Film and terrorism go back a long way. The very birth of cinema in the 1890s coincided with an early golden age of terrorism, as bomb-throwing anarchists and nationalists captured headlines in countries as far apart as France and India. "Cinematic Terror" provides the first history of cinema's depiction of terrorism from the early 1900s to the present day. It looks at how cinema has been the site of conflict between filmmakers and terrorists for over a century and identifies important trends in the ways that film industries in Europe, North and South America, Asia, Africa and the Middle East have framed terrorism. From the birth of moving pictures to the internet age, the author explains how filmmakers from around the world have depicted terrorists, have made money and propaganda out of terrorism, and have died at the hands of terrorists. Professor Shaw shows that for over a century, cinema has had a profound impact on peoples' understanding of terrorism.

Dabashi's newest book is a meditation on suicidal violence in the immediate context of its most recent political surge and a critical examination of the radical transformation of the human body, supported by close readings of cinematic and artistic evidence.

This book is concerned with the role that communication - understood as including both the factual and fictional mass media as well as the performative and visual arts - can play in post-civil war peacebuilding. It engages with questions of how a society can move from the civil war conditions of discursive dehumanisation to peaceful cooperation in post-civil war settings and how peacebuilders can help communities utilise the transformative capacity of communication to encourage the reimagining of and engagement with former enemies as co-citizens. Ultimately, civil and peaceful cooperation depends on the observance of discursive civility and the building of safe discursive spaces in which civil engagement between different groups of society (including former combatants and survivors) can safely take place. This book argues that understanding communicative peacebuilding in this way is fundamental to the achievement of self-sustainable everyday peace.

Terrorism: Commentary on Security Documents is a series that provides primary source documents and expert commentary on various topics relating to the worldwide effort to combat terrorism, as well as efforts by the United States and other nations to protect their national security interests. Volume 144, Autonomous and Semiautonomous Weapons Systems, examines the impact of robots and autonomous and semiautonomous weapons systems on the waging of modern warfare. It considers the likely effects of emerging technological innovations in this area from both a political and strategic standpoint, in addition to considering the implications of such technologies within the context of the law of armed conflict and international humanitarian law. This volume is divided into three sections: (1) U.S. policy and approaches to the use of autonomous and semiautonomous weapons systems; (2) U.S. armed forces use of such weapons systems; and (3) potential terrorist use of such weapons systems. Official policy documents from the DoD and the U.S. Army and Air Force are complemented by reports from the Strategic Studies Institute/Army War College Press and other U.S. military sources.

After a coup in 1964 that ousted Brazil's leftist President João Goulart from power, a brutal military dictatorship took the reins of the state. As a result, elements of the persecuted Brazilian Communist Party split from a more peaceful, orthodox line and declared their intent to wage an insurgent war against the government, plunging the country into a conflagration of violence marked by cycles of urban bombings, political assassinations, institutional torture, kidnappings, and summary executions. Concrete Inferno relays this period in Brazil in a lucid narrative history, exploring what drove the military coup of 1964, the subsequent rise of the Armed Left, and the successes and failures of the insurgency and how it concluded. Stretching from the rumblings of discontent during João Goulart's ascendancy in 1961 to the strange conclusion of the dictatorship in 1985, the book draws on new primary sources and a wealth of English- and Portuguese-language resources to provide a complete and evenhanded portrait of the conflict.

Former political officer for the Nicaraguan Resistance (the contras), Rogelio Pardo-Maurer shares his experiences of the factional dynamics of that group in this provocative new study. Providing an historical account of internal politics in the Resistance, Pardo-Maurer analyzes the principle factions or issues of contention, devoting special attention to the influence of the U.S. political process on Resistance policy. The book provides an intriguing inside look at one of the most controversial resistance movements of the 20th century. Pardo-Maurer follows the internal dynamics of the contras from the exposure of Oliver North to the signing of the ceasefire at Sapoa, the period in which he served as political assistant to the representative of the Resistance in Washington, DC.

Most recent works about the efforts of local communities caught up in a civil war have focused on their efforts to remain places of security and safety from the violence that surrounds them-neutral peace communities or zones. This book, in contrast, focuses on local peace communities facing new challenges and opportunities once a peace agreement has been signed at the national level, such as those in South Africa, the Philippines, Burundi, East Timor, Sierra Leone, and the present peace process in Colombia between the FARC and the Colombian Government. The communities' task is to make a stable and durable peace in the aftermath of a violent civil war and a deal on which local people have usually had little or no influence. Such agreements seek to involve them in both short and longer term peace-building, and expect local communities to cope with problems of armed ex-combatants, IDPs and refugees, law and order in the absence of much state presence, high unemployment and the need for widespread and massive reconstruction of physical infrastructure damaged or destroyed during the war. How local communities have coped with the demands of "peace" is thus the theme that runs through each of these individual chapters, written by authors with direct experience of grassroots communities struggling with such "problems of peace."

This is the first comprehensive discussion of all the main philosophical issues raised by terrorism against the background of its past and recent developments. Prominent philosophers discuss definitions of terrorism, approaches to its moral evaluation, and the contentious subject of state terrorism. Also included are four case studies, showing how the concepts and arguments philosophers deploy in discussing violence, war and terrorism apply to particular instances of both insurgent and state terrorism, ranging from World War II to September 11, 2001.

This book explores how ordinary Arab-speaking social media users have reacted to propaganda from the Islamic State, rather than how IS propaganda has targeted ordinary users, thus providing a change in perspective in the literature. The authors provide a comprehensive account of the evolution of the Arabic discourse on IS, encompassing all phases of the Caliphate's political evolution, from the apogee of the Islamic State in October 2014 to the loss of its unofficial capital of Raqqa in September 2017. Taking into account key events, the book also considers the most recurrent topics for IS and its opponents who engage in the Twitter conversation. The analysis is based on around 29 million tweets written in the Arabic language, representing a random sample of around one-third of all Arabic tweets referring to IS over the 2014-2017 timeframe.

This book analyses the reasons for women's participation in the various Lebanese and Palestinian militias involved in the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990). Whilst most existing accounts of the Civil War in Lebanon either overlook the roles and experiences of women entirely or focus on women as victims or peacemakers only, 'Women and the Lebanese Civil War' highlights that women were involved as militants (and often also as fighters) in all of the militias partaking in the war. Analysing individual motivations, organisational characteristics, security-related aspects and societal factors, the book explains why women were included as fighters in some of the militias but not in others. Based on extensive fieldwork in Lebanon, the book is the first comprehensive study of female perpetrators and supporters of political violence during the Lebanese Civil War. Beyond the case of Lebanon, it questions widespread assumptions about the roles of women at times of violent conflict and war.

Challenging the standard paradigm of terrorism research through the use of Norbert Elias's figurational sociology, Michael Dunning explores the development of terrorism in Britain over the past two centuries, focusing on long-term processes and shifting power dynamics. In so doing, he demonstrates that terrorism as a concept and designation is entwined with its antithesis, civilization. A range of process sociological concepts are deployed to tease out the sociogenesis of terrorism as part of Britain's relationships with France, Ireland, Germany, the Soviet Union, the industrial working classes, its colonies, and, most recently, jihadism. In keeping with the figurational tradition, Dunning examines the relationships between broad, macro-level processes and processes at the level of individual psyches, showing that terrorism is not merely a 'thing' done to a group, but part of a complex web of interdependent relations.

There is a long history of state governments providing support to nonstate armed groups fighting battles in other countries. Examples include Syria's aid to Hamas, Ecuador's support for FARC, and Libya's donation of arms to the IRA. What motivates states to do this? And why would rebel groups align themselves with these states? In States in Disguise, Belgin San-Akca builds a rigorous theoretical framework within which to study the complex and fluid network of relationships between states and rebel groups, including ethnic and religious insurgents, revolutionary groups, and terrorists. She proves that patterns of alliances between armed rebels and modern states are hardly coincidental, but the result of systematic and strategic choices made by both states and rebel groups. San-Akca demonstrates that these alliances are the result of shared conflictual, material and ideational interests, and her theory shows how to understand these ties via the domestic and international environment. Drawing from an original data set of 455 groups, their target states, and supporters over a span of more than sixty years, she explains that states are most likely to support rebel groups when they are confronted with internal and external threats simultaneously, while rebels select strong states and democracies when seeking outside support. She also shows that states and rebels look to align with one another when they share ethnic, religious and ideological ties. Through its broad chronological sweep, States in Disguise reveals how and why the phenomenon of state and rebel group alliances has evolved over time.

"Using a transnational approach, this volume surveys the origins of Irish terrorism and its impact on the Anglo-Saxon community during an era of intense imperialism. While at times it posed sharp disagreements between Britain and the United States, their ideological repulsion to terrorism later led to cooperation in counter-terrorism strategies"--Provided by publisher.

The study of violent extremism in the wake of ISIS has largely been devoted to the process of radicalization and strategies to counter and de-radicalize extremists. However, little has been written on the subject of Diversion - early, upstream interventions aimed at deflecting individuals from a pathway of radicalization. This volume addresses this gap in scholarship by analysing the Diversion strategies being deployed worldwide, aimed at diverting or deflecting individuals, and communities, from the path of radicalization. These include Diversion methods used among social workers, teachers, counselors and the police both in relation to individuals and communities. Case studies range across the Global North and South, presented by both academic and practitioner contributors, and address different branches of radicalization, the variety of strategies used as Diversion, and the results of these interventions.

The battle is for a city. The war is for history. In autumn 2016, Iraqi forces began operations to recapture Mosul from the Islamic State. Millennia-old, Mosul was a birthplace of Western culture but also infamous for its cruelty, from the Assyrians to Saddam Hussein. Through the eyes of soldiers and families and jihadis, award-winning reporter James Verini chronicles the combat that followed. Among the most devastating urban conflicts since World War II, the battle for Mosul was both archaic and modern. Troops and jihadis fought house by house, block by block, matching bullet for bullet, while co-ordinating their movements on WhatsApp and uploading execution videos. Verini describes how this viciously contested patch of earth came to represent a war for the soul of a country, for its history and its future.

This book examines the theme of privatised violence in different political settings by focusing on the Indonesian case. It argues that the persistence of privatised violence is not solely related to the historical formation of the institutions of state power and authority; it is also intricately related to predatory forms of capitalist development. Within such contexts, privatised violence is not an obstruction, but instrumental for the capital accumulation process, constituting a state of disorder. The book contributes to understanding not only Indonesia's privatised violence but also the nature of Indonesian politics and the state.

Policy decisions in education have changed drastically as a result of the recent threats to our international and national security. In this timely and compelling collection, contributors discuss the significance of policy decisions on education systems, and argue that all forms of violence, including terrorism, are often reproduced through education. Contributors incorporate case studies from a broad spectrum of countries to make a case for peace-building alternatives and non-military security cooperation. The collection highlights education systems around the globe that sustain violence, brings together human security and preventive diplomacy research to predict future trends, explores foreign policy implications that could lead to non-violent interventions abroad, and provides teachers and policymakers with relevant reflections on reform. This collection arrives at a time when many of us are wondering what education systems can do to eliminate violence, and is the only one of its kind to address these questions on a global scale.

The war on terror is a lost cause. As the war heads towards its second decade, American security policy is in disarray - the Iraq War is a disaster, Afghanistan is deeply insecure and the al-Qaida movement remains as potent as ever with new generations of leaders coming to the fore.
Well over 100,000 civilians have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, many tens of thousands have been detained without trial, and torture, prisoner abuse and rendition have sullied the reputation of the United States and its coalition partners.
Why We're Losing the War on Terror examines the reasons for the failure, focusing on American political and military attitudes, the impact of 9/11, the fallacy of a New American Century, the role of oil and, above all, the consummate failure to go beyond a narrow western view of the world.
More significantly, it argues that the disaster of the war may have a huge if unexpected bonus. Its very failure will make it possible to completely re-think western attitudes to global security, moving towards a sustainable policy that will be much more effective in addressing the real threats to global security - the widening socio-economic divide and climate change.

This book explores the connections between migration and terrorism and extrapolates, with the help of current research and case studies, what the future may hold for both issues. Migration and Radicalization: Global Futures looks at how migrants and terrorists have both been treated as Others outside the body politic, how growing migrant flows borne of a rickety state system cause both natives and migrants to turn violent, and how terrorist radicalization and tensions between natives and migrants can be reduced. As he contemplates potential global futures in the light of migration and radicalization, Gabriel Rubin charts a course between contemporary migration and terrorism scholarship, exploring their interactions in a methodologically rigorous but theoretically bold investigation.

This handbook provides a comprehensive analysis of the contemporary theory, practice and themes in the study of national security. Part 1: Theories examines how national security has been conceptualised and formulated within the disciplines international relations, security studies and public policy. Part 2: Actors shifts the focus of the volume from these disciplinary concerns to consideration of how core actors in international affairs have conceptualised and practiced national security over time. Part 3: Issues then provides in-depth analysis of how individual security issues have been incorporated into prevailing scholarly and policy paradigms on national security. While security now seems an all-encompassing phenomenon, one general proposition still holds: national interests and the nation-state remain central to unlocking security puzzles. As normative values intersect with raw power; as new threats meet old ones; and as new actors challenge established elites, making sense out of the complex milieu of security theories, actors, and issues is a crucial task - and is the main accomplishment of this book.

Taking issue with the convenient views that the Middle East is an irrational and exceptional region of world politics and that the long and bloody history of the Palestine conflict is proof, the authors of this stimulating collection combine theoretical reflection and empirical investigation, marrying International Relations theory and Middle East studies. Through integrating macro- and micro-perspectives, tracing the interaction of global and regional environments with individuals pursuing political goals, this book rejects the cultural stereotype of "Middle Eastern exceptionalism" and argues that regional patterns of conflict are deeply embedded in international and transnational relations and that their particular trajectories have to be interpreted in the light of global political developments.

Political violence in Northern Ireland began in the late 1960s and has been part of life there and to a lesser extent in the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain for nearly three decades. The crisis has perplexed politicians, strained democratic institutions, and has placed British policies under the microscope of international scrutiny. The volume of up-to-date essays places recent developments in context. It looks at the ideology of republicans and unionists, the impediments to peace, problems of gender and citizenship, the impact of partition on the island's economy, how The Troubles have been filtered through the press, and the impact of overspill violence in the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain. This study adds an important fresh texture to the ongoing discussion of political violence and the problems in Northern Ireland.