Undoubtedly timely and full of fascinating detail, Sword of Islam is a thorough, well-researched, and revealing account of global Islamic terrorism. A military historian, John F. Murphy Jr. traces the intricate interconnections among various terrorist cells, including Osama Bin Laden's Al-Qaeda and its relationship with the Taliban of Afghanistan, the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt, Islamic Moro extremists in the Philippines, obscure Algerian terrorist groups, and other sympathetic underworld organizations in Lebanon, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, Syria, Libya, Yemen, Pakistan, and even South America. He also puts recent terrorist attacks in historical context by discussing such key events as the rise of Arab nationalism following Israel's victory in the 1948 war, the Black September killings of Israeli athletes at the 1972 Olympics, the 1976 rescue at Entebbe by Israeli commandos of hostages abducted by German terrorists, the terrorist plots of the infamous "Carlos the Jackal," the bombing of the US Marine barracks in Beirut in 1983, and the impact of the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the Mujahideen resistance of the Russian invasion of Afghanistan in the same year.
This book supplies the answer to the question that has been on the minds of all Americans since September 11: Why do they hate us? Murphy makes it clear that as the chief backer of Israel the United States is seen by extremists as the evil power behind the hated oZionist enemy.o But he also emphasizes that in the final analysis we are the only country with the power to bring these attacks to a halt.

This book examines the practice of urban resilience past and present, drawing on deeper global historical sources and detailed case-studies of contemporary Britain. It argues that resilience is neither new nor necessarily about protecting ordinary people, but part of a long struggle over the control of cities.

Much is known about the media's role in conflict, but far less is known about the media's role in peace. Graham Spencer's study addresses this deficiency by providing a comparative analysis of reporting conflicts from around the world and examining media receptiveness to the development of peace. This book establishes an argument for the need to rethink journalistic responsibility in relation to peace and interrogates the consequences of news coverage that emphasizes conflict over peace.

War in the post-9/11 world is far different from what we expected it be. Counterinsurgency and protracted guerrilla warfare, not shock and awe, are the order of the day. David Kilcullen is the world's foremost expert on this way of war, and in The Accidental Guerrilla, the Senior Counterinsurgency Advisor to General David Petraeus in Iraq surveys war as it is actually fought in the contemporary world. Colouring his account with gripping battlefield experiences that range from the jungles and highlands of South and Southeast Asia to the mountains of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border to the dusty towns of the Middle East and the horn of Africa, The Accidental Guerrilla will, quite simply, change the way we think about war. While conventional warfare has obvious limits, Kilcullen also stresses that neither counterterrorism nor traditional counterinsurgency is the appropriate framework to fight the enemy we now face. Certainly, traditional counterinsurgency is more effective than counterterrorism when it comes to entities like Al Qaeda, but as Kilcullen contends, our current focus is far too narrow, for it tends to emphasize one geographical region and one state. The current war presents a much different situation: stateless insurgents and terrorists operating across large number of countries and only loosely affiliated with each other.

Europe Confronts Terrorism examines the institutional, political, security and reforms that have taken place in Europe since the catastrophic terrorist attacks in the United States in 2001. The tragic attacks in Madrid on 11 March 2004 - to date, the worst terror attack on European soil - demonstrated that Europe was also a target, and emphasized the necessity of decisively defeating the al-Qa'ida organization, movement and network. Europe undertook a number of reforms, not only as a response to the terror attacks, US unilateralism and individual country concerns about becoming the next target, but also as part of a process that had been underway since the 1970s.

State-of-the-art counter-terrorism techniques, insights into modern medical practice, medical errors, and disaster prevention all intersect in this groundbreaking book by Adam Dorin, M.D., an anesthesiologist and medical director across 15 years. Dr. Dorin shows us why our healthcare system may be the next Ground Zero for terrorism and how many opportunities there are for terrorists to infiltrate the system. He offers a history of medical and healthcare-related serial killers, showing how they got inside the system to murder relatively easily, takes a detailed look at the profound problems that already exist in counterfeit and tainted medicinal products, and describes biological, chemical, and nuclear terrorism that could be used against our healthcare system. Most critically, Dr. Dorin presents a detailed blueprint for safeguarding our system and preventing medical terrorism from ever taking place. In tackling largely hidden but potentially deadly issues such as the failures of security at hospitals and surgical centers, Dr. Dorin's unique book offers the first in-depth public expose and loud alert to the risks and gaping weak spots in our healthcare system. Written simply and clearly, this work will interest all readers concerned with terrorism and the ways they might become victim to it. Dr. Dorin's warnings should certainly also interest and inform leaders and employees in the security, law enforcement, and medical fields.

The author of this work argues that if Harold Wilson's government in the late Sixties has pursued a different policy the province might have been spared The Troubles. Wilson had promised the Catholics that they would be granted their civil rights. However, new evidence suggests that Westminster was deliberately gagged to prevent MPs demanding that the Stormont administration ended discrimination in the province. Had the government acted on intelligence of growing Catholic unrest, it could have prevented the rise of the Provisional IRA without provoking an unmanageable Protestant backlash. The book draws upon recently released official documents and interviews with many key politicians and civil servants of the period to examine the failure of British policy to prevent the troubles.

Terrorist violence can often seem both irrational and indiscriminate. This book is an attempt to describe why terrorists attack particular targets. Looking at terrorist groups from around the world, and over the past 100 years, it examines the nature of terrorism and the various factors which influence terrorists' target selection. In particular it looks at the influence of the ideologies, strategies and tactics of terrorist groups, and describes how these are restricted by the terrorists' resources, by security and anti-terrorist measures, and by society within which the terrorists operate. The book also shows how target selection can be affected by the nature of the terrorists themselves and by their supporters. Overall it concludes that apparently irrational and indiscriminate terrorist attacks are frequently the result of factors which are both explicable and logical.

This book will systematically examine how Supreme Court detainee cases have been implemented over time with an emphasis on the role of the president in this process. More specifically, it will test the hypothesis that an active, energetic executive branch has the ability to powerfully shape the implementation process of judicial decisions in a policy area it has deemed important. It concludes that the President, though just one of many actors in the implementation process, wields considerable influence and has a variety of tools that can be used to shape the manner in which judicial decisions are implemented and achieve his policy goals. It also explores why presidents seem to have the upper hand in the implementation process when compared with the power and influence of Congress and the courts.

"This volume investigates the role of the transnational terrorist and criminal organizations in the peace-building processes, with a particular focus on the Western Balkan region. Conducted within the framework of human security analysis, the research focuses on the security of the human being"--

Violent politcs in Northern Ireland has lasted thirty years and cost four thousand lives and billions of pounds. Many such conflicts afflict the world. This book describes the search for causes and solutions. It identifies the key factors driving violent politics and the range of counter-strategies. It analyzes the course of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, and the results of the counter-measures used. The conclusions are disturbing. The recommendations are controversial, but difficult to escape.

Politics is one method of solving conflicts. War is another. Violent politcs - lying in the zone between peace and war - is a third, used increasingly to trump conventional politics. Michael Addison, soldier and scholar, explores the history and myths of terrorism; he describes the search for causes and solutions; he identifies the key factors driving violent politics and the range of counter strategies. In particular, he challenges conventional thinking on thirty-three years of conflict in Northern Ireland, through battle, tribal warfare, stalemate then peace process. With thousands dead, tens of thousands injured or maimed and bilions spent, Violent Politicsasks: Could the people of Northern Ireland have been better served? Should the Peace Process fail, what next?

Pakistan, which since 9/11 has come to be seen as one of the world's most dangerous places and has been referred to as "the epicenter of international terrorism," faces an acute counterterrorism (CT) challenge. The book focuses on violence being perpetrated against the Pakistani state by Islamist groups and how Pakistan can address these challenges, concentrating not only on military aspects but on the often-ignored political, legal, law enforcement, financial, and technological facets of the challenge. Edited by Moeed Yusuf of the US Institute of Peace, and featuring the contributions and insights of Pakistani policy practitioners and scholars as well as international specialists with deep expertise in the region, the volume explores the current debate surrounding Pakistan's ability-and incentives-to crack down on Islamist terrorism and provides an in-depth examination of the multiple facets of this existential threat confronting the Pakistani state and people. The book pays special attention to the non-traditional functions of force that are central to Pakistan's ability to subdue militancy but which have not received the deserved attention from the Pakistani state nor from western experts. In particular, this path-breaking volume, the first to explore these various facets holistically, focuses on the weakness of political institutions, the role of policing, criminal justice systems, choking financing for militancy, and regulating the use of media and technology by militants. Military force alone, also examined in this volume, will not solve Pakistan's Islamist challenge. With original insights and attention to detail, the authors provide a roadmap for Western and Pakistani policymakers alike to address the weaknesses in Pakistan's CT strategy.

This book deals with challenges of security in Nigeria, including the relationship between security and peace as imperatives for national development. It also analyses the various sources of insecurity in Nigeria and the challenges they pose to democratic governance. The book is a minefield of data on incidences and patterns of violent conflicts in Nigeria since May 29, 1999, which scholars and other readers are likely to find useful. __________________ J. Isawa Elaigwu, Ph.D (Stanford) is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science at University of Jos, Nigeria. He has served as a consultant to many national and international agencies. A widely traveled academic, his works have been published within and outside Nigeria. Among his books are - Gowon: A Scholarly Biography of Soldier-Statesman; The Politics of Federalism in Nigeria; Nigeria: Yesterday and Today for Tomorrow; Fiscal Federalism in Nigeria: Facing the Challenges of the Future; and Topical Issues in Nigeria's Political Development. He is the editor of the bi-annual African Journal of Federal Studies and President of the Institute of Governance and Social Research (IGSR), Jos, Nigeria, and the lead facilitator of the Peace in Jos Project.

Britain's Long War assesses the process of strategic change within the British Government's position on Northern Ireland, starting with Westminster's first intervention in 1969 and ending with the Belfast Agreement in 1998. Drawing on a vast range of primary sources including recently released cabinet papers, Peter Neumann analyzes the aims, strategy and restraints of British policy in Northern Ireland. MARKET 1: Undergraduates and Postgraduates studying British Politics; Northern Ireland; Modern British History; International Conflict; Ethnic Conflict; International Relations

Shane O'Doherty joined the IRA at 15 years of age and was later arrested. He was one of the first prisoners to work his way past the negativity of the philosophy of armed struggle, beginning to recommend publicly and privately an end to violence and a full engagement with the democratic process. From his prison cell, O'Doherty courageously wrote letters of apology to his victims. This is a graphic account of his life in the IRA and explains why ordinary people might turn to terrorism.

"This analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict offers a wide-ranging theoretical framework to approach various aspects of terrorism, guerilla and antiguerilla warfare, the peace process, and other complex issues. The distinction between the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and that of the Jewish State and its neighbors has been neglected in past writings. The author suggests that this distinction is the key to understanding not only the extent of international support obtained by the PLO, but the setbacks and the ability to withstand them, that are characteristic of Israel's position." Shofar

This study examines a political-military tradition in sub-Saharan Africa which has survived colonialism as well as the Cold War. Five modern African insurgencies are evaluated: Madagascar 1947, Kenya (Mau Mau) 1952-63, Cameroon (UPC) 1955-70, Congo/Zaire (Kwilu) 1964-8 and Mozambique (RENAMO) 1977-92. These case-studies demonstrate a persistent link between traditional African religion and contemporary nationalist movements whose political as well as military significance has frequently been underestimated and often misunderstood.

The politics of fear have come to dominate much of the political agenda in many countries in the wake of 9/11. "Terrorism, Elections, and Democracy" examines how the fear of terrorism affected how elections were fought and won in 2004 and 2005. The book finds original and compelling evidence for how security issues dominated elections in the United States and Russia, while discussing why British politics were relatively unchanged. The findings suggest that the democratic intentions of elections can be overwhelmed when politicians, journalists, and the public focus on fear rather than politics in a campaign.

Japanese war orphans left behind in Manchuria at the end of World War II are forgotten victims of the war. These 5,000 children were trapped in the strained postwar Sino-Japanese relationship, grew up in China, were bullied as "little Japanese demons," and then were persecuted as "Japanese spies" during the Cultural Revolution. They experienced every imaginable human atrocity: they were shot or stabbed with bayonets, witnessed group rape, massacres, and mass suicide, became displaced persons in an enemy country, and lost their identities. They endured what the American soldiers and the Guantanamo Bay Prison inmates combined encountered--near fatal injuries, post-traumatic stress disorder, interrogations, and torture. Upon delayed repatriation four decades later, they were despised as "Chinese" in their homeland. This original book demonstrates that they are another group of victims of Japanese militarism, in addition to the Chinese and Korean "comfort women" and forced laborers. The orphan issue is an integral part of the Japanese government's war responsibility.

In the past eight years, there has been a massive increase in government spending on counterterrorism intervention development and implementation. Given this increase, there are two evidence-based policy questions that are important to address:

Is there evidence that any of these programs are effective - in other words, can they be shown to be linked to reducing terrorism, terrorist recruiting, or to improving the response and management of terrorist events?

Do these interventions have secondary or collateral effects that may be costly, harmful, illegal, beneficial, or otherwise?

As Lum and Kennedy discovered in an evaluation research on counterterrorism interventions, only a minuscule number of empirical studies of terrorism exist and there is an almost complete absence of evaluation research on counter-terrorism strategies. This is startling given the enormous increases in the development and use of counter-terrorism programs, as well as spending on counter-terrorism activity. Even more disconcerting was the nature of the evaluations we did find; some programs were shown to either have no discernible effect on terrorism or lead to increases in terrorism. The emphasis of the need for empirical research in evaluating interventions and informing policy cannot be overstated, and is the primary goal of "Evidence-Based Counterterrorism Policy."

We cannot truly understand - let alone counter - terrorism in the 21st century unless we also understand the processes of communication that underpin it. This book challenges what we know about terrorism, showing that current approaches are inadequate and outdated, and develops a new communication model to understand terrorism in the media age.

Baker provides a unique insider perspective on factors affecting British Muslim converts and their susceptibility to violent radicalisation, including firsthand accounts of convicted terrorists Richard Reid (the "Shoe Bomber"), Zacarius Moussaoui (the 20th 9/11 bomber), and Abdullah el-Faisal who is alleged to have been a radicalising influence.

In the last 50 years, terrorists have committed hundreds of horrific acts of violence to further their causes. This accessible, single-volume text covers the most significant terrorist acts across contemporary history worldwide. Since the attacks on September 11, 2001, terrorism has remained the chief threat to international stability and security. The 50 Worst Terrorist Attacks draws on all forms of terrorism-international, transnational, and domestic-anywhere in the world, covering all types of acts (e.g., bombings, assassinations, armed attacks, skyjackings) by any organization and ideology. The work goes beyond documenting the key events that occurred in or involved the United States; it also covers important terrorist attacks by left- and right-wing organizations, religiously motivated groups, and separatists that are largely unknown among Western audiences. Each entry supplies the details of the attack-the perpetrators, victims, and eventual resolution-as well as the political, social, and international contexts in which the event occurred. Readers will grasp the evolution of terrorist activities and methodologies in the 20th and 21st centuries, understand the importance of each event in the development of the terrorist repertoire, and gauge the responses intended to counter these new kinds of attacks. Provides a chronological treatment of all major terrorist attacks in the last 50 years worldwide, enabling readers to grasp how terrorist acts have changed over time Clearly explains the importance of each attack in terms of how the event spawned new types of attacks or targets, elicited new government responses, resulted in increased media coverage, or otherwise served as a turning point in the history of terrorism Provides a readable review of representative attacks that illustrates the differences in terrorists' thinking, goals, milieu and reach, and attack styles; and the differences in responses and their effectiveness Documents terrorists' targeting of U.S. citizens and interests in the United States and abroad Reflects the economic impact of increasing security measures in response to terrorist attacks and threats, both at home and internationally

How does one effectively fight suicide bombers? What threat do they hold for Western society? How do people who love peace reconcile the need for war? Noted genocide expert Israel W. Charny addresses these questions in this highly personal description of suicide bombings and terror as the opening salvos of a Third World War. Charny first seeks to understand what makes suicide bombers tick, as well as the culture from which they emerge. Taking this understanding of what he calls human evil, he then proposes a hawkish campaign that ultimately emphasizes peace rather than irrational fear. By deeming suicide bombing and terrorism as necessary subjects in the study of psychology, Charny presents yet another weapon in the war against terrorism-a war that he believes will only escalate without drastic action. Ultimately, he calls for a worldwide campaign for life led by religious and secular leaders across the globe. He concludes the book with a vignette from Islamic culture that speaks nobly to furthering peace and life.

What policy is best for the United States to reduce the threat of Islamic extremist terrorism? Recent American presidents have applied alternative conflict resolution approaches. Clinton practiced conflict avoidance, talking tough but rarely retaliating against anti-American terrorist attacks. G. W. Bush adopted a fighter approach and the Global War on Terrorism and military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq reflect this strategy. Obama introduced a third alternative: problem solving and extending peaceful overtures while keeping up resistance. Will the strategy succeed? Feste analyzes presidential rhetoric on counterterrorism policy through the lens of issue framing, enemy aggression, self -hardship, and victimization expressed in a variety of speeches delivered by these chief executives to highlight and compare their conflict resolution strategies.