilizing historiography, literature, public architecture, and monuments, Szok posits that Panamanian nationalism is, in part, a legacy of the nineteenth century when Panama experienced a nationalist movement typical of the rest of Latin America. This movement was a creation of the country's white elite, who feared the Afro-mestizo masses and sought the protection of outside powers. Later joining forces with the growing middle class, the upper class continued to emphasize liberalism and promoted nostalgia for things Hispanic. This effort left it largely divorced from the Afro-Caribbean culture of the terminal cities and would ultimately contribute to its loss of power in 1968. The elite's goal of constructing an interoceanic canal that would Europeanize the isthmus and open it to investment was realized in 1903 with the intervention of the United States and the separation from Colombia. The canal and independence soon fostered a rising middle class who became disillusioned with post-independence society and the limits placed upon its professional advancement. Once united with the elite in the protection of their own interests, the middle class used nostalgia to protect their social position even as they continued to press for modernization. Szok challenges some long-held stereotypes of Panama, particularly that it was "invented" by the United States and that its development is unique and thus lies outside the trajectory of Latin America.

The Weimar era in Germany is often characterized as a time of significant change. Such periods of rupture transform the way people envision the past, present, and future. This book traces the conceptions of time and history in the Germany of the early 20th century. By focusing on both the discourse and practices of the youth movement, the author shows how it reinterpreted and revived the past to overthrow the premises of modern historical thought. In so doing, this book provides insight into the social implications of the ideological de-historicization of the past.

"From the late 1800s, African workers migrated to the mineral-rich hinterland areas of Guyana, mined gold, diamonds, and bauxite; diversified the country's economy; and contributed to national development. Utilizing real estate, financial, and death records, as well as oral accounts of the labor migrants along with colonial officials and mining companies' information stored in National Archives in Guyana, Great Britain, and the U.S and the Library of Congress, the study situates miners into the historical structure of the country's economic development. It analyzes the workers attraction to mining from agriculture, their concepts of "order and progress," and how they shaped their lives in positive ways rather than becoming mere victims of colonialism. In this contentious plantation society plagued by adversarial relations between the economic elites and the laboring class, in addition to producing the strategically important bauxite for the aviation era of World Wars I&II, for almost a century the workers braved the ecologically hostile and sometimes deadly environments of the gold and diamond fields in the quest for El Dorado in Guyana"--

Explains how William Gladstone responded to the 'Irish Question', and in so doing changed the British and Irish political landscape. Religion, land, self-government and nationalism became subjects of intensive political debate, raising issues about the constitution and national identity of the whole United Kingdom.

A concise and authoritative account of the fifty-year history of Spain's state-owned news agency, this book offers an illuminating case study in press-government relations. It chronicles the development of EFE from its founding in 1938-1939, to its emergence in the 1980s as the West's fifth largest news service and the dominant communications giant in the Hispanic world. Kim examines EFE's shifting relations with successive Spanish governments. He describes its activities as a Falangist propaganda agency during the Spanish Civil War and its political functions under the Franco dictatorship during World War II and the postwar period. Changes within the agency during the transition of 1976 to 1982 are discussed, and EFE's impact on the democratization process is given detailed consideration. Among the many topics covered are EFE as a political symbol, censorship, press law, EFE finances and legal status, organizational changes, technical modernization, and relations with other news agencies. The first work to provide a definitive record of La Agencia EFE, this book contains a wealth of information on the political and social history of modern Spain, international journalism, and the modern communications industry.

This book explores the day-to-day 'lived experience' of fascism in Venice during the 1930s, charting the attempts of the fascist regime to infiltrate and reshape Venetians' everyday lives and their responses to the intrusions of the fascist state.

Looking further than other histories and interpretations of US foreign policy from 1890 to the present, this collection of critiques of US power does not assume that the world is always centred around Washington. Instead, the authors describe and evaluate an America that not only possesses great political, military, and economic power but faces growing challenges to that power, not through 'terrorism' or economic collapse, but through the evolving conceptions of others who do not necessarily see the world as one where Washington leads and others follow. The scholars in Challenging US Foreign Policy do not present their analyses as 'pro-American' or 'anti-American'. In their considerations - from the Philippines to the Middle East to Latin America, from the economy to warplanes to human rights - they do not see the world as ordered by an American exceptionalism. The picture they paint is one beyond George W. Bush's 2001 declaration of power, 'You are with us or you are with the terrorists.'

A poignant collection of letters written by the Latvian poet, novelist, and newspaper editor Arsenii Formakov while interned in Soviet labor camps Emily Johnson has translated and edited a fascinating collection of letters written by Arsenii Formakov, a Latvian Russian poet, novelist, and journalist, during two terms in Soviet labor camps, 1940 to 1947 in Kraslag and 1949 to 1955 in Kamyshlag and Ozerlag. This correspondence, which Formakov mailed home to his family in Riga, provides readers with a firsthand account of the workings of the Soviet penal system and testifies to the hardships of daily life for Latvian prisoners in the Gulag.

Paterson, 1913 is designed to be played during the time typically devoted to teaching the Progressive Era in the U.S. history survey course. Set in America's "Silk City", Paterson, New Jersey, the game pits manufacturers, who try to keep Paterson's key economic engine running, against labour leaders, who demand a general strike to achieve better working conditions across the silk industry. In the middle of this conflict are townspeople who must decide whom to support and how to survive a labour struggle that seems to have no end in sight. From the award-winning Reacting to the Past community, Flashpoints is a new series of immersive role-playing activities designed to help students bring historical ideas and forces to life. Games are designed to take about one week of class time in a survey course, between two and four class sessions. Drawing on primary sources to craft arguments and inform debates, students develop critical thinking and historical empathy. Classroom-tested materials for students and instructors ensure a smooth "flipped classroom" experience.

Against conventional views of the unchallenged hegemony of a modernizing monarchy, this book argues that power was continuously contested in Riza Shah's Iran. Cronin excavates the successive challenges to Riza Shah's regime posed by a range of subaltern social groups and seeks to restore to these groups a sense of their historical agency.

Assuming power in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party was soon faced with a crucial problem: how to construct the socialist 'New Man'? Using Foucault's theory of 'technologies of the self', Lynteris examines the conflict between self-cultivation and the abolition of the self in the biopolitically neuralgic field of 'socialist medicine'.