A poignant collection of letters written by the Latvian poet, novelist, and newspaper editor Arsenii Formakov while interned in Soviet labor camps Emily Johnson has translated and edited a fascinating collection of letters written by Arsenii Formakov, a Latvian Russian poet, novelist, and journalist, during two terms in Soviet labor camps, 1940 to 1947 in Kraslag and 1949 to 1955 in Kamyshlag and Ozerlag. This correspondence, which Formakov mailed home to his family in Riga, provides readers with a firsthand account of the workings of the Soviet penal system and testifies to the hardships of daily life for Latvian prisoners in the Gulag.

Written by experienced examiners and teachers and tailored to the new Edexcel specification. An active, engaging approach that brings History alive in the classroom! Exam tips, activities and sources in every chapter give students the confidence to tackle typical exam questions. Carefully written material ensures the right level of support at AS or A2. Our unique Exam Zone sections provide students with a motivating way to prepare for their exams.

Against conventional views of the unchallenged hegemony of a modernizing monarchy, this book argues that power was continuously contested in Riza Shah's Iran. Cronin excavates the successive challenges to Riza Shah's regime posed by a range of subaltern social groups and seeks to restore to these groups a sense of their historical agency.

Looking further than other histories and interpretations of US foreign policy from 1890 to the present, this collection of critiques of US power does not assume that the world is always centred around Washington. Instead, the authors describe and evaluate an America that not only possesses great political, military, and economic power but faces growing challenges to that power, not through 'terrorism' or economic collapse, but through the evolving conceptions of others who do not necessarily see the world as one where Washington leads and others follow. The scholars in Challenging US Foreign Policy do not present their analyses as 'pro-American' or 'anti-American'. In their considerations - from the Philippines to the Middle East to Latin America, from the economy to warplanes to human rights - they do not see the world as ordered by an American exceptionalism. The picture they paint is one beyond George W. Bush's 2001 declaration of power, 'You are with us or you are with the terrorists.'

During the 20th century, a variety of social movements and civil society groups stepped into the arena of international politics. This volume collects innovative research on international solidarity movements in Belgium and the Netherlands, and places these movements prominently in debates about the history of globalization, transnational activism, and international politics.

Anti-Bolshevism, the Allied war effort, German domination, American hegemony--these issues and many more occupied the daily activities of American diplomats in revolutionary Russia. Left with little instruction from Washington and often exposed to danger, the American diplomats took it upon themselves to deal with the chaotic situation. In this unique study, Allison looks at the careers of specific diplomats and at their personal and political agendas, showing how their prejudices often biased their judgment and influenced their actions.

Examines the evolution of Lenin's thinking on the place of the Russian peasant in theory and in the potential reality of Marxist revolution.

A midnight hanging and blood-splattered wounded. Come back to a summer night in August of 1944 at Fort Lawton in Seattle for an exploration of violence and mayhem. On that night two hundred American black soldiers attacked Italian POWs in their barracks and orderly room. After the belated arrival of MPs, dozens of the wounded were taken to the hospital. In turn, the War Department began a monthly IG investigation as to the causes of the riot and more. A court martial ensued and 28 soldiers were found guilty of participating in a riot. Other Italian and German POWs in the Seattle area during WW II however avoided mayhem.

During the first half of the twentieth century, Atlantic City was the nation's most popular middle-class resort--the home of the famed Boardwalk, the Miss America Pageant, and the board game Monopoly. By the late 1960s, it had become a symbol of urban decay and blight, compared by journalists to bombed-out Dresden and war-torn Beirut. Several decades and a dozen casinos later, Atlantic City is again one of America's most popular tourist spots, with thirty-five million visitors a year. Yet most stay for a mere six hours, and the highway has replaced the Boardwalk as the city's most important thoroughfare. Today the city doesn't have a single movie theater and its one supermarket is a virtual fortress protected by metal detectors and security guards.
In this wide-ranging book, Bryant Simon does far more than tell a nostalgic tale of Atlantic City's rise, near death, and reincarnation. He turns the depiction of middle-class vacationers into a revealing discussion of the boundaries of public space in urban America. In the past, he argues, the public was never really about democracy, but about exclusion. During Atlantic City's heyday, African Americans were kept off the Boardwalk and away from the beaches. The overly boisterous or improperly dressed were kept out of theaters and hotel lobbies by uniformed ushers and police. The creation of Atlantic City as the "Nation's Playground" was dependent on keeping undesirables out of view unless they were pushing tourists down the Boardwalk on rickshaw-like rolling chairs or shimmying in smoky nightclubs.
Desegregation overturned this racial balance in the mid-1960s, making the city's public spaces more open and democratic, too open and democratic for many middle-class Americans, who fled to suburbs and suburban-style resorts like Disneyworld. With the opening of the first casino in 1978, the urban balance once again shifted, creating twelve separate, heavily guarded, glittering casinos worlds walled off from the dilapidated houses, boarded-up businesses, and lots razed for redevelopment that never came. Tourists are deliberately kept away from the city's grim reality and its predominantly poor African American residents. Despite ten of thousands of buses and cars rolling into every day, gambling has not saved Atlantic City or returned it to its glory days.
Simon's moving narrative of Atlantic City's past points to the troubling fate of urban America and the nation's cultural trajectory in the twentieth century, with broad implications for those interested in urban studies, sociology, planning, architecture, and history.

"Eminent EducatorS" is the first book of its kind. Focusing on the four intellectual giants of the 20th century--John Dewey, Howard Gardner, Carol Gilligan, and John Ogbu--the book provides biographical information and analysis of their intellectual contributions. Each of these individuals caused a major paradigm shift in American education with their intellectual influence, and each, in their unique contribution indelibly shaped education for the better.

Each educator represents one aspect of that most American of educational philosophies: Progressive Education. Progressive educators sought to educate the whole child: intellectually, morally, socially, and aesthetically. In "Eminent EducatorS," Dewey represents two aspects of Progressive Education, intellectually and aesthetically; Gardner redefined intelligence; Gilligan probed the moral development of girls/women; and Ogbu remapped the education of African Americans, thus representing the social change aspect of Progressive Education.

This is a history of the secret activities of the British government in response to threats to the nation's well-being and stability during the twentieth century. It is based on intensive and widespread research in private and public archives and on documents many of which have only recently come to light or been made available.
The dangers perceived by the state have been manifold and various, coming from within and from abroad. Anarchists, fascists, socialists, communists, the IRA, trades-unionists and animal activists as well as spies, terrorists and saboteurs have been the subject of undercover investigation, along with almost every large-scale movement from suffragettes to campaigners for peace and nuclear disarmament. The author describes the methods and people employed, and the mixed nature of their results.
The British state has always seen itself as civil and liberal, but as Dr Thurlow shows it has sometimes been far from open. The government has had many weapons at its disposal, from public order acts, censorship, internment and proscription on the one hand, to covert operations, infiltration and manipulation on the other. Yet when examined in the light of new evidence, the activities of the state are fully comprehensible only in terms of those who comprised it. The author shows the tensions among the departments (between MI5, MI6, SIS and the Special Branch, for example), and the crucial part played by individuals whose motives were often far from what the government supposed them to be.
This is an at times disturbing, at others almost comical, but always fascinating account. It throws light on the inmost workings of the state, as well as on the movements and people subject to investigation and action.

After more than four decades and scores of books, documentaries, and films on the subject, what more can be said about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy? A great deal, according to this physicist and ballistics expert. This provocative, rigorously researched book presents evidence and compelling arguments that will make you rethink the sequence of terrible events on that traumatic day in Dallas. Drawing on his fifteen years experience as an experimental physicist for the US Navy, the author demonstrates that the commonly accepted view of the assassination is fundamentally flawed from a scientific perspective. The physics behind lone-gunmen theories is not only wrong, but frankly impossible. He devotes separate chapters to the Warren Commission, challenges to the single-bullet theory, the witnesses, how science arrives at the truth, the medical and acoustic evidence, the Zapruder film, and convincing evidence for at least a second rifleman in Dealey Plaza.
This is the first book to:
- identify the second murder weapon;
- prove the locations of the assassins;
- demonstrate multiple shooters with scientific certainty.
The author concludes with a persuasive chapter on why this horrible event, now almost half a century old, should still matter to us today. For anyone seeking a fresh understanding of the JFK assassination, this is an indispensable book.

Since the beginning of the Meiji period when Japan evolved into a modern and powerful nation-state, ideas of empire and constitution imbued Japanese rule and progress. In Empire and Constitution in Modern Japan, Junji Banno expertly analyses how these conflicting concepts operated together in Japan from 1868 until 1937. By 'empire', Banno means the Japanese impetus to create its own empire; by 'constitution', he identifies Japanese efforts to create a constitutional government. In this book, Banno discusses the complicated relationship between these two concepts, ranging from incompatibility in some periods to symbiosis in others. Furthermore, understanding the complex and competing nature of these ideals, he persuasively reasons, is key to our understanding of why Japan and China went to war in 1937, leading to Pearl Harbor just four years later. Translated by eminent scholar Arthur Stockwin, Banno's highly accessible account of the dynamics of pre-war Japanese political history provides an engaging survey of imperialism and constitutionalism in modern Japan. It will be of vital importance to all scholars of modern Japanese history.

During the 1930s, a battle was waged over both philosophy and policy between those who described themselves as liberals, both inside and outside the Roosevelt administration. On one side were those who viewed themselves as modern liberals, who saw capitalism as a failure and sought to replace it with a collectivist society and economy. On the other were more traditional American liberals or progressives who aimed merely to reform capitalism, in the belief that individual liberty and a free economy were synonymous. This study examines the role of each during this vital decade. Instead of reaching its high point in the New Deal years, Best argues, American liberalism retreated from most of its major tenets as a result of the popularity of collectivism.

Challenging existing stereotypes and conventional wisdom concerning the 1930s, this study delves into the controversy between the new liberals and the free enterprise group. Included in this latter category were the Brandeisians, who exercised considerable influence within the Roosevelt administration, as well as a variety of more traditional liberals who worked through other channels to achieve their goals. Many of those who called themselves liberals in the 1930s had, Best contends, actually abandoned their basic liberal tenets. This included the president as well.

The Vietnam War and Indian independence devastated British policy towards Asia. The Labour Government failed to understand its commitments. Yet some senior British officers were prepared to work alongside Asian nationalism in order to secure British interests. This created a radical local fusion of imperial, diplomatic and humanitarian policies.

"Tankograd depicts the daily life and strivings of the people in the Urals, ordinary workers, peasants, engineers and managers who transformed a slumbering provincial city to a central element in Russia's defence industry. It combines social, economic, and cultural history with military analyses of the Urals' importance for the Soviet war efforts"--

This book combines social and institutional histories of Russia, focusing on the secret police and their evolving relationship with the peasantry. Based on an analysis of Cheka/OGPU reports, it argues that the police did not initially respond to peasant resistance to Bolshevik demands simply with the gun--rather, they listened to peasant voices.

Performing the Nation in Interwar Germany argues that political aesthetics and mass spectacles were no invention of the Nazis but characterized the period from the mid-1920s to the mid-1930s. In so doing, it re-examines the role of state representation and propaganda in the Weimar Republic and the Nazi dictatorship.

View the Table of Contents. Read the Introduction.

"Useful, insightful, and finely balanced. . . . Of the many books on the Prohibition, Rose's is among the best."
--W. J. Rorabaugh
"Pacific Northwest Quarterly"

"Though neglected by historians, the prohibition-repeal movement loomed large in U.S. politics in the late twenties and early thirties. In this very readable and well-researched study, Kenneth Rose explores the roles of women's organizations in this struggle. In the process he restores some once-influential women to their rightful place; challenges some widely held assumptions; and reminds us that women's history, like all history, can surprise us by its rich diversity and unexpected twists."
--Paul Boyer
University of Wisconsin-Madison

"Rose forcefully demonstrates that in the debate over the repeal of prohibition many of the women involved (notwithstanding marked differences in class, religion, or party affiliation) shared a common moral vision based on the protection of the American home. With commendable intellectual integrity, he refuses to rest with the simplified conclusions some scholars resort to in order to make an attractive and politically tidy case for 'their kind of woman.'"
--Martha Banta
University of California, Los Angeles

"Rose writes with relish and humor and contributes an important set of insights to the American experience with Prohibition, an experiment that still haunts the country over sixty years after Repeal."
--Robert E. Burke
Professor Emeritus of History
University of Wisconsin

"Unique in [its] emphasis on the role of women's organizations in both prohibition and repeal, and how the arguments used bywomen's organizations to promote the Eighteenth Amendment in 1923 were used by opponents to repeal it in 1933. . . . The author is dedicated to recovering the history of politically conservative women who have been traditionally ignored or dismissed in other historical studies.
--"Book News"

In 1933 Americans did something they had never done before: they voted to repeal an amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The Eighteenth Amendment, which for 13 years had prohibited the manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages, was nullified by the passage of another amendment, the Twenty-First. Many factors helped create this remarkable turn of events. One factor that was essential, Kenneth D. Rose here argues, was the presence of a large number of well-organized women promoting repeal.

Even more remarkable than the appearance of these women on the political scene was the approach they took to the politics of repeal. Intriguingly, the arguments employed by repeal women and by prohibition women were often mirror images of each other, even though the women on the two sides of the issue pursued diametrically opposed political agendas. Rose contends that a distinguishing feature of the women's repeal movement was an argument for home protection, a social feminist ideology that women repealists shared with the prohibitionist women of the Women's Christian Temperance Union. The book surveys the women's movement to repeal national prohibition and places it within the contexts of women's temperance activity, women's political activity during the 1920s, and the campaign for repeal.

While recent years have seen much-needed attention devoted to the recovery of women's history, conservative womenhave too often been overlooked, deliberately ignored, or written off as unworthy of scrutiny. With American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition, Kenneth Rose fleshes out a crucial chapter in the history of American women and culture.

Exam Board: Edexcel Level: A level Subject: History First teaching: September 2015 First exams: June 2017 This book: covers the essential content in the new specifications in a rigorous and engaging way, using detailed narrative, sources, timelines, key words, helpful activities and extension material helps develop conceptual understanding of areas such as evidence, interpretations, causation and change, through targeted activities provides assessment support for both AS and A level with sample answers, sources, practice questions and guidance to help you tackle the new-style exam questions. It also comes with three years' access to ActiveBook, an online, digital version of your textbook to help you personalise your learning as you go through the course - perfect for revision.

The first book to compare and contrast the rise of mass circulation press in Britain and America. It provides insights into the origins of tabloid journalism and explores a range of cross-cultural and literary issues, tracing the history of key newspapers and the careers of influential journalists such as Bennett, Russell, Harmsworth and Pulitzer.

This book examines how it was possible and what it meant for ordinary factory workers to become effective unionists and national political participants by the mid-1930s. We follow Chicago workers as they make choices about whether to attend ethnic benefit society meetings or to go to the movies, whether to shop in local neighborhood stores or patronize the new A & P. Although workers may not have been political in traditional terms during the '20s, as they made daily decisions like these, they declared their loyalty in ways that would ultimately have political significance. As the depression worsened in the 1930s, not only did workers find their pay and working hours cut or eliminated, but the survival strategies they had developed during the 1920s were undermined. Looking elsewhere for help, workers adopted new ideological perspectives and overcame longstanding divisions among themselves to mount new kinds of collective action. Chicago workers' experiences as citizens, ethnics and blacks, wage earners and consumers all converged to make them into New Deal Democrats and CIO unionists. First printed in 1990, Making a New Deal has become an established classic in American History. The second edition includes a new preface by Lizabeth Cohen.