As international institutions multiply and more governments sign on to standardized ways of organizing economies and societies, resistance to globalization persists. In Mirrors of the Economy, Yoshiko M. Herrera explores the variance in implementation of international institutions through an examination of the international System of National Accounts (SNA), and, in particular, the success of post-Soviet Russia and other formerly communist countries in implementing the SNA. The SNA is the basis for all national economic indicators, including Gross Domestic Product, and is therefore a critical institution for economic policy and development.

Herrera tests existing theories of implementation of international institutions and proposes a novel theoretical concept, "conditional norms," to suggest that the conditions attached to norms may result in institutional change. On the basis of content analysis of statistical publications and more than seventy-five interviews throughout Russia particularly in Moscow and in Washington she forms a clear picture of the implementation of SNA in Russia in the early 1990s. In Soviet times a stable conditional norm delineated the appropriateness of statistical institutions based on the structure of the economy. The transformation of the economic system triggered a shift in support among Russian and Eastern European statisticians in favor of the SNA. Herrera's argument increases our understanding of the role of norms, structural conditions, and professional communities in institutional implementation."

Globally renowned for its accuracy, consistency and reliability, the Europa World Year Book provides detailed country surveys containing the latest analytical, statistical and directory information available for over 250 countries and territories. For more than eighty years since its first publication, the Europa World Year Book has been at the forefront of political information on library reference shelves, providing reliable and timely information which is often hard to find. International Organizations Over 1,900 international and regional organizations are included, broken down into three sections. All the featured organizations listed appear listed in a comprehensive index. The first section provides detailed coverage of the United Nations and its related agencies and bodies. The second section lists a further 60 other major international organizations. These entries provide in-depth articles on the activities of each organization and the programmes they run, a list of member states, and information covering the structure of the organization. Contact details, publications and information on finance are also included. The third section lists some 1,7500 other international organizations, listed by area of activity. Contact details and publications are listed for each entry, as well as a description of activities. Organizations featured include the United Nations Environmental Programme, the European Union, the International Organization for Migration, the Criminal Court, the World Trade Organization, and the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries. Country Surveys More than 250 countries and territories are covered by an individual chapter. These chapters contain: Introductory Survey The Introductory Survey includes essays covering recent history, economic affairs, government, defence, education and public holidays. Updated and revised annually, these provide an excellent introduction to the country. Statistical Survey This section provides tables giving the latest available figures on area and population; health and welfare; agriculture; forestry; fishing; mining; industry; finance; trade; transport; tourism; the media; and education. Statistics are sourced from official local or national bodies, or from international organizations where appropriate. Directory Section A comprehensive directory section lists names, addresses, telephone and fax numbers, e-mail and internet addresses, plus other useful facts about organizations from the fields of government; election commissions; political organizations; diplomatic representation; judicial system; religions; the press; publishers; broadcasting and communications; banking; insurance; trade and industry; development organizations; chambers of commerce; industrial and trade associations; utilities; trade unions; transport; and tourism.

The past several years have seen strong disagreements between the U.S. government and many of its European allies, largely due to the deployment of NATO forces in Afghanistan and the commitment of national forces to the occupation of Iraq. News accounts of these challenges focus on isolated incidents and points of contention. The End of the West? addresses some basic questions: Are we witnessing a deepening transatlantic rift, with wide-ranging consequences for the future of world order? Or are today's foreign-policy disagreements the equivalent of dinner-table squabbles? What harm, if any, have recent events done to the enduring relationships between the U.S. government and its European counterparts?The contributors to this volume, whose backgrounds range from political science and history to economics, law, and sociology, examine the "deep structure" of an order that was first imposed by the Allies in 1945 and has been a central feature of world politics ever since. Creatively and insightfully blending theory and evidence, the chapters in The End of the West? examine core structural features of the transatlantic world to determine whether current disagreements are minor and transient or catastrophic and permanent.

The past several years have seen strong disagreements between the U.S. government and many of its European allies, largely due to the deployment of NATO forces in Afghanistan and the commitment of national forces to the occupation of Iraq. News accounts of these challenges focus on isolated incidents and points of contention. The End of the West? addresses some basic questions: Are we witnessing a deepening transatlantic rift, with wide-ranging consequences for the future of world order? Or are today's foreign-policy disagreements the equivalent of dinner-table squabbles? What harm, if any, have recent events done to the enduring relationships between the U.S. government and its European counterparts?The contributors to this volume, whose backgrounds range from political science and history to economics, law, and sociology, examine the "deep structure" of an order that was first imposed by the Allies in 1945 and has been a central feature of world politics ever since. Creatively and insightfully blending theory and evidence, the chapters in The End of the West? examine core structural features of the transatlantic world to determine whether current disagreements are minor and transient or catastrophic and permanent.

Globally renowned for its accuracy, reliability and consistency, this 48th edition of The Europa World Year Book provides detailed country surveys containing the latest analytical, statistical and directory data available for over 250 countries and territories.

Volume I contains a comprehensive listing of some 1,700 International Organizations such as the United Nations, the European Union, the International Organization for Migration and the World Trade Organization, and provides details of countries arranged alphabetically from Afghanistan to Jordan. Volume II covers countries from Kazakhstan to Zimbabwe. Each country is covered by an individual chapter containing:

• a unique introductory survey covering recent history; economic affairs; government; defence; education; and public holidays
• an extensive statistical survey using the latest available figures on area and population; health and welfare; agriculture; forestry; fishing; industry; finance; trade; transport; tourism; the media; and education
• a comprehensive directory section listing names, addresses, telephone and fax numbers, e-mail and internet addresses, plus other useful facts about organizations from the fields of government; political organizations; diplomatic representation; judicial system; religions; the press; publishers; broadcasting and communications; banking; insurance; trade and industry; development organizations; chambers of commerce; industrial and trade associations; utilities; trade unions; transport; and tourism.

"The IMF and the World Bank have integrated a large number of countries into the world economy by requiring governments to open up to global trade, investment, and capital. They have not done this out of pure economic zeal. Politics and their own rules and habits explain much of why they have presented globalization as a solution to challenges they have faced in the world economy."-from the IntroductionThe greatest success of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank has been as globalizers. But at whose cost? Would borrowing countries be better off without the IMF and World Bank? This book takes readers inside these institutions and the governments they work with. Ngaire Woods brilliantly decodes what they do and why they do it, using original research, extensive interviews carried out across many countries and institutions, and scholarship from the fields of economics, law, and politics.The Globalizers focuses on both the political context of IMF and World Bank actions and their impact on the countries in which they intervene. After describing the important debates between U.S. planners and the Allies in the 1944 foundation at Bretton Woods, she analyzes understandings of their missions over the last quarter century. She traces the impact of the Bank and the Fund in the recent economic history of Mexico, of post-Soviet Russia, and in the independent states of Africa. Woods concludes by proposing a range of reforms that would make the World Bank and the IMF more effective, equitable, and just.

The current international system of institutions and governance groups is proving inadequate to meet many of today's most important challenges, such as terrorism, poverty, nuclear proliferation, financial integration, and climate change. The International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and UN were founded after World War II, and their structures of voting power and representation have become obsolete, no longer reflecting todays balance of economic and political power. This insightful book examines how to make such institutions more responsive and effective. Institutional reform is critically needed but currently in stalemate. A new push is needed from powerful nations acting together through a reformed and enlarged G-8 that includes emerging economies, such as China and India. Global challenges demand integrated approaches, with greater coordination among international institutions. Global Governance Reform argues that without reconstituting the Group of 8 summit into a larger, more representative group of leaders, with a new mandate to provide strategic guidance to the system of international institutions, the world will fall further behind in addressing global challenges. The path to global reform is defined by the need to act in coordinated ways on summit and institutional reform, and this book lights the way.

Globally renowned for its accuracy, reliability and consistency, this 47th edition of The Europa World Year Book provides detailed country surveys containing the latest analytical, statistical and directory data available for over 250 countries and territories.
Volume I contains a comprehensive listing of some 1,700 International Organizations such as the United Nations, the European Union, the International Organization for Migration and the World Trade Organization, and provides details of countries arranged alphabetically from Afghanistan to Jordan.
Volume II covers countries from Kazakhstan to Zimbabwe.
Each country is covered by an individual chapter containing:
A unique introductory survey covering recent history; economic affairs; government; defence; education; and public holidays
An extensive statistical survey using the latest available figures on area and population; health andwelfare; agriculture; forestry; fishing; industry; finance; trade; transport; tourism; the media; and education
A comprehensive directory section listing names, addresses, telephone and fax numbers, e-mail and internet addresses, plus other useful facts about organizations from the fields of government; political organizations; diplomatic representation; judicial system; religions; the press; publishers; broadcasting and communications; banking; insurance; trade and industry; development organizations; chambers of commerce; industrial and trade associations; utilities; trade unions; transport; and tourism.

"The IMF and the World Bank have integrated a large number of countries into the world economy by requiring governments to open up to global trade, investment, and capital. They have not done this out of pure economic zeal. Politics and their own rules and habits explain much of why they have presented globalization as a solution to challenges they have faced in the world economy."-from the IntroductionThe greatest success of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank has been as globalizers. But at whose cost? Would borrowing countries be better off without the IMF and World Bank? This book takes readers inside these institutions and the governments they work with. Ngaire Woods brilliantly decodes what they do and why they do it, using original research, extensive interviews carried out across many countries and institutions, and scholarship from the fields of economics, law, and politics.The Globalizers focuses on both the political context of IMF and World Bank actions and their impact on the countries in which they intervene. After describing the important debates between U.S. planners and the Allies in the 1944 foundation at Bretton Woods, she analyzes understandings of their missions over the last quarter century. She traces the impact of the Bank and the Fund in the recent economic history of Mexico, of post-Soviet Russia, and in the independent states of Africa. Woods concludes by proposing a range of reforms that would make the World Bank and the IMF more effective, equitable, and just.

As globalization proceeds apace international law, and the scope and powers of international institutions - the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Trade Organization - continue to grow. If democratic values are still an aspiration of the 21st century, then their deficit at international level must be addressed. Patomaki and Teiveinen survey the range of proposals now on the table. Ruling nothing out, they emphasis feasibility. While democratic advances do not come without political mobilization, there is little point mobilizing people for the utopian and unrealizable. This informative, thought-provoking book will be of use both to students of International Relations and Political Science, and also to campaigners concerned with the existing inequitable and unaccountable international arrangements.

This volume is the first work to emerge from a major international comparative research project exploring the political economy of globalization. This inter-disciplinary team of scholars is focusing on the semi-periphery of world power. Whether defined in social, cultural, economic or simply spatial terms, 'semi-peripheral' countries share two qualities: they are conscious of their subordination to the hegemonic powers at the centre of the global system - the United States and the European Union; they are also strong enough to have some ability to resist their domination. The structural position of these middle powers in global capitalism is unlike those countries at the centre that do not experience domination, and different from those Third World countries on the periphery that have no means to achieve more cultural and political autonomy, more distinctive and diversified development, or greater social equity and better income redistribution. Four countries in North America, Central America, Europe and the Antipodes - namely Canada, Mexico, Norway and Australia - have been selected in order to explore the complexities of globalization from the perspective of the semi-periphery. Opening chapters examine the international institutions, including the North America Free Trade Agreement, the World Trade Organization and the European Union, which now amount to a quasi-constitutional conditioning framework for middle powers under globalization. In the second part, contributors detail the pressures with which these countries have to cope and consider their ability to pursue policies appropriate to the needs and democratically defined goals of each. And in the concluding part, after discussing the new economic, political and social issues of 'governing under stress', they appraise the possibilities for middle powers to chart distinctive national courses in the face of globalization's constraining challenge.

This new book reflects Derrida's latest views on the role of education and international organizations in an era of globalization. In this book, Derrida develops a notion of the global citizen that is uniquely post-Kantian. He looks especially at the changing role of UNESCO and similar organizations at a time when individual and national identities, knowledge and commerce, and human rights all are brought to world attention in new ways than they have been in the past. Following Derrida's writings on these issues, prominent scholars engage in a dialogue with him on his approach to understanding the ethics of international institutions and education today. Visit our website for sample chapters

Can independent nations unify politically? Amitai Etzioni raised this searching question in his seminal 1965 book, Political Unification: A Comparative Study of Leaders and Forces. In this revised edition--now with an extensive new introduction--Etzioni convincingly argues that the experiment of collective self-determination is the only viable replacement for a perilously overloaded international system. This fascinating work debates the limitations of informal networks of governance, transnational agencies and cross-nation bonding--including the grand experiment of the European Union--to argue that only a truly transcendent supranational community can effectively succeed the nation-state. He doubts whether the traditional system of international relations can withstand the threat of transnational forces. Old-fashioned diplomacy can neither prevent weapons of mass destruction and hate material moving easily across national borders, nor deal with mass cross-border immigration in the wake of civil war and the rise of political and ethnic separatism. Political Unification Revisited is essential reading for political scientists and scholars of international law and international relations seeking to navigate the path from national sovereignty to world government in the 21st century..

This book comes out of a conference in April of 1999 at the Center for European Studies at Harvard University on the topic of 'Gender Parity and the Liberal Tradition: Proposals and Debates in Europe and the United States.' It is a collection of short essays that attempt to capture the theoretical arguments and policy changes presented at the conference. The essays are divided into three sections, each of which approaches from a different angle the central question of whether liberalism has failed women. The first section aims to frame the discussion by outlining the theoretical arguments for the amendments or revisions implied by the proponents of the Parity Movement in Europe and for the concerns raised by critics. The second describes recent changes in party rules, European legal framework, and national constitutions, as well as the gains made by women in response to rule change. The third section provides American perspectives on the lessons that parity advocates might draw from affirmative action policies and speculations about how parity rules would work in the American context. The essays are drawn from top European and American scholars.

First published in 2001. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

With the number of violent conflicts within countries increasing all the time, as well as other forms of natural and man-made complex emergencies, humanitarian intervention has become a much more frequent form of development assistance. There has also been a corresponding rise in the need to evaluate the effectiveness of such interventions. In this volume, the Active Learning Network for Accountability and Performance in Humanitarian Assistance (ALNAP) has compiled for the first time an examination of the experiences of, and lessons learned by, those practically engaged in humanitarian programme evaluations.
The case studies included in this volume are drawn from four continents, including Central Asia and the Balkans, and they embrace the different kinds of humanitarian emergency that have afflicted so many people during the past decade. The volume addresses the context in which evaluations of humanitarian assistance take place; the actual process of doing evaluations; and the lessons for improving how such evaluations might be better undertaken in future.
This pioneering volume is likely to be of great practical value to agencies and individuals engaged in both the delivery of humanitarian assistance in complex emergencies and its evaluation.

Worldwide more and more governments have begun to buckle under a variety of strains, including the ongoing pressures of economic crisis, followed by structural adjustment programmes, and the impact of declining legitimacy, often resulting in the outbreak of civil war. In this study of aid policy, Joanna Macrae argues that the disintegration of state authority and civil order has created acute problems in aid management. Largely ignored by major aid organizations, insecurity and failures of governance are now the major obstacles to aid reaching those in most need. International aid has traditionally assumed the existence of stable, sovereign states capable of making policy. In a number of developing countries, including post-conflict regimes like Cambodia, Uganda or Kosovo, this is no longer the case. The big donor agencies have usually responded by suspending development aid and substituting some kind of emergency or relief assistance. Now, as the author shows, there are calls to make relief more development-oriented and for it to address the underlying conflicts which causes these crises. But she concludes from her investigations on the ground in a number of countries that relief and development aid are very distinct processes. In the absence of public policy-making authorities, aid becomes highly fragmented, often inadequate in scale, and certainly not capable of building local sustainability for particular programmes. The international aid system, she concludes, faces real dilemmas and remains ill-equipped to respond to the peculiar challenges of quasi-statehood that characterize chronic political emergencies and their aftermath. An important book for policy makers, scholars and students of the development process wrestling with 'real world' issues of aid delivery.

Drugs in Prison is an essential handbook for all those who work with prisoners as well as students of penal drugs policy. Comprehensive and easy to use, it: provides up-to-date information on drugs, drug misuse and drugs legislation; outlines government and prison strategies for tackling drug misuse; describes the various methods being used to combat drugs in prison; reviews the effectiveness of these approaches and the performance of different establishments; discusses future strategy and practice.

Also featured are extensive index, a glossary, and useful appendices, case studies and checklists, which service to reinforce key learning points.

Drugs in Prison is an essential handbook for all those who work with prisoners as well as students of penal drugs policy. Comprehensive and easy to use, it: provides up-to-date information on drugs, drug misuse and drugs legislation; outlines government and prison strategies for tackling drug misuse; describes the various methods being used to combat drugs in prison; reviews the effectiveness of these approaches and the performance of different establishments; discusses future strategy and practice.

Also featured are extensive index, a glossary, and useful appendices, case studies and checklists, which service to reinforce key learning points.

The most glamorous and powerful NATO Supreme Commander of the Cold War, General Lauris Norstad was both a 'nuclear' general and an 'international' general. His primary goal was to keep the Alliance together as he accommodated British and French nuclear ambitions while forestalling the same in the West Germans. He also was at the centre of the political/military manoeuvrings over Berlin and the Soviet attempt to blackmail the West into recognizing East Germany, all of which culminated in the building of the infamous 'Wall'.

This book, with its evidence and case studies from a wide variety of countries in both the Third World and the transitional economies of Eastern Europe, examines the World Bank's new energy policies. Written by well informed analysts in leading NGOs concerned with energy questions, this book seeks to add to the pressure on the Bank to shift its capital lending and policy advice in favour of sustainable energy, including serious investment in energy efficiency, renewable energy sources and energy provision for the rural poor. The Bank has traditionally been the leading multilateral financier of energy provision. Since 1992, it has begun to implement a reform programme based on privatization of the energy sector. This book explains the historical development of the Bank's energy policies. It outlines promising initiatives within the Bank for sustainable energy and explains why these are having little impact on mainstream energy lending. It describes how and why the Bank's energy polices have actually led to an increase in fossil fuel power plants in the top-ten low income countries, while continuing to marginalize renewable energy. While not wishing to launch an ideological attack on privatization, the authors are concerned with how the Bank has allowed regulatory processes to be highjacked by vested interests. Another problem is institutional barriers within the Bank itself. While a minority of staff are genuinely concerned to implement its excellent rhetoric about sustainable development, too many retain their market-fixated approach and do not support investments oriented to renewable energy sources, energy provision in rural areas or even energy efficient technologies. This book constitutes a powerful, policy-oriented critique of the Bank which often gives an impression of talking too much and changing its behaviour too little.

This book presents the first in-depth assessment of France's policies towards NATO between 1981 and 1997. It also provides a critical assessment of these policies. It argues that France's arms-length relationship with NATO's integrated military structure served its purpose during the Cold War, but increasingly came to impose high costs thereafter.

NATO's war on Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999 was unleashed in the name of democracy and human rights. This view was challenged by the world's three largest countries, India, China and Russia, who saw the bombing of Serbia and Kosovo as a naked attempt to assert US dominance in an unstable world. In the West, media networks were joined by substantial sectors of left/liberal opinion in supporting the war. Nonetheless, a wide variety of figures emerged to challenge the prevailing consensus. Their work, gathered here for the first time, forms a collection of key statements and anti-war writings from some of democracy's most eloquent dissidents-Noam Chomsky, Harold Pinter, Edward Said and many others-who provide carefully researched examinations of the real motives for the US action, dissections and critiques of the ideology of 'humanitarian warfare', and chartings of the unnecessary tragedy of a region laid to waste in the pursuance of Great Power politics. This reader presents some of the most important texts on NATO's Balkan crusade and forms a major intervention in the debate on global geo-political strategy after the Cold War.

How did Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic become the newest members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization? Based on interviews conducted with more than 75 individuals --from Cabinet officials to desk officers --James M. Goldgeier tells the inside story of this controversial Clinton administration initiative. Analyzing the earliest internal deliberations, as well as administration discussions with allies, the Russians, and the United States Senate, Goldgeier demonstrates how a handful of committed policymakers outmaneuvered overwhelming bureaucratic opposition. He shows the role of domestic politics in shaping the evolution of this policy and dissects the national campaign waged by the administration's specially created NATO enlargement ratification office and its outside supporters. Weaving together insights about bureaucratic politics, policy entrepreneurship, and domestic politics, this book provides fresh insights into the American foreign policymaking process.

At the turn of the century, the United States is on the verge of losing its vote in the General Assembly for non-payment of its arrears. There are eerie parallels between the domestic debate over the United Nations in 1999 and the struggles over the League of Nations in 1919. Why, many ask, are Americans the first to create international organizations and the first to abandon them? What is it about the American political culture that breeds both the most ardent supporters and the most vocal detractors of international organization? And why can't they find any common ground? In seeking to uncover the roots of American ambivalence toward international organization, this political history presents the first major analysis of U.S. attitudes toward both the United Nations and the League of Nations. It traces eight themes that have resurfaced again and again in congressional and public debates over the course of this century: exceptionalism, sovereignty, nativism and racism, unilateralism, security, commitments, reform, and burden-sharing. It assesses recent domestic political trends and calls for the development of two interactive political compacts--one domestic and one international--to place U.S.-UN relations on a new footing. A Century Foundation Book