Soldier Magazine's Book of the Month Fascinating... Incredibly dangerous. The Times Gripping. Adrenalin fuelled true-life account with all the makings of a military thriller. The action unfolds like a Le Carre novel. Soldier Magazine 'Jihad isn't a war. It's an objective. An aberration. If there are young women with children, lost boys... If they are trapped in that hell and we can get them out, don't we have a duty to do so? Every person we can bring back is living proof that Islamic State is a failure.' Ex-British Army soldier John Carney was running a close protection operation for oil executives in Iraq when the family of a young Dutch woman asked him to extract her from the collapsing 'Islamic State' in Syria. Hearing first-hand about the naive young girls, many from the West, who'd been tricked, sexually abused and enslaved by ISIS, he knew only one thing - he had to get them out of that living hell. This is the incredible true story of how - armed with AK-47s and 9mm Glocks - Carney launched a daring, dangerous and deadly operation to free as many of them as he could. From 2016 to 2019, he led his small band of committed Kurdish freedom fighters into the heart of the Syrian lead storm. Backed by humanitarian NGOs, and feeding intel to MI6, Carney and his men went behind enemy lines to deliver the women and their children to the authorities, to deradicalization programmes and fair trials. Carney, a born soldier, was moved to action by the women's terrifying stories. He and his men risked their lives daily, not always making it safely home... Gripping, shocking and thought-provoking, Operation Jihadi Bride tackles the complex issue of the jihadi brides head on - an essential read for our troubled times.

In declaring the war against terrorism President George W. Bush also declared war on the financing of terrorism. The call to arms has been complemented by a concerted effort world-wide to track down and freeze the assets of suspected terrorists and financial institutions have risen to these challenges over the last year contributing their expertise gathered mostly through techniques to combat money laundering. In this book bankers, regulators and academics pose a variety of questions from their individual perspectives: To what extent are new laws really new? What can financial institutions realistically contribute to the suppression of terrorist financing? Can individual rights be protected in these circumstances? These questions are analysed by experts who come up with some thought provoking answers.

Radicalisation has become an important part of the twenty-first-century security and political landscape. It is a seemingly ubiquitous term, employed by academics, policymakers, civil society actors, practitioners and media alike, in ever-expanding ways--describing everything from changing domestic social movements to the growth of international terrorism. This volume provides a comprehensive treatment of 'radicalisation': the processes during which individuals or groups adopt increasingly extreme political, social or religious beliefs, positions or aspirations, particularly in cases associated with the use of violence. Adopting a multifaceted and comparative approach, the contributors interrogate this phenomenon from wide-ranging social, ideological, religious and historical angles. The first part of the book explores how academia has engaged with the concept of radicalisation, including the ontological and epistemological concerns of Critical Terrorism Studies; theoretical models for understanding radicalisation; and approaches to radicalisation through the various lenses of identity, gender, youth and media. The second part explores manifestations of radicalisation through a range of diverse case studies, including the Falun Gong movement; Aum Shinrikyo; Far-Right trans-nationalism; white nationalist lone wolves and the 'Great Replacement' thesis; ISIS and Western jihadists; deradicalisation programmes; hero myths; the Extreme Right in Eastern Europe; and the dark side of globalisation.

Terrorism is not a new phenomenon but has been present for over two thousand years. It has been used to advance ethnic, religious, and ideological goals; it has been used by dissidents and states to maintain control; it has been used at times as a means for attaining or maintaining power for its own sake. Terrorism has often appeared as a response to the intrusion of outside groups in established societies. This book places terrorism in a historical and analytical context. It is a comparison of terrorist groups over time, noting both similarities and differences. It will also contribute to discussions of the underlying causes of terrorism by providing a broader context than is usually attempted. It is important to put recent terrorist events in an appropriate context and to learn what history has to offer for dealing with this type of political violence.

The Northern Ireland peace process has been heralded by those who participated in it as a successful example of transformation from a violent conflict to a peaceful society. However, the Good Friday Agreement ('the Agreement') negotiated by the British and Irish governments and the Northern Irish political parties did not in fact represent the end of the peace process; instead it offered a template through which Northern Ireland could reach a sustained peace. That template presented a programme for the return to normality of Northern Ireland. This book explores whether Northern Ireland is still an outlier from the rest of the UK, or whether the Agreement's plan for Northern Ireland has been fully realised. The book examines the implementation of the Northern Ireland peace process as a whole. However, its main focus is on the impact of new types of terrorism, and government responses to that new terrorism, on the process of normalising Northern Ireland. The internal and external factors that have impeded Northern Ireland's transformation from an exceptional part of the UK to one that is consistent with the political and societal features of the other regions are analysed.It also considers the normalisation of 'post-conflict' Northern Ireland in the context of the expansion of anti-terrorism legislation for international terrorism in the whole of the UK. In doing so the book highlights the continuing use of exceptional anti-terrorism laws in Northern Ireland outside of the emergency for which they were originally intended, as well as revealing the extent to which Northern Ireland's past anti-terrorism laws have been re-enacted as permanent, non-emergency legislation for the whole of the UK. The book thus demonstrates the difficulties that transitional or post-conflict states face in attempting to wind back extraordinary counter-terrorism policies after periods of violence have been brought to an end.

"The authors argue that queer, black, brown, and foreign bodies, and the so-called threats they represent, such as immigration reform and same-sex marriage, have been effectively linked with terrorism. These awful conflations... are enduring and help to explain the contradictions of contemporary U.S. politics. We are far from a "post "post-9/11 world." Ronald R. Sundstrom, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, The University of San Francisco, United States "If you want to understand how a new biopolitics of citizenship is containing bodies of the nation by re-inscribing sex and race into it and how this new biopolitics is being resisted you must read this book." Engin F. Isin, Professor, Department of Politics and International Studies, The Open University, United Kingdom

The Balkans—the gateway between East and West—are also Europe's soft underbelly, a rough neighborhood where organized crime and terrorism present a constant threat. This eye-opening book details how 15 years of misguided Western interventions, political scheming, and local mafia appeasement, compounded by a massive infusion of Arab cash, fundamentalist Islamic preaching and mosque-building have allowed radical Islamic groups to fill in the cracks between internal ethnic and religious schisms and take root in key areas of the Balkans. With all eyes currently focused on the widening conflict in the Middle East and the terrorist threat coming from the region, the West is in danger of overlooking a potent new battleground in the greater war on terror—the Balkans. This historically volatile region saw some of the worst violence of the late 20th century in the Yugoslav Wars of Secession. During these conflicts, stunningly shortsighted and politically motivated policies of the United States and its allies directly allowed Islamic mujahedin and terrorist-related entities to establish a foothold in the region—just as with the progenitors of the Taliban a decade earlier in Afghanistan. Although the 9/11 attacks caused a partial reassessment of Western policy, it may already be too late for a region still largely ignored. The proliferation of foreign fundamentalist groups has had a cancerous effect on traditional Balkan Islamic communities, challenging their legitimacy in unprecedented and often violent ways. Well-funded groups like the Saudi-backed Wahabbis continue to exploit internal schisms within local communities, while the international administrations in Bosnia and Kosovo have actually strengthened the grip of local mafia groups—business partners of terrorists. Worst of all, the Western peacekeepers' chronic don't rock the boat mentality has allowed extremist groups to operate unchallenged. Nevertheless, regional demographic and cultural trends, coinciding with an increasingly hostile attitude in the larger Muslim world over Western military actions and perceived symbolic provocations, indicate that the lawless Balkans will become increasingly valuable as a strategic base for Islamic radicals over the next two decades. Utilizing the post-al-Qaeda tactics of a decentralized jihad carried out through small, independent cells (leaderless resistance) while seeking to fundamentally and violently remold Muslim societies, such Balkan-based extremists pose a unique and tangible threat to Western security.

This study demonstrates that Syria's role in the Middle East has been, since 1974, an unabated terrorist war against all attempts to resolve peacefully the Arab-Israeli conflict. Marius Deeb provides evidence that Syria's role in Lebanon, since 1975, has been to perpetuate the conflict among the various Lebanese communities in order to keep its domination of Lebanon

Disasters are part of the modern condition, a source of physical anxiety and existential angst, and they are increasing in frequency, cost and severity. Drawing on both disaster research and social theory, this book offers a critical examination of their causes, consequences and future avoidance.

The Defence of Terrorism, originally written in 1920 on a military train during the Russian Civil War, represents one of Trotsky's most wide-ranging and original contributions to the debates that dominated the 1920s and '30s. Trotsky's intention is "far away from any thought of defending terrorism in general". Rather, he seeks to promote an historical justification for the Revolution, by demonstrating that history has set up the 'revolutionary violence of the progressive class' against the 'conservative violence of the outworn classes'. The argument is developed in response to the influential Marxist intellectual Karl Kautsky, who refuted Trotsky's 'militarisation of labour' and Lenin's wholesale rejection of a 'bloodless revolution'. The introduction, written for the second edition of 1935, presents Trotsky's reflections on the similarities between Kautsky and the burgeoning British Labour Party: specifically, it recapitulates Trotsky's belief that revolution conducted according to the norms of Parliamentarianism is no revolution at all.

A long list of countries - labelled outcasts, pariahs and rogues - have failed to meet international standards of good conduct. In the Cold War years Rhodesia, Israel, Chile, Taiwan and South Africa, among others, featured among the ranks of the disreputable. In modern world politics, the serious sinners not only include states: terrorists, rebels, criminals and mercenaries also participate in the great game of who gets what, when and how. Highlighting the rules of good behaviour that both state and non-state actors have violated, Geldenhuys takes a novel approach that breaks through the narrow parameters of the rogue state paradigm and of other state-centric perspectives.

This book deals with the causes, nature, and impact of the divisions within the jihadi movement, and the splits between jihadis and other Islamic groups. Fault Lines in Global Jihad offers a systematic and comprehensive examination of the broad range of divisions that contribute to the weakening of the jihadi movement. It separates these divisions into two broad categories, namely fissures dividing jihadis themselves, and divisions separating jihadis from other Muslim and Islamist groups. The first part of the book covers intra-jihadi divisions, highlighting tensions and divisions over strategic, tactical, and organizational issues. The second part of the book addresses several important case studies of jihadi altercations with other Muslim and Islamist groups of non-jihadi persuasion, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, and the Shii community. More than simply an enumeration of problems and cracks within al-Qa'ida and its cohorts, this book addresses critical policy issues of relevance to the broader struggle against the global jihadi movement. The editors conclude that these divisions have and continue to weaken al-Qa'ida, but neither in an automatic nor in an exclusive fashion-for these divisions render the global jihadi movement simultaneously vulnerable and more resilient. This book will be of much interest to students of jihadism, terrorism and political violence, Islamism, security studies and IR in general.

This lucid and original work argues for a new style of political leadership, one which pays deliberate and sophisticated attention to the emotional dynamics of the public. In exploring this basic idea of 'emotional governance', Barry Richards also examines the often unhelpful contributions of the news media to the 'emotional public sphere'. A case study of terrorism, as a highly emotional topic and as a key political issue in many liberal democracies, grounds the book's ideas in today's political landscape.

This book provides a study of the war by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to create a separate state in Sri Lanka. It examines the ways in which this war should, in principle, have invoked 'Responsibility to Protect' principles, as well as the political, legal and practical problems involved and, ultimately, why the international community failed to act. Over the years there have been several events, including those in Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste, Darfur, and Kosovo, that have led the international community to accept a responsibility to protect. However, despite its overwhelming preliminary endorsement, the principles of this concept are still not universally sanctioned and there are some strong international opponents, including some countries that were initial signatories of the convention. By considering the example of Sri Lanka, the text focuses on what conditions could satisfy or demand the application of responsibility to protect. It further presents a case as to why this conflict was, and may still be, the normative responsibility of the international community. Sri Lanka and the Responsibility to Protect will be of great interest to students of South-East Asian politics, human rights, international law, ethnic conflict, security studies and IR in general.

In this book eminent philosopher Burton Porter examines the concept of "forbidden knowledge" in religion, science, government, and psychology. From the tree of knowledge in the Garden of Eden (forbidden fruit), to world altering scientific research (nuclear power, stem-cells, cloning) to damning government secrets (Abu Ghraib, domestic spying), to traumatic experiences that individuals want to repress (sexual abuse), humanity has encountered knowledge that has been hidden and suppressed. We experience this denial as a loss of control and respect, and we want to know exactly what knowledge has been prohibited and why we cannot have access to it. Forbidden knowledge, therefore, is of enormous interest to the general public. The basic question, then, is: when, if ever, should knowledge be forbidden? Are there sacred realms that human beings are not meant to explore? Can scientific research be a Frankenstein monster, which will harm us one day? When are government secrets necessary for national security, and when does the public have a right to know? Is too much information classified? When do databanks, eavesdropping, and surveillance invade our privacy? Is self-deception justified if the truth would be psychologically disturbing? In short, can we know more than is good for us? The author takes the general position that too much material is prohibited, especially today, even while business and government invade individual privacy more and more. A primary assumption in a democracy is that we can have confidence in the people, so information should not be forbidden unless there is a vital and compelling reason to withhold it.

Without Borders: The Haqqani Network and the Road to Kabul is the untold story of the origins, political awakening, and rise of what the United States and its allies call the Haqqani Network, and what the Haqqani family calls the Haqqani Mujahideen. The author lived with the Haqqanis as a young reporter for the New York Times in the 1980s, in the mountains of eastern Afghanistan, when they were America's allies in the Afghan-Soviet war. After 9/11, the network became America's enemy. This book tells the exciting story of how the author began to try to find the Haqqanis again, and, later, his quest to understand their influence in the greater Middle East. This is the story of the rise of an ideology and movement born in the Mongol conquest of Baghdad in 1258, which resurfaced in Arabia and India in the 18th Century, lived on in the anti-Christian, anti-British, anti-European, and anti-Russian colonial movements of the 19th and 20th centuries, and in modern times evolved, with American help, into the Haqqani Mujahideen and their allies and followers around the world.

Why do the Chinese sometimes speak out against America, and yet at other times, remain silent? This book takes a provocative and innovative position: nationalist anti-American rhetoric in China is often really a means for people to criticize their own government, rather than that of the US. This book uses a variety of previously untapped sources, including a wide range of news sources within China itself, weblogs, and interviews with prominent figures, to make a powerful new argument about the causes and consequences of the new Chinese nationalism.

This ground-breaking book examines the political-economic characteristics of twentieth- and early twenty-first-century 'neo-jihadism'. Drawing on Bourdieusian and neo-Marxist ideas, it investigates how the neo-jihadist organisations Al Qaeda and Islamic State engage with the capitalist paradigm of neoliberalism in their anti-capitalist propaganda and quasi-capitalist financial practices. Richards reveals interactions between neoliberalism and neo-jihadism characterised by surface-level contradiction, and structural connections that are both dialectical and mutually reinforcing. Neoliberalism here constitutes an underlying 'status quo', while neo-jihadism, as an evolving form of political organisation, is perpetuated as part of this situation. Representing unique and exclusive examples of the (r)evolutionary phenomenon of neo-jihadism, Al Qaeda and Islamic State have reconstituted the dominant political-economic paradigm of neoliberalism they mobilised in response to. -- .

There is a wide spectrum of potential threats to the U.S. homeland that do not involve overt attacks by states using long-range missiles or conventional military forces. Such threats include covert attacks by state actors, state use of proxies, independent terrorist and extremist attacks by foreign groups or individuals, and independent terrorist and extremist attacks by residents of the United States. These threats are currently limited in scope and frequency, but are emerging as potentially significant issues for future U.S. security. In this comprehensive work, Cordesman argues that new threats require new thinking, and offers a range of recommendations, from expanding the understanding of what constitutes a threat and bolstering Homeland defense measures, to bettering resource allocation and improving intelligence gathering and analysis.

No pattern of actual attacks on U.S. territory has yet emerged that provides a clear basis for predicting how serious any given form of attack might be in the future, what means of attack might be used, or how lethal new forms of attack might be. As a result, there is a major ongoing debate over the seriousness of the threat and how the U.S. government should react. This work is an invaluable contribution to that debate.

The recent proliferation of studies on terrorism has brought scholars from different fields and approaches to converge on this phenomenon. As a result, economists, social and political scientists have developed theories, evidence and, in a sense, even a peculiar jargon of their own. Starting from this assumption, the book aims to bring scholars with different expertise and background around the same table, showing how their individual perspectives can contribute to a broader understanding of the issue at stake. In other words, the aim that inspires the book is that the multi-disciplinary nature of terrorism requires a concerted effort by social sciences - in particular, economics and political science. The book deals with a number of issues - from the definition and forms of terrorism, to its economic determinants, from the distribution and forecast of terror attacks to the measurement of their impact on societies.

A history of Reading's iconic gaol: architectural landmark, cultural emblem and symbol for a community determined to cherish the town's heritage. Layers of history and art are carefully peeled back as Peter Stoneley reveals its past as architectural showcase for Sir George Gilbert Scott's decorative (and expensive!) style, location for experiments in prison reform, training ground for the leaders of the Irish Independence movement and, of course, the inspiration for Oscar Wilde's famous Ballad of Reading Gaol. Bringing the narrative right up to the present day with the discussions over its future use, the impact of the ArtAngel exhibition and Banksy's graffiti, this book is a timely platform for the building to tell us its story.

Cyber Terrorism: Political and Economic Implications is a cyber terrorism brief that outlines many of the recent terrorist activities, political objectives, and their use of cyberspace. Much of this book is dedicated to illustrating the use of the global information infrastructure by terrorists for the communication and coordination of distributed terrorist cells, the gathering of target intelligence, and the use of cyber criminal activities as a force multiplier for both physical attacks and infrastructure destabilization. This book identifies the underlying technologies of the global information infrastructure as a means for presenting how critical this emerging domain has become. It then discusses the current attack methods and lays out a series of scenarios for key industry sectors. Lastly, ""Cyber Terrorism: Political and Economic Implications"" puts forward prevention and response policies for reducing cyber terrorism activities in the context of traditional information security objectives.

This book uses a comparative analysis to examine foreign policy discourses and the dynamics of the 'War on Terror'. The book considers the three principal members of the Coalition of the Willing in Afghanistan and Iraq: the United States, Britain and Australia. Despite significant cultural, historical and political overlap, the War on Terror was nevertheless rendered possible in these contexts in distinct ways, drawing on different discourses and narratives of foreign policy and identity. This volume explores these differences and their origins, arguing that they have important implications for the way we understand foreign policy and political possibility. The author rejects prevalent interpretations of a War on Terror foreign policy discourse, in the singular, highlighting that coalition states both demonstrated and relied upon divergent policy framings to make the War on Terror possible. The book thus contributes to our understanding of political possibility, in the process correcting a tendency to view the War on Terror as a universal and monolithic political discourse. This book will be of much interest to students of foreign policy, critical security studies, terrorism studies, discourse analysis, and IR in general.

This book explores men's attraction to violent extremist movements and terrorism. Drawing on multi-method, interdisciplinary research, this book explores the centrality of masculinity to violent extremist recruitment narratives across the religious and political spectrum. Chapters examine the intersection of masculinity and violent extremism across a spectrum of movements including: the far right, Islamist organizations, male supremacist groups, and the far left. The book identifies key sites and points at which the construction of masculinity intersects with, stands in contrast to and challenges extremist representations of masculinity. It offers an insight into where the potential appeal of extremist narratives can be challenged most effectively and identifies areas for both policy making and future research.